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The First National Congress of Scientists in

Chile: The Popular Unity Government, Technology, Science, and Development

El Primer Congreso Nacional de Cientficos en Chile:

Unidad Popular, tecnologa, ciencia y desarrollo

Margaret M. Power Department of Humanities

Illinois Institute of Technology

Abstract This article explores how the Unidad Popular (UP) government (1970-1973) of Chile conceptualized the connection between its socialist model of development and science and technology. To do so it focuses on the UP-sponsored National Congress of Scientists, which was held in Santiago in July 1972. This Congress, which was the first of its kind organized in Chile, brought together UP officials, scientists, technologists, workers, and industrialists. Keywords: Popular Unity Government, Technology and Science, Development, Congress of Scientists.

Resumen Este artculo explora cmo el gobierno de la Unidad Popular (1970-1973) de Chile conceptualiz la conexin entre su modelo de desarrollo, la ciencia y la tecnologa. Para ello se centrar en el Congreso de Cientficos patrocinado por la UP, que se efectu en Santiago en julio de 1972. Este Congreso, que fue el primero de su tipo organizado en Chile, reuni a funcionarios de la UP, cientficos, tecnlogos, trabajadores e industriales. Palabras claves: Unidad Popular, Tecnologa y Ciencia, Desarrollo, Congreso de Cientficos.

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To establish channels of communication between science and productive activity, so that the former ceases to

be isolated from the problems confronting the national community; instead science will serve as a dynamic element

capable of positively influencing the transformation of the national structures and solving the problems of material and

cultural dependency.

CONICYT. Poltica para el ao 19711

The Unidad Popular (Popular Unity, UP) government (1970-1973) advocated the modernization and development of Chile as part of its project of creating an economy that met the needs of the Chilean people, not those of the foreign corporations and the wealthy Chilean elite that dominated the country2. UP leaders promoted an economic policy that drew simultaneously on Marxist theory, insights generated by dependency theorists associated with CEPAL (Economic Commission for Latin America and Caribbean)3, the experiences of recent Chilean governments, and their own studies of economic, political, and social conditions in Chile4. In order to succeed, the UP understood that it needed to receive the political support of a substantial percentage of the Chilean population; it believed that its efforts to improve the standard of living of the majority of the people would ensure their approval of and participation in the process. The UP also relied on the power of the state to formulate and implement its plans, as

1 Salvador Allende, Primer Mensaje del Presidente Allende ante el Congreso Pleno (Santiago: Talleres Grficos, 1971), 175. Presidential messages in Chile resemble State of the Union messages in the United States. However, in addition to the presidential statement delivered to the Congress, the Chilean messages also consist of massive tomes that list, in detail, all the programs undertaken by the different government ministries during the preceding year. 2 The Popular Unity coalition consisted of the Socialist Party, the Communist Party, the Radical Party, and several other smaller leftist Christian parties. 3 Latin American economists working in CEPAL, the UN institution based in Santiago, popularized the concept of the center (Europe and the United States) and the periphery (the Third World) to explain, in part, the unequal balance of trade between Latin America and the industrialized nations. In the 1960s they promoted dependency theory. 4 Arturo Escobar, Encountering Development. The Making and Unmaking of the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 80-1.

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Chilean governments had done since the late 1930s and the emergence of the Popular Front governments. According to Sergio Birap rhe UPq qrparegw eltiqimled rpalqfeppilg, rm rhe qrare rhe fundamental means of production in order to build the area of social property. This would rhel ajjmu The qrare rm aqqske control of the key centers of economic decision making and weaken the political power of the ruling groups, in order to initiate a new model of development5.

The UP government believed that socialism offered the best, in fact the only, economic model capable of abolishing both the grossly unequal distribution of wealth that characterized Chilean society and the impoverished conditions in which a large number of Chileans lived. They equally assumed that socialist economics would facilitate rheip arreknrq rm eld Chijeq economic dependency on the United States. UP officials also understood, to varying degrees and with different levels of emphasis, that the development and application of science and technology appropriate to the Chijeal peajirw uepe cpiricaj rm rhe larimlq ability to achieve these rather daunting goals.

Thiq apricje evnjmpeq rhe UPq sldepqraldilg mf rhe connections between its socialist model of development and science and technology. To do so it focuses on the UP-sponsored National Congress of Scientists, which was held in Santiago in July 1972. This Congress, which was the first of its kind organized in Chile, brought together UP officials, scientists, technologists, workers, and industrialists. The issues they debated and the proposals that emerged from the Congress offer insight into what members and supporters of the UP thought about science and technology and their links to socialism and Chilean development. The Congress, like almost every activity undertaken by the government of Salvador Allende, generated controversy. Opposition figures and scientists attacked the Congress, claiming that its emphasis on the utilitarian value of science threatened to undermine scientific research in Chile. They further argued that the Congress represented one more attempt on the part of the UP government to take control of the intellectual, academic, and

5 Sergio Bitar, Transicin, socialismo y Democracia. La experiencia Chilena (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1979), 58. During the UP years, Sergio Bitar was the Minister of Mining and a member of the cabinet.

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productive life of Chile and harness it for its socialist project, which they strongly opposed. The diverging responses this conference generated illustrate the stark contrast that existed between Chileans in favor of and opposed to the UP regarding what role science and technology could and should play in society and what constituted modernity and development.

Dreams of Modernity and Development

Chile was firmly, if unevenly, situated within the global economy during the twentieth century. Copper exports dmkilared Chijeq fmpeigl ecmlmkw ald rhpee U.S. cmknalieq (Alacmlda ald Kellecmrr beilg rhe rum japgeqr) muled Chijeq cmnnep kileq, uhich kealr rhar, il 1970 rhpee U.S. cmnnep companies negotiated fifty-lile nepcelr mf Chijeq evnmprq6. Until 1971, when the Allende government nationalized the mines, U.S. companies extracted sizable profits from the sale of Chilean copper. Despite government efforts to develop an independent economy, Chile remained heavily dependent on international (primarily U.S.) loans, technology, and products. This dependent relationship frustrated many Chileans who believed that it undermined their economy and conflicted with their vision of a modern, independent nation.

In 1938 Popular Front president Pedro Aguirre Cerda arreknred rm bpeai uirh rhe larimlq deneldelcw ml fmpeigl economic and political powers through the implementation of the import substitution model. The Aguirre Cerda government, like the Popular Front governments (1938-1952) that followed it, associated modernization and nationalism with industrialization and technology and promoted national industry and protectionist national tariffs to discourage importation of goods that could be produced in Chile7. The Popular Front governments believed that ildsqrpiajixariml umsjd ajjmu rhek rm penpmdsce rhe npmqnepirw

6 Bitar, Transicin, socialismo y Democracia, 26. 7 Karin Rosemblatt, Gendered Compromises. Political Cultures and the State in Chile, 1920-1950 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 36-40. For a comparative discussion of the connections between technology and national identity in France, see Gabrielle Hecht, The Radiance of France. Nuclear Power and National Identity after World War II (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998).

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and technological advances of the United States8. In order to coordinate and promote industrialization, the Aguirre Cerda government established CORFO (Chilean National Development Corporation), a state agency that still exists today9. By equating modernization with industrialization, Aguirre Cerda (and the presidents who followed him) foreclosed alternative paths to national development other than through industrialization.

As part of its efforts to industrialize the nation, CORFO favored the establishment of basic industries such as energy, metallurgy, and agriculture. CORFOq attempts to industrialize Chije ald rhepebw bpeai uirh rhe cmslrpwq jmlg-standing financial, technological, and productive dependency on Europe and the United States caused it to realize the pressing need for rpailed nepqmllej uirh annpmnpiare ilmwledge and technical experience10. As a result, CORFO, in collaboration with other agencies, established different institutes, such as the Instituto de Investigaciones Geolgicas (1957); the Instituto Forestal (1961); the Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones de Recursos Naturales (1964); the Instituto de Investigaciones Agropecuarias (1964); the Instituto Chileno de Energa Nuclear (1964); and the Instituto de Ilteqrigacimleq Teclmjgicaq (1968), uhmqe gmaj uaq rm gelepare, adanr, ald rpalqfep rechlmjmgw rm qsit the needs and reality of Chile11. The fmpkariml mf rheqe ilqrirsreq pefjecrq rhe qrareq auapeleqq mf Chijeq leed rm ilcpeaqe irq qcielrific peqeapch ald technological know how in order to advance, indeed make possible, its plans for national development12.

The Christian Democratic government of Eduardo Frei (1964-1970) swept to power promising to modernize and democratize the nation. Frei, who was the darling of the U.S.-sponsored

8 Rosemblatt, Gendered Compromises, 38. The Popular Front was a political and electoral alliance between the centrist Radical Party, the Communist Party, and the Socialist Party that governed Chile from 1938 to 1952. 9 Guy A. Douyon, Chilean Industrialization Since CORFO (PhD diss., American University, 1974), 94; Luis Ortega Martnez, Corporacin de Fomento de la Produccin. 50 Aos de Realizaciones, 1939-1989 (Santiago: Universidad de Santiago de Chile, 1989). 10 Manuel Krauskopf, La investigacin universitaria en Chile: reflexiones crticas (Santiago: Corporacin de Promocin Universitaria, 1992), 39. 11 Krauskopf, La investigacin universitaria, 40-1. 12 Krauskopf, La investigacin universitaria, 41.

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Alliance for Progress, believed that in order to prevent revolution, a second Cuba in the Americas, it was necessary to eliminate some of the more egregious aspects of capitalism. His plans called for agrarian reform the breakup of landed estates, the introduction of more modern and productive farming techniques, and the distribsriml mf jald rm neaqalrq; rhe ilcmpnmpariml mf kapgilaj sectors of urban and rural society into state-run organizations; and the expansion of the electorate. His government also promoted the socio-economic development of the country.

The Frei government concluded that in order to accomplish these goals, the Chilean state needed to sponsor scientific research and technological knowledge. In response to the suggestions of the scientific community it created CONICYT (National Commission of Scientific and Technological Ilteqrigariml) il 1967 rm npmkmre ald cmmpdilare larimlaj scientific activity and contribute to the training of specialized personnel13. According to one study conducted by a team of foreign experts in science and technology, since its beginnings in rhe jare 1960q CONICYT haq npmtided bpmad adtice rm rhe president of the Republic on matters of S & T [Science and Techlmjmgw] nmjicw ald haq njawed al iknmpralr pmje il rhe financing of scientific research and technological development in the cmslrpw14.

The development of CONICYT cannot be viewed in isolation fpmk rhe Fpei gmteplkelrq mtepajj cmkkirkelr rm detejmnkelr, anti-communism, and Cold War politics. As Arturo Escobar points msr, fmjjmuilg Wmpjd Wap Tum, The feap mf cmkksliqk becake ole mf rhe kmqr cmknejjilg apgskelrq fmp detejmnkelr15. Science and technology were central features of the U.S. capitalist-based model of development, (as indeed they were of

13 Anlisis de las instituciones y mecanismos chilenos de poltica y promocin del desarrollo cientfico y tecnolgico, Documento de Trabajo 3/86 (Santiago: Corporacin de Promocin Universitaria, 1986), 36. 14 James Mullin, Robert M. Adam, Janet E. Halliwell, Larry P. Mulligan, Science, Technology, and Innovation in Chile (Ottawa: International Development Research Center, 2000), XII; 21. 15 Escobar, Encountering Development, 34.

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the socialist model promoted by the Soviet Union)16. As Escobar lmreq, il pefepelce rm rhe U.S. tiqiml mf detejmnkelr, rhe unquestioned desirability of economic growth was, in this way, closely linked to the revitalized faith in science and technology17.

Secretary of State Dean Rusk made this point explicitly in his address to the National Academy of Sciences at a symposium on The Ikage mf Chile-Scielce ald Detejmnkelr. When the United States pledged its commitment to the Alliance for Progress in 1961, it recognized the central role which science and technology must play in the economic and social transformation which was envisaged under the alliance. He rhel lmred, Il Laril Akepica gelepajjw, qcielrific rajelr iq jikired il osalrirw18. After listing the U.S.-sponsored development projects then in operation in Chije, uhich palged fpmk rhe Masje Ritep npmjecr, qm pekiliqcelr to us in this country of the Tennessee Valley Authority here at home, to studies on earthquake resistant construction and physicaj mcealmgpanhw, Rsqi cmlcjsded rhar Ppmgpeqq il alw mf these scientific fields depends not so much on dollars as on manpower; the shortage still remains men. He concluded that rhe detejmnkelr mf rpailed kalnmuep, ilcjsdilg qcielriqrq is an essential component mf Chijeq gpear larimlaj gmajq19.

This belief in the need to enhance the scientific awareness and technological capacity of Chile led the Christian Democratic government to create CONICYT, encourage the study of science in schools and universities, and promote popular understanding of the value of science and technology. For example, the University of Concepcin created the Institutos Centrales de Ciencias Bsicas, uhich mffeped npmgpakq uirh evcjsqitejw acadekic gmajq, rhar iq rm qaw, lmr npmfeqqimlaj [mleq], in order to encourage the study of science as an end in itself20. To heighten public awareness of the importance and value of science and technology, the Frei government also sponsored special programs for young people

16 N. Krementsov, Stalinist Science (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997); D.R. Weiner, A Little Corner of Freedom. Russian Nature Protection from Stalin to Gorbachev (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999). 17 Escobar, Encountering Development, 38. 18 Deal Rsqi, Scielce ald Detejmnkelr il Chije, Department of State Bulletin 51: 5 (1964): 635. 19 Rsqi, Scielce ald Detejmnkelr, 636-7. 20 Anlisis de los instituciones y mecanismos, 9.

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qsch aq Scielriqrq fmp a Mmlrh, ald Ymslg Pemnjeq Scielce Fairq, rhe fipqr mf uhich rmmi njace dspilg rhe Pmnsjap Ulirw gmteplkelr. Ir auapded a npixe il Techlmjmgicaj Illmtariml rm a nepqml mp ilqrirsriml uhich haq kade iknmpralr rechlmjmgicaj contributions to the community or used technology to benefit society21.

Despite these initiatives, the Christian Democratic gmteplkelrq arreknrq rm cpeare a qcielrific ald rechlmjmgicaj community in Chile that would meet the needs of the nation and allow the country to lessen its dependence on foreign technology and scientific development failed. This is not to say that no advances occurred during the Frei years. The number of students enrolled in universities and institutes increased. In 1950 only 9,000 students were enrolled in higher education; by 1969 that number had risen to 71,00022. Hmuetep, leirhep rhe Chijeal gmteplkelrq emphasis on industrialization nor the protective measures it adopted to encourage it succeeded in overcoming Chilean reliance on foreign, especially U.S. based technology23. As an UNCTAD study on rhe rpalqfep mf rechlmjmgw rm Chije cmlcjsdeq, The almost exclusive reliance on imported technology and its acquisition through foreign investments and licensing agreements hate beel rhe kail ejekelrq il rhe ildsqrpiajixariml mf Chije24. This reliance came at a high cost. As the study concluded, Dipecr costs of imported technology constitute more than one third of total domestic research and development expenditures and more than rhpee rikeq rhe cmslrpwq evneldirspeq fmp ildsqrpiaj ald scientific research25. Between 1962 and 1986 Chile paid a total of $79,480,650 in royalties, commissions, and direct costs for technical assistance for technological services; in 1968 alone it paid $16,507,919, to multinational corporations for payment for

21 Anlisis de los instituciones y mecanismos, 20-1. 22 UNCTAD, Major issues arising from the transfer of technology: A case study of Chile (New York: United Nations, 1974), 3. 23 Smke mf rheqe keaqspeq ilcjsde high rapiff uajjq, jmlg jiqrq mf npmhibired iknmprq, raveq ald qspchapgeq ml iknmprq mf ceprail gmmdq, il UNCTAD, Major issues, 5. 24 UNCTAD, Major issues, 6. 25 UNCTAD, Major issues, 20.

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the technology26. The expenses associated with importing the necessary technology required to industrialize the nation stymied Chilean efforts to overcome dependency through industrialization and by and large failed. As Osvaldo Sunkel points out,

Annapelrjw npmrecriml favoured national industry, but the traditional foreign connections, by a sort of acrobatic leap, overcame the protectionist tariff and the policies of prohibition of imports. Far from disappearing, they increased27.

This failure, combined with the disappointing results of the

Frei presidency in general, clashed with the expectations that the Fpei gmteplkelr had paiqed ald cmknmslded nemnjeq qelqe mf disillusionment with the Christian Democrats. In the late 1960s Chile was still a highly dependent economy, the rural landowners controlled an extensive amount of the Chilean countryside, the wealthy exerted a political influence grossly disproportionate to their actual numbers, and many Chileans lived in poverty. Popular frustration and dissatisfaction however served to heighten the growing appeal of the Popular Unity government and explain, in part, the 1970 presidential victory of Salvador Allende.

The Politics and Plans of the Popular Unity Government

They can never resolve the nations fundamental problems precisely

because of their class privileges that they will never voluntarily give up () The only real alternative () is to end imperialist, monopolist, and oligarchic

landowner domination and begin the construction of socialism in Chile28

In 1970 Socialist Party leader Salvador Allende won a tough

three-way presidential election, becoming the first Marxist to be

26 Orlando Caputo ald Rmbeprm Pixappm, Deneldelcia e iltepqil evrpaljepa, in Chile Hoy, Centro de Estudios Socio-Econmicos, Universidad de Chile (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1970), 203. 27 Oqtajdm Ssliej, Narimlaj Detejmnkelr Pmjicw ald Evreplaj Deneldelce il Latin Akepica, il Development Studies Revisited. Twenty-five Years of The Journal of Development Studies (Savage, MD: Frank Cass and Co, 1989), 296. 28 Unidad Popular, Programa bsico de Gobierno de la Unidad Popular (Santiago: Impresora Horizonte, 1970), 3-10.

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democratically elected as a national leader in history29. The Chilean left, specifically the Communist and Socialist parties, was deeply steeped in Marxist tradition and ideology. As Marxists, kekbepq mf rhe Pmnsjap Ulirw gmteplkelr bejieted il qcielrific qmciajiqk, cjaqq qrpsggje, ald qrare njallilg30. As Chileans who despised the inequities and backwardness they attributed to a dependent capitalist economy, they opposed U.S. government and corporate political and economic domination of their country. Iknepiajiqk haq qrmjel lskepmsq peqmspceq fpmk Chije, al amount equal to the capital invested in the country, capital developed thpmsghmsr msp larimlq hiqrmpw31. They blamed U.S. corporations, specifically the copper companies and other multinationals such as ITT, the International Telephone and Tejegpanh Cmknalw, fmp Chijeq sleosaj bajalce mf rpade, nmteprw, and the skewed system of production that failed to meet the needs of the vast majority of the Chilean population. They did not, however, hold the U.S. government and foreign corporations solely responsible for these problems. Indeed, they also blamed rhe Chijeal bmspgemiqie whose extensive financial, industrial, and business holdings and wealth were, they claimed, the result of the poorly remunerated labor of the Chilean working class and peasants. The mulepq mf caniraj ajuawq ualr rm eapl kmpe money, not satisfy the needs of the Chilean people32. The UP saw the construction of socialism as a process that would simultaneously establish Chile as an independent nation, organize its economy to meet the needs of the majority of its citizens, and bring advancement and modernity to the country33.

29 The other two candidates were Radomiro Tomic from the Christian Democratic Party and Jorge Alessandri from the rightist National Party. Allende won a small plurality of the vote, an outcome that is not unprecedented in Chilean elections where a number of candidates frequently run for office. 30 The following paragraphs draw heavily on the Programa bsico de Gobierno de la Unidad Popular (Basic Program of the Popular Unity Government), which describes the leftiqr cmajirimlq bejiefq ald njalq. The UP upmre rhe Programa bsico and distributed it widely prior to the September 1970 presidential elections. 31 Unidad Popular, Programa bsico, 6. 32 Unidad Popular, Programa bsico, 4. 33 Allende, Primer Mensaje, vi-vii.

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Two other factors influenced the program of the Popular Unity: rhe ecmlmkic qrare mf rhe lariml ald rhe nemnjeq abysmally low standard of living. Government leaders believed that the current methods and goals of production (private profit) failed to meet the needs of the Chilean people. They held the system of latifundio (large, rural estates farmed with peasant labor) peqnmlqibje fmp rhe baciuapdless and misery that characterize the Chilean countryside. Aq a peqsjr, ajrhmsgh Chije cmsjd sustain a population of thirty million, three times the current population () according to official statistics some fifty percent of young people under the age of fifteen are malnourished. In addition, the Popular Unity coalition decried the high levels of ilfalr ald adsjr kmprajirw, ijjirepacw, ald rhe jack of housing in the rural zones34. Fsprhepkmpe, ilqread mf gpmuilg, qilce 1967 the economy has gone backwards. This means that in 1966 each Chilean had a larger quantity of goods than he has today35.

In 2003 Esteban Soms, an architect and urban planner, was working in ODEPLAN (Office of National Planning). During the Ajjelde weapq he uaq dipecrmp mf ODEPLANq Regional Planning office36. He believes that one of the problems that confronted Chije il rhe eapjw 1970q uaq rhe sldepsrijixariml mf rhe larimlq productive capacity, which contributed to unemployment and dependence on imports. He noted that the Allende government ualred rm sqe rhe fsjj npmdscrite canacirw mf rhe ecmlmkw il order to meet the material and spiritual needs of the Chilean people37.

The UP gmteplkelr njedged rm jibepare Chije fpmk irq subordination to foreign capital. This [plan] will lead us to expropriate imperialist capital and carry out a policy of self-financed growth; set the conditions in which foreign capital can operate so that it will not be expropriated; achieve greater technological independence. In addition, the leftist coalition npmkiqed panid ecmlmkic gpmurh ald decelrpajixariml il mpdep to obtain the maximum development of the forces of production, taking optimal advantage of the human, natural, financial, and

34 Allende, Primer Mensaje, 9. 35 Allende, Primer Mensaje, 10. 36 Soms fled to Mexico after the 1973 coup that overthrew Allende and returned to Chile in 1990 once Pinochet lost power. 37 Esteban Soms, Author interview (Santiago, Chile: July 21, 2003).

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technical resources available in order to increase the productivity of work and to satisfy the demands of independent economic development, as well as the needs and aspirations of the working nemnje, uhich ape cmknaribje uirh a diglified ald hskale jife38.

The Allende government recognized that the expansion of scientific research and the development of technology were critical to the transformation of Chile into a socialist nation. Ajmlg uirh mrhep qrpscrspaj npmbjekq, qsch aq eldekic ilfjariml ald iknepiajiqr nelerpariml, rhe Pmnsjap Ulirw arrpibsred Chijeq lack mf ildsqrpiajixariml rm rhe abqelce mf a nmjicy of technological development39. Thus, although the development of qsch a nmjicw uaq lmr mle mf rhe UPq rmn npimpirieq, ir uaq a significant concern. Esteban Soms recalls,

The issue of technology was at an incipient stage [during the Allende years]. [Modern] technology was beyond the reach of the small producer or peasant. Thus, our principal goal was making technology accessible to people. I remember how happy [peasants] in a cooperative that had been established through the agrarian reform were when we installed a machine that could select seeds for planting beans. CORFO began to deliver machinery to peasants in order to modernize planting in the countryside40.

The Popular Unity Government and Modernization

Although they do not say so explicitly, officials of the UP

government conflated modernization with the transition to qmciajiqk. Aq Eqrebal Smkq lmred, kmdeplixariml uaq lmr napr mf the political language of the time. Hmuetep, he added, if rhe attempt to change the feudal system of latifundia for one based on agrarian reform or changing the ownership of the mines, which was concentrated in the hands of two or three large transnational cmknalieq iqlr kmdeplixariml [rhel uhar iq ir?]41. They equated socialism with political, social, cultural, and economic progress and capitalism with a retrograde system that failed to develop the

38 Unidad Popular, Programa bsico, 24. 39 Ortega Martnez, Corporacin de Fomento, 221. 40 Soms, Author interview. 41 Soms, Author interview.

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productive potential of Chile or satisfy the needs of its people. In his first presidential message to the Chilean Congress, Allende called on the body to institutionalize the profound socioeconomic transformation that was taking place in Chile. He compared Chile rm Rsqqia ald lmred rhar if Rsqqia uaq abje rm rhili rhar backwards Europe [a reference to the state of the Russian economy and the lack of industrialization at the time of the petmjsriml] cmsjd fild irqejf il fpmlr mf adtalced Espmne, then Chile too could emerge as a developed nation. Like many Marxists, Allende associated backwardness and underdevelopment with capitalism, and progress and modernity with socialism.

Tmdaw, lm mle dmsbrq rhar bw rhiq narh [qmciajiqk], larimlq uirh a japge mass of people can, in a relatively brief period, break with backwardness and put themselves on the same level as that of other civilizations of our time42.

The Popular Unity government inherited a country that was

technologically underdeveloped and scientifically dependent on Europe and the United States. The UP government understood that in order to modernize the nation it needed to develop a sound scientific base and increase the popularimlq rechlmjmgicaj capacity. One of the major problems the UP government addressed was the so-called fuga de cerebros or brain drain, which Allende characterized aq mle mf rhe kmqr qepimsq bspdelq rhar rhe hegemonic nations impose [upon us]43. The brain drain led large numbers of scientists and technicians to leave Chile and work abroad during the 1960s and early 1970s. Between 1965 and 1968 610 trained personnel left Chile and went to the U.S. to work, a lskbep rhar penpeqelred 17 nep celr mp mle-sixth of fellowships for professional training abroad granted through official government sources in the same period. As a result of this large-scale departure of some mf Chijeq beqr ald bpighreqr, il fmsp years the United States alone absorbed an equivalent of more than one-half of the highly qualified senior scientific/technical personnel reported for 1970 and almost one-fifth of all

42 Allende, Primer Mensaje, vi. 43 Allende, Primer Mensaje, xxxiii.

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scientific/technical research personnel available in Chile in 196944.

Almrhep facrmp rhar ikneded rhe UP gmteplkelrq njalq rm generate scientific and technological research was how and where much of this research took place. In the United States much scientific and technical research is carried out by companies and industries, which have the resources to sponsor it. As a result, it is tied directly to the productive and innovative needs of the companies and industries that sponsor it. This was not the case in Chile in the 1960s or early 1970s. Instead, most research took place in the universities, conducted by scientists and technicians who were disconnected from industry and therefore isolated, as the opening quote stated, from many of the productive process. The separation between production and research, or research and development, was one of the specific problems that the UP government hoped to address and resolve at the Congress of Scientists.

The UP government sponsorship of the first Congreso Nacional de Cientficos (National Congress of Scientists) in Santiago in 1972 reflects its commitment to scientific research and the increased use of technology. Yet, this commitment was ideologically chapged ald pefjecred rhe UP gmteplkelrq mtepall political plans and values. As a result, the Congress generated a significant amount of political debate and opposition. Thus, the National Congress of Scientists offers a window into how both the pro and anti-UP scientific community, as well as government officials, understood science and technology and its connection to national development.

The National Congress of Scientists

The National Congress of Scientists was the first national gathering of scientists in Chilean history. Organized by CONICYT, whose director was appointed by and supportive of the Popular Unity, it had the full backing of the government. The main goal of the cmlfepelce uaq rm mtepcmke rhe ditmpce rhar eviqrq berueel the scientific and technological activities and the productive

44 UNCTAD, Major issues, 55-6.

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qecrmp45. Plans for the congress began in December 1971, when regional work committees were set up in major cities throughout the country to organize the congress.

Universitybased researchers, personnel from government agencies, and workers and personnel from both privately and publiclyowned factories joined the committees46. From the beginning, the organizers discarded any claims of political neutrality; instead they struggled to define the tasks of scientists and technicians in accordance with the program of the Popular Unity and what they perceived to be the needs of Chile. This approach inevitably generated strong opposition, as I will discuss below.

One of the main concerns of both the organizers and the UP government was the issue of dependency. As the weekly magazine Ercilla lmred, The rmsgheqr jau mf kmdepl qcielrific npmgpeqq iq astonishing in its simplicity: the protagonists of the technological revolution are in the developed world; all the rest, in one way or the other, are mepejw rhe chmpsq mf rhiq dpaka47. Claudio Iturra, the executive secretary of CONICYT, stated,

In the developed countries a strong tie exists between production and scientific activity. The United States has already planned the investments it will make in the scientific disciplines in 1980 [he wrote in 1971] () In the underdeveloped countries, by way of contrast, production is tied to foreign production and science is connected to foreign ideas. Without cutting these ties, our task is to make the connection between science and national production in order to obtain our technological independence48.

Another theme of the congress was the need for scientists (whom the Communist Party newspaper El Siglo referred to as rpabajadmpeq de ja cielcia [science workers]) to overcome the rpadirimlaj ditmpce rhar eviqred berueel investigation and production. In the inaugural act of the conference, held in Santiago on July 27, 1971, Victor Barberis, the president of

45 Augusto Salinas, Ciencia, Estado y Revolucin: un anlisis del caso Chileno, 1964-1973 (PhD diss.: Pontificia Universidad Catlica de Chile, 1993), 333. 46 El Siglo, May 25, (1972): 73. Committees were set up in La Serena, Valparaso, Concepcin, Antofagasta, Santiago, and Valdivia. 47 Ercilla, December 1-7 (1971): 60. 48 Ercilla, December 1-7 (1971): 60.

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CONICYT, summoned scientists to join with technicians, workers, and the owners of capital to dedicate their work to bringing progress to the nation. He called on Chilean scientists to reclaim qcielce, uhich he defiled aq hatilg a slitepqaj ald hskaliqric meaning, but which has deteriorated, transformed into an instrument of the higher powers, controlled by the nations with adtalced detejmnkelr49.

The belief that Chile needed to overcome its technological

dependence infused the presentations of many who attended the conference50. Members of the congress argued that technology should be developed to meet the needs of people, not just to profit the corporations that patent it51. Techlmjmgw qhmsjd be a qmcial gmmd, lmr al ecmlmkic gmmd. Thew nmilred msr rhar Fjekilg never charged royalties for the use of penicillin: doctors are

49 El Siglo, July 28 (1972): 1.

50 I would like to thank Claudio Iturra for sending me the announcement for the Congress of Scientists. 51 Similar debates continue today, as reflected in the struggle to make drugs for people with HIV or other diseases widely available at a low or no cost.

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conscious that their discoveries or inventions belong to all of humanity52.

On the first evening of the congress, President Allende stepped to the podium and addressed the roughly 1,000 scientists, professionals, and workers who had gathered. He lauded the first scientific congress held in Chile and pledged his support for the expansion of scientific and technological research. He decried the infamous brain drain that negatively affected Chile and many other underdeveloped nations:

The Chijeal nemnje ksqr eld deneldelcw ald rm dm rhiq ue leed scientists and technicians. Unfortunately men and women [this is the only mention of women in the coverage of the Congress that I came across] who have been educated with sacrifice in Chilean universities leave the nation to work in other countries that offer them better ecmlmkic npmqnecrq.

In order to help correct this outward flow of Chilean scientists and technicians and to contribute rm Chijeq mtepajj development, Allende pledged to raiqe rhe gmteplkelrq contribution to scientific research from 0.5% to 1% of the GNP. This is not much money and the increase is not that significant becasqe, aq Ajjelde nmilred msr, Chije haq few resources and major problems53.

One goal of the conference uaq rm mtepcmke rhe qcielrific and technological underdevelopment that exists in the country. Almrhep aik uaq rm derepkile uhm ue [rhe qcielriqrq] ape, uhar [resources] we have, and what lines of investigation we are elgaged il, according to Biology Professor Mario Ricardo Salinas. Picking up on the theme that scientists needed to work more closely with industry, Ricardo Salinas criticized the fact that most qcielrific ilteqrigarimlq rmmi njace il slitepqirieq, lmr ildsqrpw. And, to compound the probjek, kalw mf rheqe ilteqrigarimlq ignore what the nation needs, [and are carried out with] plans designed abroad [using the] standards of developed countries, [upirrel] il mrhep jalgsageq. He concluded,

52 Ercilla, December 1-7 (1971): 6. Alexander Fleming discovered penicillin in 1928. 53 Ercilla, December 1-7 (1971): 6.

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The current task is not to give ourselves the luxury of investigating things that appeal to our refined taste, but to investigate that which Chile needs. It would be absurd for us to spend huge sums of money to determine the blood groups of mummies from Upper Egypt and at the same time place no importance on understanding the reproductive cycle of the loco (Abalone)54.

A representative from the Organization of the American

States spoke at the closing of the Congress. He said that he agreed uirh Ajjelde becasqe rhe rechlmjmgicaj chalge rhar Laril America is experiencing does not make use of our scientific system. He added rhar rhe jmalq fpmk ilreplarimlaj organizations are scarce and in high demand. Patricio Rojas, a Chilean who worked in the Inter American Council for Education, Science, and Culture of the Organization of American States concluded that,

rhe mljw hmne [mf mtepcmkilg rheqe npmbjekq] iq rhpmsgh rhe

development of centralized scientific planning, such as has occurred in the last decade with CONICYT, whose great challenge is to harmoniously unite the creation and reception of science with production in Latin America55.

The Voice of the Opposition

Not all scientists felt so positive about the congress, and criticisms emerged before, during, and after it. Some scientists refused to even attend the conference because they considered it rmm idemjmgicaj, rmm ksch a pefjecriml mf rhe UPq nmjiricq uirh which they disagreed.

The criticisms of the congress varied and controversy about it began in the early stages of planning for it. One major criticism was that the UP government was politicizing science, which some opposition scientistq bejieted qhmsjd be mbjecrite. For example, the report of the Commission on Human Sciences (one of the commissions set up prior to the conference) emphasized the need rm eld rhe iknjicir npacrice mf pefeppilg rm rhe lmriml mf science solely in relation to the fields traditionally called the exact natural

54 La Nacin, July 31 (1972): 10. The loco is a popular seafood in Chile. 55 Ercilla, August 9-15 (1972): 46-7.

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sciences, and failing to apply it to those disciplines that study the organization, behavior, and production of human beings. In peqnmlqe, a kilmpirw mf rhiq cmkkiqqiml (rhe mnnmqiriml) iqqsed a qrarekelr cpiricixilg rhe cmkkiqqimlq arreknrq rm defile hiqrmpw baqed ml ceprail idemjmgicaj eldq. Thiq kilmpirw ilqiqred rhar, peqeapch qhmsjd lmr be jikired to certain historical or ideological tendencies. The work of scientists should not be based on the future use of the information that they will contribute56.

Augusto Salinas, a Chilean professor who studies the history of science in Chile, attended the congress and was part of the group of dissidents that sharply criticized the politics of the conference. He believed that it was important to defend the integrity of science as a field open exclusively to trained scientists; he also argued that science had nothing to do with politics and should be isolated from any political interference. He wrote that the planning of and attendance at the congress should have been limited to scientists, which was not the case. The umpi commissions allowed a large number of people to join them, the majority of whom had only the slightest relationship to scientific or technological research. The work commissions were dmkilared bw Mapviqrq ald qcielriqrq ald rechlicialq uhm uepe not Marxists were excluded from the planning57. He believes that the real goal of the congress was not to advance either scientific or technological research but to allow the UP government, through CONICYT, to control the research that took place in the country58.

Another topic of conflict had to do with how science and technology are used and the conditions under which scientific research can prosper. The specific issue at hand was the problem mf rhe bpail dpail, rhe facr rhar kalw mf Chijeq beqr-trained scientists had left or were leaving the country to secure better positions abroad. An editorial in El Mercurio, the newspaper of the Chilean elite and the opposition to Allende, jumped into the debate. Ir agpeed uirh rhe nmqrsjare mf rhe cmlgpeqq rhar rhe investments made in the fields of science and technology should

56 Ercilla, August 9-15 (1972): 48. 57 Salinas, Ciencia, Estado y Revolucin, 336. 58 Salinas, Ciencia, Estado y Revolucin, 346.

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lead to the mitigation of urgent social needs. However, it blamed the brain drain on the policies of the UP government,

If rhe kealq rhar kel mf qcielce leed [rm cmldscr rheip umpi] ape lacking, then it should come as no surprise that they emigrate to other countries that do possess the facilities they need to carry out their academic work.

The apricje apgsed rhar rhe bpail dpail haq ilrelqified dse rm

the reduction in funds needed to carry out high quality scientific investigation. The instruments that are needed to carry out this work are imported, as are the spare parts. And the Central Bank [which the government controlled] has made it difficult for them to be imported. It concluded rhar rhiq peajirw cmlqrirsred mle more attempt by the Marxists to impose cultural isolation on the country. Not only does the government refuse to give money to import foreign books, magazines, and movies, it also blocks university research59.

An interview with Dr. Fernando Monckeberg, a world-renowned nutritionist, followed less than a week later in El Mercurio60. When asked whether or not he thought that the industrial sector should engage in research, he answered,

Uldmsbredjw rhew cal ald rhew qhmsjd. Hmuetep, irq difficsjr. Fipqr

because they work with foreign patents, the technology comes from abroad. As a result, [national] industry cannot justify expenditures that rarely produce benefits. Second, research is expensive and only the large industries in the advanced countries can afford it61.

Monckeberg did not attend the Congress of Scientists

becasqe, aq he qrared, I didlr bejiete rhar ir umsjd lead to anything positive. Instead, he stated that the goal of the congress uaq rm dicrare a politic that would define scientific research based on the need to find concrete solutions to [problems of] social welfare. He rejected the thesis of the UP government that

59 El Mercurio, August 7 (1972): 2. This statement ignores the economic boycott the U.S. imposed on Chile, which included blocking loans and the shipment of spare parts to the Latin American nation. See U.S. Congress. 60 In 1998 the Chilean government awarded Dr. Monckeberg the prestigious Premio Nacional de Ciencias Aplicadas Tecnolgicas. 61 El Mercurio, August 13 (1972): 2.

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qrpscrspaj chalgeq il Chijeq ecmlmkw umsjd qmjte rhe larimlq problems. Ilqread, he arrpibsred adtalced larimlq jetej mf detejmnkelr rm rheip abijirw rm cpeare ald srijixe qcielrific ald technological advances to benefit their societies. Monckeberg ajqm arrpibsred rhe cmslrpwq ecmlmkic baciuapdleqq rm rhe socialist goverlkelrq larimlajixariml mf bsqileqqeq ald ildsqrpw. He argued that state ownership of industry failed to generate the iliriarite ald kmritariml rhar npitare mulepqhin did. The jaci mf commercial incentive affects the technological backwardness of the socialist system or develops its industrial capacity in a unilateral fashion62.

Outcome of the Conference

Supporters of the government declared the conference a success because it established the need for increased government assistance to scientific research and because Allende publicly pledged to double the amount of money given for this purpose. In addiriml ir uaq rhe fipqr rike rhar qcielriqrq had fsjjw napricinared in productive activity, that responsible professionals who work in universities have had the opportunity to debate together common problems and seek proposals to solve them63. Participants also deemed the conference a success because it clearly affirmed their political understanding of the links between scientific and technological dependency and the backward state of the Chilean economy. Ana Mara Pratt has worked in CONICYT since it began in 1967. In a recent interview, she declared the Congress a success becasqe ir defiled a larimlaj npmgpak [fmp qcielce], uhich uaq one of the governkelrq mbjecriteq. Up until that time, there had not been a national program, which was one of the reasons that CONICYT was created64. Finally, the Congress formally recognized that the primary responsibility of scientists and technologists was to dedicate their research to solving the problems facing Chile.

The UP government both supported and promoted the Cmlgpeqq. Ajjeldeq 1973 keqqage rm Cmlgpeqq ilcjsded a jelgrhw statement on the activities on CONICYT in 1972. The National

62 El Mercurio, August 13 (1972): 2. 63 La Nacin, August 1 (1972): 2 64 Ana Mara Pratt, Author interview (Santiago, Chile: July 22, 2003).

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Congress of Scientists was the first activity listed in the report. Afrep bpiefjw qskkapixilg rhe Cmlgpeqq, rhe penmpr lmred, mtep 3,000 Chijeal qcielriqrq alajwxed rhe qrare mf Chijeal peqeapch. Thew rhel fmpksjared rhe npilcinaj npmbjekq rhar affecred rhe development of this work, and concluded with a series of recommendations whose slow implementation represents a work mandate for CONICYT during the years to come. As a result of the Congress, CONICYT was restructured and formed four new sections: 1) Universities; 2) Institutional; 3) Sciences; 4) Technologies65. However, neither CONICYT nor the Popular Unity government was able to carry out its plans. Less than four months after he delivered this message, Allende was dead, and the Chilean military had overthrown the Popular Unity government. As a result, few, if any, of the major proposals made by the congress were implemented.

Conclusion

The Popular Unity government had an ambitious plan that it was not able to realize. In this article I argue that the gmteplkelrq effmprq to transform Chile into a socialist nation were simultaneously an attempt to modernize Chile. As Marxists, leaders of the Popular Unity defined the construction of socialism as part of the historical path toward progress. They believed that socialism, as they understood it, would both meet the needs of the population and bring modernity to a backward society.

Their attempts met with serious obstacles; it could not have been otherwise. Although Chile was not one of the poorest nations in Latin America, it shared a history of dependency, underdevelopment, and a grossly unequal distribution of wealth with the rest of the region. It also had implacable and powerful enemies: the Chilean elite and the U.S. government. Since the late 1930s successive Chilean governments had attempted to industrialize Chile and thus break with its dependence on foreign, principally U.S. imports. Celrpaj rm Chijeq deneldelcw uaq irq failure, perhaps its inability, to develop scientific and technological research based on the needs and knowledge of the

65 Salvador Allende, Mensaje Presidencial. Allende ante el Congreso Pleno (Santiago: Talleres Grficos, 1973), 254-5.

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nation. Chile, like the rest of Latin America, imported machinery, paid for patents, and copied methods developed in other countries, based on different realities and resources. Chilean scientists and technicians obtained higher degrees abroad, read texts written in English or French, sought funds for research and travel from foreign foundations, and adopted many of the values and perspectives of the schools in which they studied or of the foundations upon which they depended for financing.

The Popular Unity government recognized this problem; however, by and large, it did not, perhaps could not, solve it. By 1972 the Chilean economy was in crisis: rates of inflation were astronomically high, there were shortages in basic supplies, and truckers strikes paralyzed the transportation network. The opposition and the U.S. government contributed to the economic crisis, hoping to undermine the popularity of the government. Given what little resources it had, the UP government prioritized consumption and spent money on projects that would directly and immediately benefit the population.

Given the tremendous demands placed upon it to meet nemnjeq needs, and the powerful forces operating against it, both Chilean and North American, it is remarkable that the UP government organized the National Congress of Scientists. The Allende government clearly understood the critical need to develop a politics of science and technology that emphasized the needs of Chile and that contributed to breaking the ties of dependency that had long bedeviled the nation. Although it was unable to achieve its goals, it is significant that the Chilean government initiated a debate and sanctioned an approach to science and technology in the third world that is still relevant to the global debate on these issues today.

Bibliography

Primary Sources Allende, Salvador. Primer Mensaje del Presidente Allende ante el Congreso Pleno. Santiago: Talleres Grficos, 1971. ___. Mensaje Presidencial. Allende ante el Congreso Pleno. Santiago: Talleres Grficos, 1973.

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Recibido: 10 de enero, 2011 Aceptado: 8 de marzo, 2011

Correo electrnico: power@iit.edu