[Articles from Vanguard, September-October 1985]

The Communist Party has always advocated a firm and correct political orientation.... This orientation is inseparable from a style of hard struggle. Without a firm and correctpolitical orientation it is impossible to promote a style of hard struggle. Without the style of hard struggle, it is impossible to maintain a firm and correct political orientation. —Mao

RED SALUTES TO MAO

Your wound's and the blood you have spilt Are still alive in our eyes We are watchful as ever, Carrying your thought,The world is moving ahead And we are ever with it.

Mao's IX Death Anniversary

Thorough - going Materialists are Fearless

"Nothing is hard in this world, if you dare to scale the heights". Like music that s full of vigor, these lines of Mao imparts to us inexhaustible strength.

As long as we adhere to the Party's basic line, carry forward the dauntless revolutionary spirit, dare to fight class enemies at home and abroad and know how to fight them, we can certainly surmount every difficulty and continuously push forward the revolutionary cause of the proletariat.

Mao's brilliant verse shows the bright prospects before the tortuous struggle and us we have to go through on our way forward. It was with such magnificent spirit and powerful words that Mao depicted the lofty aspirations of the proletariat. It inspires us to continue our revolutionary march forward and scale one height after another.

"Even great storms are not to be feared. It is amid great storms that human societyprogress". (Mao).

We, Marxists - Leninists are revolutionary optimists. Our revolutionary optimism differs from blind optimism in that we understand the dialectics of historical development.

"Thorough - going materialists are fearless". (Mao)

To be proletariat revolutionary optimist, we must diligently study Marxism-Leninism-Mao's Thought, immerse in the fierce class struggles, draw rich political nourishment from them and earnestly remold our outlook.

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Only thus we can heighten our revolutionary spirit, strengthen our confidence in Victory and become Vanguard fighters in our revolution with a heroic spirit to "clasp the moon in the Ninth Heaven and seize turtles deep down in the five seas".On the occasion of the ninth death anniversary of our great Marxist teacher, Mao, we pledge to follow forever Marxism-Leninism-Mao's thought, as our telescope and microscope and continuously scale new heights one after another inspire of enormous hurdles and obstacles in our March towards victory in the New Democratic Revolution.

WITHER PUNJAB?

Punjab, September 1985. Over one lakh twenty thousand army and para military forces move into Punjab, border with Pakistan sealed and night curfew clamped within 500 metres of the border; an extra ten battalions of the Border Security Force (BSF) moved to the Punjab-Pakistan Border; crack commando units protect all candidates; each candidate made to wear bullet proof jackets and allowed five security guards (three private and two government); massive preventive arrests were made not only In Punjab but also in Jammu and Kashmir, Haryana and Delhi; round-the-clock patrolling throughout the state.

Such were the preparations, not for any War, but for peace -fill election' to facilitate the 'democratic process' in order to give Punjab a 'popular and elected’ government. Punjab is under a virtual state of siege and the 'peaceful elections’ are being held at the point of a gun. After ail, the Rajiv government must prove that it is 'democratic’! !

During the electioneering hardly any public meetings were held. The candidates concentrated on door-to-door canvassing and speaking from radio and television. In a few towns, against the advice of his security advisers, Rajiv Gandhi addressed hand picked audiences, mostly women and children, standing behind a bulletproof glass. He came to the venue of the meeting in a helicopter backed by two fighter helicopters. The Akali Dal (L) and Congress (I) candidates have crack commando forces defending them. Surjit Singh Barnala, the new chieftain of Akali Dal (L), is probably the most protected man in the world,

Besides this, during the entire campaign period there has been a total black out of all news from Punjab.... except the official handouts dished out by the government. What the real truth is only the future will tell, Mean while Punjab has gone through with the farcical elections. The aim of the contending parties is not to win the elections but to isolate the militants and the united Akali Dal, UAD) led by Baba Joginder Singh, father of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. While the UAD has, called on the people of Punjab to boycott the elections, it is quite clear that the Akali Dal (L) and the Congress (I) have come to some behind-the-scene understanding.

Notwithstanding the statements by the Congress (I) leadership and the Akali (L)’s denial that there is any kind of understanding between them and the government, the mode and the level of electioneering by these two parties and their election manifestos are clear indications of efforts by both the "parties for a closer cooperation after the elections. This is also quite obvious from the fact that the Congress (I) has put up many weak candidates in the Assembly constituencies, especially where Sikhs are in a majority, while the Akalis (L) have put up weak candidates for a majority of the

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Lok Sabha seats. Besides, Congress (I) and Akali Dal (L) prohibited their cadres from attacking each other.

In its election manifesto the Akali Dal (L) has promised judicial enquiry into “all the killings in Punjab" obviously wish & view to attack the militants. Also in its Manifesto they have significantly omitted any reference to the Operation Blue Star and in its overzealous attempts to please the government it states that the Akali Dal's "record in promoting national reconstruction and territorial solidarity of the country is second to none". That Congress (I) manifesto concentrates primarily on the Punjab accord and the two documents deal with most subjects in an identical way.

In the UAD there was first some hesitancy on the participation m the elections. While the faction led by Talwandi was for participation, the AISSF was for boycott. Finally the party decided on boycott, though a section of the Talwandi faction led by Cheema seems dissatisfied with the decision. On 5th September 1985, at a meeting called by the UAD a resolution was passed to boycott the elections. Though Talwandi attended this meeting, Cheema and a few others were absent. Also blaming the government for the death of Longowal, the meeting charged the authorities with “taking undue advantage of the political differences between the Akali Dais" and trying to instigate a "Civil War” among the Sikhs, "It will not be allowed to happen”, the resolution added. The resolution also condemned the re arrest of hundreds of youth who had just been released in the so-called amnesty.

A major feature of the post-Longowal Akali Dal is that S.S.Barnala has taken over as its president and the two top leader, Badal and Tohra, with their major mass base have been pushed aside. In fact they have not been included in the party's 33-member adhoc committee. Both Badal and Tohra stayed away from subsequent party meetings and at one stage even contemplated to boycott the elections. It is obvious that the Congress (1) wants, an Akali Dal, which is totally and completely subservient to it (Of course, Badal and Tohra since did participate in the elections). Mean while the government was making desperate attempts to widen the mass base of Akali Dal (L) by trying to win over or pressurize militants in jail. The government has specifically been concentrating on the jailed militant AISSF leaders, Harminder Singh Sandhu and Manjit Singh.

In this election to the 115 assembly seats and 13 lok sabha seats, the Congress (I) and, Akali Dal (L) are contesting most seats, the CPI-M are jointly contesting (4 assembly seats and the Janata and BJP a few, [Janata has electoral alliance with Akalis (L).

First, with the signing of the Punjab accord and then with the elections the government and media had declared an end to years of strife and a return to a peaceful Punjab. This, like all earlier statements, appears to be an outright falsehood. The question before the people of the country is WITHER PUNJAB? Will there be peace or will it slide into an Irish type permanent guerilla war, earlier articles in "Vanguard” have traced the roots of the Sikh problem and the role of the government. To understand the future of Punjab it is necessary now to see the course of events this year and the role of individuals and parties in light of the thousands of Sikhs killed during and after Operation Blue star in Punjab and after, and in the holocaust; in Delhi and other places after the killing of Indira Gandhi which left anything from six to ten thousand innocent Sikhs dead, from all over the country in a cowardly act of Congress (I) vendetta. Now let us trace the course of events.

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Course of Events

Soon after Rajiv Gandhi came to power the elections to the lok Sabha and state assemblies were organized. While in the earlier lok sabha elections the Congress (I) concentrated winning over the sympathy from the killing of Indira Gandhi and rousing anti-Sikh sentiments, the assembly elections was fought by the Congress (I) whipping up anti-Sikh hysteria by proclaiming that the Anandpur Sahib Resolution was 'anti-national' and that the opposition parties were supposing it. The media went hysterical about the 'anti-national’ character of the Resolution, without so much as questioning the validity of the Congress (I) propaganda (Now, of course, this ‘anti-national’ Resolution has been included as part of the Punjab accord) Anyhow, in the elections the Congress (I) won a massive majority to the lok sabha, while in the assemblies the earlier status quo remained, Elections were not held in Punjab and Assam,

First Phase - Rise of the Militants.

No sooner were the elections over the government began its efforts to settle the affairs in Punjab. The Congress (I) adopted a two-pronged approach to settle the Punjab situation in a way that was favorable to it First, to win over a section of Sikhs to its view point (using both carrot and stick) and second, to isolate the militants and crush them. The aim has been to drive a permanent wedge between the Sikhs and lilied one section crush the other A similar tactic they have utilized, with some success against the Nagas and other movements of the North east. From the start it is clear that the government’s main hope lay with one man - Longowal; and not even the entire Akali Dal party, which they have categorized as

The government’s moves began soon after the assembly elections. On 11th March, it announced the release of Longowal and seven others - most of them moderate. In the first batch of those released were Longowal, Barnala and Atma Singh, all three of them now seen to be closest to the government. Not to seem blatantly biased in their selective release of individuals one or two militants like Talwandi were also released, but significantly neither of the other two lop leaders of the Akali Dal, Badal and Tohra, Were released. In fact, it was not until one and a half months later, when the government found the release of Longowal and not the other Akali leaders embarrassing for Longowal, that they decided on releasing the other two. Tohra was released on 20th April and Badal on 27th April.

Besides the selective release of some Akali leaders on 11th March, Home minister S.B.Chavan announced that the cases of other detenus were being scrutinized and those not involved in ‘violence and criminal activities’ would be released. He announced that the government might even be willing to order a judicial inquiry into the Delhi holocaust. Also Rajiv Gandhi stated in the lok sabha (after all his propaganda a month earlier about the Anandpur Sahib Resolution being 'anti-national' that he did not mind if the Resolution was referred to the Sarkaria Commission, which is supposed to be looking into centre state relation, but could not agree that it should be the basis for talks. He also said that the parameters for talks must include a denunciation of 'terrorist' activities and an affirmation of allegiance to the Indian constitution (which has been amended over fifty times).

At that stage both Longowal and Talwandi affirm that the Resolution must be the basis for talks. It was, in fact, the basis of the first round of talks between the Akalis and Indira Gandhi. This Chavan

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explains in the Parliament that the government should not be impatient with the statements of the above two as they needed credibility amongst the Sikhs and will have to make some strong statements.

In a sudden move on 12th March. Arjun Singh, who was sworn in as chief minister of Madhya Pradesh, is announced as governor of Punjab to replace K.V.Satarawalla. Simultaneously, it was decided to appoint a cabinet committee on Punjab comprising S.B.Chavan (home minister). PV Narasimha Rao (defense minister) and KC Pant (education minister), to make on-the-spot studies and suggest a way how the problem could be solved The release of Longowal was followed by systematic and planned steps by the government. Obviously, with the release of Longowal the government had a total scheme for the settlement of the Punjab issue, for which they planned only to create an atmosphere, specifically in Punjab and also in the rest of the country.

On his return from Moscow, Rajiv Gandhi said, at a Congress (I) parliamentary party meeting, that the centre never required the Akalis to give up the 'anti-national’ Anandpur Sahib Resolution as a precondition for talks. Again in the rajya sabha be reiterated that AT-NO TIME had the union government demanded the Akalis to give up the 'anti national’ Resolution. Further feelers were then put up by Rajiv Gandhi when he visited (under tight security!) on 23rd March and hinted at the possibility of ordering a probe into the Delhi holocaust and that the proposals made by Indira Gandhi in her 2nd June (a day before the bloody Operation Blue star) address to the nation, could be made the basis for talks.

But on that same day Rajiv Gandhi's hypocrisy and game to win public opinion for the moderates stood exposed when at a ceremony organized at Rashtrapati Bhavan awards were given to defense personnel for 'bravery’ in butchering people during the infamous' Operation Blue star. Also on the same day Chavan introduces a bill to extend the amended National Security Act for on a year up to April 1986. In spite of their overt conciliatory postures the government's ugh posture stood exposed. On the next day, 24th March, militants killed BJP leader K.C.Manchanda. On the same day Talwandi states that, Longowal before his release hid struck a secret deal with the Centre. The systematic and hectic way the government went about announcing; though nominal concessions’, and setting up high power committees to settle the Punjab question immediately after the release of Longowal does give the impression that some understanding was reached between the government and Longowal prior to his release.

Also there was a marked change of the government announcements which many of the opposition parties and also media could not undersea ad and took some time before they fell in line. For example the press and many Punjab 'expert commentators' confirmed to cackle that after Operation Blue star the distinction between the moderates and 'extremists’ had disappeared. In fact, the CPl's daily, Patriot went so far to say; 'Mr. H.S.Longowal is claimed to be the leader of the moderate opinion with in the Akalis, but considering what he has been saying and doing since his release, one wonders whether at all it is any use to continue making a distinction between the Akali moderates and Akali extremists'. Of course, the government knew better than its hangers on as all those detained were in its custody. The 'Patriot’ after giving a number of reasons goes so far as to state that, “in the entice Punjab affair, hopes of reaching a settlement with the Akalis, moderates or otherwise, are bleak and remote. In fact such a possibility hardly exists at present".

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But, the union government's conciliatory moves continued and on 25th March, Chavan while moving a statutory resolution in the lok sabha seeking to extend the President’s Rule by another six months, said that the government was keen to end the Presidents Rule in the state. (Note: President Rule could be extended up to two years only in Punjab because of a constitutional amendment passed last year. For the other states it is only one year. In both cases it could be extended by only six months at a time.)

On 28th March. in a further conciliatory move, the governor announced the government's intention to review cases of some 850 'moderate’ detainees and the union government on the same day constituted a six-member high power committee with cabinet secretary at its head to monitor continuously the 'socio-economic development’ of the state.

On 3rd April the Cabinet committee on Punjab goes to Punjab except Narasimha Rao, who was in Moscow at that time) and meets 25 organizations and 175 individuals.

Though Longowal is silent, the Akali Dal boycotts the deliberations, Chavan -announces that the government is prepared for a package deal on Punjab and will not settle issues on piecemeal, though for the last month they have been giving piecemeal concessions, in order to woo moderate Sikh opinion.

On 7th ApriI, sentences are announced on the Bihar (Ramgarh) military jawans who revolted. Of those who have bean accused for the killing of Brigadier Puri, who was killed in the encounter, another died of 'kidney trouble’ and now one received a life sentence. Of the rest seven received ten years rigorous imprisonment, three one year and others to 28-day imprisonment.

On 8th April the Congress (I) began their 'mass contact' week in Punjab with a view to popularize Longowal through mild criticism while hailing the central government’s 'concessions' to the Sikhs. This became necessary in the given environment in Punjab, Longowal was forced to take ‘extremist' positions to gain acceptance amongst the Sikhs. For example, on 8th April, at a meeting he shared the stage with Satwant Singh's father and raised pro-Bhindranwale slogans with the rest at the meeting. At such times the media was at pains to explain away his actions saying that given the environment in Punjab the government should not be too worried by Longowals 'extremists' postures.

Yet, it being obvious that the government's concessions were agnominal at the Anandpur Sahib conference the Akali Dal called for an intensification of the agitation from the Bsisakhi Day (12th April) Some opposition parties pleaded with the government to accept some of the demands to avert threatening situation. On 11th April some 50 companies of police and paramilitary forces are moved into Punjab and at the same time the government announces concessions the lifting of the ban on the All India Sikh Student Federation and the appointment of a committee to look into the Delhi holocaust. Chavan also announces that the process for release of those not involved in 'criminal cases’ will continue.While the media hailed the concessions and called upon Longowal to now draw a line between moderates and militants, the Akalis responded on Baisakhi Day with a list of four more demands to be conceded before any normalization process could begin - a) scrapping of the special courts, b) withdrawal of the Special Black Acts, c) reinstatement of army deserters, and d) compensation to all riot victims. The centre responded by the police and para-military forces staging flag marches in about

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a dozen towns of Punjab. The militants’ responded by shooting and injuring the Congress (I) leader RL Bhatia,

On 24th April, the Political Affairs Committee of the government openly stated that the piecemeal concessions are aimed at putting the militant hardliners on the defensive and to compel the moderates to come to the negotiating table. While it gave these concessions to win over the moderates it took simultaneous steps to streamline its offensive on the militants. The steps outlined were - a) Protection to the known targets, b) identification of 'sensitive areas" c) regular raids, d) Combing operations, e) intensive patrolling, f) strengthening of the police machinery and g) Stream-lining the intelligence-sec-up.

On 29th April, some of the 'opposition’ leaders meet Longowal in Delhi (who was supposedly consoling the victims of November Holocaust) were very satisfied with the talks and planned to apprise Rajiv Gandhi of their talks. Historically the 'opposition’ and particularly the CPM, (through its politburo member, Harkishan Singh Surjit have acted as go between the government and the Akalis.

During this entire period it appears that Longowal continued to be indecisive - whether to go completely the government way or respect the sentiments of the Sikh masses who were in no mood for a compromise with the government.

While on the three-day visit to Delhi, though he spoke in a positive way, regarding a compromise, with the opposition leaders, Longowal publicly called upon the Sikhs to fight the tyranny of the Congress (I).

Second Phase - Crisis in Akali Dal

On the May Day, suddenly all the plans and schemes of both Congress (I) and Longowal were thrown into confusion and chaps with the announcement of the formation of the United Akali Dai with an ad hoc committee headed by the octogenarian father of slain Bhindranwale, Baba Joginder Singh. In the name of Panthic Unity the adhoc committee had the names of all the leading moderates and known militants as well. With this step the moderates, and particularly Longowal, was thrown into confusion, saying one thing today and another tomorrow.

Also the government was caught totally unawares, not knowing what to say or do, as their main plan, to drive a wedge between the militants and moderates seemed to be collapsing. It was in fact, the CPM that was the first to react to this re-organization of the Akali Dal, voicing the views of the government. It stated, "in the name of Panthic Unity, a committee has been formed which places real powers in the hands of the open advocates of Khalistan, people who have not concealed their anti-national views and have distinguished themselves by fanning communal fire..... The new pretenders to leadership will be repudiated by the Akalis and their game exposed, and that the Akali leaders, over coming the pressure of confronitists, will pursue the path of negotiations to protect national-unity and help to ease tension in Punjab',On the Punjab issue the CPI-M have outdone the government in their anti - Sikh hysteria, and have. acted as the CHIEF PIMPS of the government to procure 'moderates' in Punjab Rajiv Gandhi, on, the other hand, caught unawares, let the cat out of the bag when he said, “it was important to watch how those with whom we have been dealing react and not create any situation in which it would1 be .harder

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for them". So it is clear that Longowal has been having secret dealings with the government and Rajiv Gandhi doss not want to embarrass him by saying anything prematurely.

Meanwhile, Longowal wavers on the question of whether to join the United Akali Dal UAD) or not, white Badal and Tohra take a more firm stand in favor of UAD. On 2nd May, Longowal calls for a meeting of Jathedars on 17th May to take a decision. On the same day Badal states that the lifting of the ban on the AISSF and the order of judicial enquiry was eyewash. He said that Sikhs should have beet) consulted before announcing the terms of reference of inquiry. In fact as the days pass it appears that Longowal and all moderates began to veer around towards the ad hoc committee of the UAD.

On 9th May, a meeting was held with Joginder Singh, Longowal, Badal and Tohra. There Badal declared that a majority of his followers supported the UAD adhoc committee and sources close to the leadership declared that Longowal, Tohra and Badal had ‘in principle' accepted the formation of the adhoc committee. Longowal announced the cancellation of the 17th May Jathedars meeting

The news created havoc and panic in the government, Congress (I) and the sham opposition. It seemed that all the all the governments plans and schemes to divide the Sikhs was crumbling before their eyes and their plans to utilize the differences between the moderates and militants was becoming abortive,

Something desperate had to be done, and was done. On 10th May, a day after the announcement of the moderates intentions to associate with the UAD 'transistor bomb explosions" began going off all over the northern India finally leading to the death of 81 ordinary citizens (mostly poor). The government put the blame on the 'extremists' within the Sikhs, and whipped up a mass hysteria against them. Though the UAD leaders denied any connection with the transistor bombs" the Goebbels propaganda campaign continued.

Simultaneous to this the government launched a massive campaign against the militants.On 3rd May, 31 sub inspectors and assistant Sub Inspector and an equal number of head constables and constables were 'weeded-out’ from the police force in Jullandhar range. On 11th May simultaneous to the 'transistor bomb explosion’ there was a massive swoop all over Punjab and 329 people were arrested. In Delhi, the army was called in and troops took up positions in the city. Together with this offensive the Congress (l) continued to put out conciliatory appeals to the moderates to wean away from the UAD. On 8th May, Rajiv Gandhi called a meeting with all opposition parties (the second of its kind) where a consensus was reached to take immediate steps to solve the Punjab problem after Longowal's decision regarding the UAD which was to be taken on 17th May (a day before Longowal cancelled the meet.

In spite of the government offensive the militants hit back and on 10th May Punjab Lok Dal leader "Balbir Singh was shot dead at Hoshiarpur. On 11th May LongowaI in a press release, Announces his resignation from the president ship of his party and requests Joginder Singh to explore the possibilities of forging Panthic Unity. Badal in a separate press statement supports the resignation; Tohra too declares his resignation as Chief of Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC), on 'health grounds’. With this all the government’s (and opposition) hopes get smashed and the media goes schizophrenic of the dangers facing the country they were afraid not of the ‘transistor bombs’ but have the emerging unity of the Sikh leadership.

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The 13th May editorial in The Hindu said,, 'as a whole nation trained its eyes on the Akali leaders, the other so called moderates caved in before the extremist offensive - leading to Longowal's ingenious quitting of the President ship of the Dal. History, if it can be written at this point, is likely to be harsh on his political role at a crucial period....In an article appeared much later in the 11th August issue of the Indian Express Sunday Magazine went even further While talking of the faction fights in the context of the forthcoming elections, the 'Express’ said, 'There is talk of these rivals sabotaging the party's elections chances to show their displeasure with Longowal. This kind of trouble in Punjab should not cause any unease. On the contrary it should be welcome. As long as Sikhs are quarreling with Sikhs, there is no threat to national unity or communal harmony. The real problem arises when the fighting takes place on a communal basis. The unity of the Panthh, which the Akali Dal swears by in, is fact a recipe for disaster. As long as disputes in Punjab take place within parties and communities, the future can be viewed with optimism’. Rajiv Gandhi expressed the same view on the 13th May in the lok Sabha when he said there were two groups in Punjab.... while one was interested in coming to power (ie, the Akali Dal) the other was raising the bogey of separatism. He added, ‘We will fight with everything this second group'.

On the same day a massive man-hunt is launched for hunting down the militants, in the name of apprehending the 'culprits’ for the ''transistor Bombs", Large scale arrests take place in Haryana and even in Jammu and Kashmir. This is followed by the introduction in the lok sabha on 18th May of the "Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (prevention) Act” and as amendment to widen the scope of the definition of 'sedition’ and sections of' the Arms Act On the next day, it was reported that the security forces of the central government and state governments, were working round-the-clock to intensify the pressure on Sikh militants commando units of the para military forces and civil police were being trained to deal sternly with hit and run terrorism’.

Under the pressure, Longowal retracts on his earlier decision and declares that a meeting of the Jathedars will be held on 22nd May to decide on his resignation and the party's attitude towards tag UAD, Though Tohra makes hectic efforts to get Longowal to join the UAD. On the 22nd May the meeting decides that Longowal should continue as President of the Akali Dal, and Tohra and Badal agree to stay on in the Akali Dal. On 30th May Badal and Tohra also withdraw their resignations. Both the sections of the Dal plan to observe the first week of June as “Genocide Week" in memory of all those killed in Operation Blue star. The government places the security forces on fall alert throughout the country.

Prior to the 22nd May meeting it was reported that Longowal held talks with central ministers RS Cheema of the UAD alleged at a press conference that Longowal had withdrawn his resignation after getting an assurance from the government that it would negotiate with his group. He said that Longowal was pressurized to withdraw his resignation by the governor. The government had thereby successfully foiled the attempts at unity of the Sikhs and continued its efforts to capture the moderates

Third Phase -UAD-Akali Dal Fissure

The "Genocide Week" passes off peacefully. A fissure between the moderates and militants marks this third phase. The moderates are also clearly divided in their approach towards the government and the UAD. While Badal and Tohra take a firm stand towards the government and show much sympathy

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towards the UAD Longowal, while appearing to put on a militant posture, changes his position and tone every second day, steadily moving towards a pro government and an anti-UAD position. From his statements it appears he has already made up his mind but is merely playing with the mood of the crowd, to take them in the direction of a compromise with the centre. So we find him taking contradictory positions on consecutive days but slowly moving towards an openly pro-government position. In this phase the government takes a conciliatory stand and throws in a few more concessions to the Sikhs to create the atmosphere for the forthcoming Punjab Accord.

On 6th June, while the UAD held a meeting at the Golden Temple where there is much praise for Beant Singh and Satwant Singh; Longowal in a meeting at Sangrur states that his party's morcha will continue till the government accepted all the demands incorporated in the Anandpur Sahib Resolution. At a meeting on 9th June Longowal, Badal and Tohra ruled out the possibility of any talks with the centre in the near future and announced that the party would launch a "strong new action programme’ to fight for the demands. Tohra uses a strong tone in praising Beant Singh and Satwant Singh.

But on the next day Longowal says he is not averse to talks with the centre. A section of the opposition parties state that they were in touch with the Longowal group and also the government as part of a triangular exercise to pave the way for a negotiated settlement. This, they say disrupted when Joginder Singh formed the UAD, but now they propose to renew their efforts.

On 16th June Longowal takes the first step openly, towards total capitulation to the government. In a meeting held with 'leaders' of the Hindu community, Longowal strongly condemns the Sikh 'terrorist’ activity and pleads with the 'leaders’ of the Hindu community to support Akali demands. He went so far as to state that his party was prepared to reconsider the Anandpur Sahib Resolution if anybody entertained reservations about it, At this meeting Hindu leaders urged Longowal to take a firm hand against ‘extremists’. On the next day the UAD ad hoc committee decided to drop Longowal and Tohra from the, committee, but no decision was taken on Badal. On 18th June, the Punjab PCC (I) chief, Santok Singh Randhwa, resigned from his post because of allegations of his contacts with the militants.

With this open declaration of change in position by Longowal the government proceeded with its conciliatory moves, The Punjab governor announced on 20th June that 150 detenus were to be released soon. The executive of the central committee of the CPI passes a resolution for talks with the Akali Dal (L).

Longowal on the other hand continues to take his conciliatory steps towards the central government but because of public pressure is forced to retract from some of his earlier statements. He issues a clarification denying his reported offer to review the Resolution and tails newsman that there was no possibility of resumption of a dialogue with the centre until the basic demands of the Akali Dal were conceded scrapping special courts and Act?, reinstatement of deserters and compensation to November holocaust victims.

But while making these statements, on 25th June Longowal goes to Uttar Pradeah supposedly on a good will campaign to build bridges with Hindus. Also, the Haryana Chief Minister Bhajan Lal invites Longowal to his state supposedly to build Hindu-Sikh unity, It is clear that by now Longowal's capitulation is complete with the Congress (I) and Hindu communalists holding out a hand to him.

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The extent to which Longowal came forward publicly to the same extent the government responded with concessions. On 28th June, the central government announces a number of concessions of which the most important is the decision to release 'all detenus not involved in cases of sedition, murder, arson and dacoity. In other words the government would release those who were amenable to the government-Longowal positions, for the others could be seditious.

On 3rd July, after a lot of vacillation, Longowal said that the Resolution was based on assurances given by Nehru to the Sikhs in 1946, it merely sought provincial autonomy On the same day the government ordered the release of 100 more persons, taking the total number of releases to 527.

While Longowal was taking systematic steps for a compromise, some others in the Akali Dai were not in the same mood. At a meeting on 4th July Tohra praised Beant Singh as a martyr and declared that a solution of the Punjab problem was not possible within the framework of the Indian constitution. He told in a public meeting that the government would have to go beyond the "so-called framework of the constitution" if a settlement was to be arrived at.

On 7th July the government released 600 more, bringing the total to 1200 while Rajiv Gandhi publicly praised Longowal in a press interview. Reacting to this the UAD said that the centre and the Akali Dai (L) were having a "secret settlement”. This was said on 8th July over a fortnight before the Punjab accord was signed. They said Rajiv Gandhi's praise for Longowal and his instructions to Congress (I) leaders to desist from criticizing Longowal had proved beyond doubt their fear of a "secret settlement".

On 9th July, at a meeting of the Akali Dai (L), Longowal considerably dilutes his attackon the government. He explains apologetically that the Resolution is not secessionist or communal and added, “we must go to the people and explain that we are not terrorists and want Hindu-Sikh unity”. Here, for the first time he drew a clear line of distinction between moderates and militants. The meeting also took a decision to take disciplinary action against eight leaders who had joined the UAD, (most of them were close supporters of Badal). With this the path was cleared to the signing of the Punjab accord.

On 22nd July Longowal met the Prime Minister and had daylong discussions with the members of the union cabinet, Forgotten were all his promises to have talks until their four demands - scrapping of special acts and courts, reinstatement of army deserters, compensation to riot victims - were met. In these negotiations he was assisted by Barnala and Balwant Singh, while the two main leaders of the Akali Dal; Badal and Tohra, refused to take part in the talks. On 24th July. 1985 the Punjab accord was signed between Longowal and Rajiv Gandhi.

Fourth Phase - From Accord to Assassination

The national and international media hailed the architect of the accord, Rajiv Gandhi and the accord as a brilliant step to end strife in Punjab and bring tranquility to the state. The parliamentary opposition; in unanimity, praised the accord. Each tried to out-do the other in showering praise on Rajiv Gandhi.

The CPM politburo stated on the very next day that the settlement on Punjab will be welcomed not only by the people of Punjab but also by all those interested in the unity and integrity of the country.

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"This settlement", they said, “will be a blow to the extremists” who, backed by imperialism,- were, out cut to destabilize the country and threaten its unity".

C.Rajedwara Rao of the CPI say, ''this agreement is of national importance because it helps the cause of National unity, for the isolation of the Khalistani terrorists and foiling of the 'conspiracies of imperialists, endangering tie unity and" integrity of our country."

NTR say,. accord will –strengthen the “unity and integrity" of the country. Even Farooq Abdullah praised- the accord and congratulated the Prime Minster. The Punjab Hindu Party chief; Lalchand Sabharwal also firmly supported the accord.

The Soviet Union too hailed the accord, Pravda, in an editorial said, '"In general it is a serious blow to the divisive and hostile anti-national forces in India. It will lead to the normalization of the situation in the country ... The accord takes away the carpet under the feet of extremists and separatists groups. The accord provides the possibility of isolating extremists and separatist forces and unmask the anti-national, subversive character of their actions”.

Though the Akali Dal formally ratified the accord at a meeting held in Anandpur Sahib on 26th July and also formally announced the withdrawal of the ‘dharma yudha morcha a section of the participants did not raise their hands in support of the agreement.- Earlier Tohra aid Badal had struck a note of dissent while addressing party district Jathedars who participated in this crucial meeting.

Badal and Tohra said the accord was not acceptable as it was a "fraud" on the panth. They said it was a "total surrender" aid nothing had been achieved despite numerous sacrifices made by the Sikhs. Tohra walked out of the meeting but was, persuaded to return. He said top Akali 1eaders were not even aware that secret talks were going on between the party chief and the centre. He said he would not extend his support to the accord.

The UAD declared that the accord was a total "SELL OUT” and dubbed Longowal as a TRAITOR. The AISSF called Longowal as a "traitor of the Sikh Panth”.In Rajastan, both the government and opposition opposed the accord, as they feared they would loose some of the water. In Haryana the entire opposition opposed the accord because of the decision on Chandigarh.

But what is the exact nature of the accord. The following is the full text of the accord

NEW DELHI, July 24

The following is the text of the memorandum of settlement, arrived at between the Government and the Akalis:1. Compensation to innocent persons killed1.1 Along with ex-gratia payment to those innocent killed in agitation or any action after 1.8.82 compensation for property damaged will also be paid2. Army recruitment2.1 All citizens of the country have the right to enroll in the Army and merit will remain the criterion for selection

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3. Enquiry into November incidents3. 1The jurisdiction of Shri Justice Ranganath Mishra Commission enquiring into the November riots of Delhi would be extended to cover the disturbances at Bokaro and Kanpur also.4. Rehabilitation of those discharged from the Army4.1 For all those discharged, efforts will be made to rehabilitate and provide gainful employment.5. All India Gurdwara Act5.1 The Government of India agrees to consider the formulation of an All India Gurudwara-Bill Legislation will be brought forward for this purpose in consultation with Shiromani Akali Dal. others concerned and after fulfilling al1 relevant constitutional requirements.6. Disposal of pending cases6.1 The notifications applying the Armed Forces Special Powers Act to Punjab will be withdrawn. Existing Special Courts will try only cases relating to the following type of offences (a) waging war, (b) hijacking.6.2 All other cases will be transferred to ordinary courts and enabling legislation if needed will be brought forward in this session of Parliament.7. Territorial claims7.1 The Capital Project Area of Chandigarh will go to Punjab. Some adjoining areas, which were previously part of Hindi or the Punjabi regions, were included in the Union Territory. With the capital region going to Punjab the areas, which were added to the Union Territory from the Punjabi, region of the erstwhile State of Punjab will be transferred to Punjab and those from Hindi region to Haryana. The entire Sukana lake will be kept as part of Chandigarh and will thus go to Punjab.7.2 It had always been maintained by Mrs.Indira Gandhi that when Chandigarh is to go to Punjab some Hindi-speaking territories in Punjab would go to Haryana. A commission will be constituted to determine the specific Hindi-speaking areas of Punjab, which should go to Haryana in lieu of Chandigarh.

The principle of contiguity and linguistic affinity with a village as a unit will be the basis of such determination. The commission will be required to give its findings by 31st Dec 1985 and these will be binding on both sides. The work of the commission will be limned to this aspect and will be distinct from the general boundary claims which the other commission referred to in para 7.4 will handle,7. 3 The actual transfer of Chandigarh to Punjab and areas in lieu there of to Haryana will take place simultaneously on 26th Jan. 19867.4 There are other claims and counter-claims for re adjustment of the existing Punjab-Haryana boundaries. The government will appoint another commission to consider these matters and give its findings Suck findings will be binding on the concerned States. The terms of reference will be based on a village as a unit, linguistic affinity and contiguity.8. Centre-Stale relations8.1 Shiromani Akali Dal states that the Anandpur Sahib resolution is entirely within the framework of the Indian Constitution: that it attempts to define the concept of Centre-State relations in a manner which may bring out the true federal characteristics of our unitary Constitution' and that the purpose of the resolution is to provide greater autonomy to the State with a view to strengthening the unity and integrity of the country, since unity in diversity forms the cornerstone of our national entity8.2 In view of the above the Anandpur Sahib resolution insofar as it deals with Centre-State relations, stands referred to the Sarkaria Commission.9. Sharing of river waters

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9.1 The farmers of Punjab, Haryana and Rajasihan will continue to get water not less than what they are using from the Ravi - Beas system as on 1-7-1985 Waters used for consumptive purposes will also remain unaffected. The tribunal referred to in para 9.2 below shall verify quantum of usage claimed,9.2 The claims of Punjab and Haryana regarding the shares in their remaining waters will be referred for adjudication to a tribunal to be presided over by a Supreme Court judge. The decision of his tribunal will be rendered within six months and would be binding on both part ties. All legal and constitutional steps required in this respect be taken expeditiously, 9.3 The construction of the SYL canal shall continue. The canal shall be completed by 15th Aug. 1986. 10. Representation of minorities10. 1 Existing instructions regarding protection of interests of minorities will be recirculated to the State chief Ministers. (PM will write to all Chief Ministers)11. Promotion of Punjabi language11.1 The Central Government may take some step for the promotion of the Punjabi language.This settlement brings to an end a period of confrontation and ushers in an era of unity, goodwill and cooperation, which will promote and strengthen the unity and integrity of India.Rajiv Gandhi Prime Minister of IndiaSant Har Chand Singh LongowalPresident, Shiromani Akali DalDated the 24th July 1985Let alone the original demands of the Akalis, the four minimum demands as outlined by Longowal himself as pre-condition for talks have themselves not been granted. Regarding the revocation of Anti-terrorists laws and abolition of special courts the accord merely waters down the laws but leaves sufficient loopholes to allow over one lakh twenty thousand troops and para military forces in Punjab on the event of the elections.

The accord opposed the reinforcement of army deserters and says, "efforts will be made to rehabilitate” them. The word "effort” makes it totally arbitrary whether they are even to be rehabilitated or not. Regarding compensation for victims of agitation on any section after 1st August 1982 only 'innocents’ will be given compensation, which again makes it arbitrary as the government will decide who is an 'innocent’ and who is not. The accord is totally silent on the question of punishment for those responsible for the November holocaust’.

So regarding the four grounds for even iniating the talks the government has virtually given NOTHING,

Also on the other demands, the government has given virtually nothing - all issues being referred to committees and commissions, which will be appointed by the government. What has come in the accord was offered by Indira Gandhi years ago, and was outrightly rejected then as they amount to nothing. Thus, it was Longowal who betrayed the interests of the Sikhs, while the government faithfully safeguarded the interests of the Indian ruling classes.

Take the question of Chandigarh. Indira Ganhi had agreed right from 1970 that Chiadigarh is a part of Punjab. The question and dispute for the last 15 years has been over the Hindi speaking areas of Punjab, which were to be transferred to Haryana in pace or Chandigarh. So now the accord agrees to transfer Chandigarh to Punjab but what was the really disputed question have been referred to a commission to decide. So also a commission will decide on the territorial disputes between Punjab and

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Haryana. And of course, these commissions will be appointed and constituted by the government. So it is quite clear how the decisions will go.

In fact, what is even worse, on 12th August the Punjab government (and not the Akali Dal) set up two high-powered committees to prepare and present Punjab's case with regard to the territorial and river water disputes before the concerned commissions and tribunals. The committees have been packed with government officials and pro-government individuals. The committee for territorial disputes consists of MS Gill-IAS, Usha Vohra, Punjab financial commissioner, Amarjit Singh, director of industries, Punjab, and Pritam Singh Kumedar, retired I.AS officer. Dr.Prem Singh of Delhi University and Attar Singh of Punjab University will act consultants. This, Attar Singh was none other than the person who Arjun Singh (Governor of Punjab) said, was “a trust worthy mediator” between himself and Longowal.

The committee for river water disputes will consist of M.S.Gill. Tejinder Khanna, Secretary, Punjab irrigation and power department, Manohar Singh, Technical member of Punjab State Electricity Board, and Paul Singh Dhillen and Hardev Singh (senior advocates of the Supreme Court),

It is these commitiees (and not the Akali Dal) that would prepare cases on behalf of the Punjab government (and not the Punjab people) and monitor their progress before the commissions and tribunals. And to give Akali Dal some nominal status, the committees would “as and when necessary, seek the opinion and advice of recognized political parties, scholars and experts". It amounts to virtually bypassing even the moderate Akalis, not to mention the 'extremists'. No wonder the UAD call the accord a SELL OUT

Take the question of the river water sharing and distribution. The only demand of the Akali’s was that the Supreme Court should adjudicate it, and not a tribunal. Their argument then was that a tribunal sat up by the government would be unfair, while the adjudication done by the supreme court would be done on the basis of international law regarding distribution of river waters, Indira Gandhi was adamant is giving it to a tribunal" and was not willing to even consider giving the adjudication to the Supreme Court. But the Akalis; too were then firm on their just demand. Now this accord hands over the adjudication of the Ravi-Beas water to a TRIBUNAL ! !

Then take the other main issue in the Anandpur Sahib Resolution - the question on Centre-state relations. It was conveniently shelved by handing it over to the impotent and almost defunct Sarkaria Commission Again a similar offer had been given to the Akalis long ago by Indira Gandhi, which was out rightly rejected by Longowal himself.

On the question of an All India Gurudwara Act, all the accord has to say is to "consider” the formulation of an All India Gurdwara Bill. So again on this demand the government makes no commitment and says, "well, we will think about it!"

On the demand to restore the level of recruitment of Sikhs into the army-the accord makes a vague statement saying that all citizens have an equal right to enroll in the army and merit will remain the criterion for election”. In other words, 'merit' has been the criteria and will continue to “remain” the criteria for recruitment in other words the clause implies that there wills no change in the recruitment policy.

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And if we go clause-by-clause and look at the accord objectively not swayed away by the media propaganda, we will find that tie government has, in effect, gives absolutely nothing to the Sikhs. No wonder then the 'opposition’ (to the people, not government!) parties and Hindu communal parties praised this accord. And no wonder they praised Longowal for accepting it. It is quite clear that the accord was a total SELL OUT.

Meanwhile the Haryana government has put in a claim for 175 villages in place of Chandigarh, including areas under Abohar and Fazilka districts, to the Mathew Commission appointed by the Central government to identify Hindi-speaking areas in Punjab. Also the Haryana government would place its claim over l00 Hindi - speaking villages in Punjab's Sangrur, Patiala, Bhatinda and Ferozepur districts before the second commission to be appointed by the centre for considering the territorial claims and counter-claims of the two states.

The accord has not settled a single issue, it has merely postponed them all, in an attempt to diffuse the situation, strangle the movement and then settle the outstanding issues in the commissions and tribunals AS IT PLEASES.

Besides this, the way accord was signed was highly devious Not even top leaders of the Akali Dal (L) knew of Longowal’s secret links with the Centre He virtually undertook the entire operation behind the backs of not only the entire Sikh community but also his own party and even its leading elements.

This fact has not come out from what Tohra has said but also by many statements of government officials. Arjun Singh himself has admitted that Attar Singh has acted as a 'trusted' mediator between himself and Longowal. Apparently before the signing of the accord Arjun Singh had secret talks with Longowal for ten days, He used several channels and was able to maintain total secrecy is this liaison. Finally the draft of the accord was prepared and shown as a fait accompli (thing already done to Badal and Tohra on the night of 22nd July. Both promptly rejected it, Longowal nevertheless proceeded and signed the agreement with Rajiv Gandhi

The Punjab accord was signed while all the ruling classes hailed it, amongst the Sikh, not only the so-called extremists but many moderates refused to own it, and declared it to be a sell out of the Sikh demands. And to consolidate the gains of the accord, on 19th August Rejiv Gandhi announced that elections would be held in Punjab on 22nd September (later postponed by three days to 25th September). Probably this too was the unwritten part of the accord - to sign an accord, which does not give a single demand and put Longowal in power for his services to the government. Also in that way Rajiv could get the Sikhs to crush Sikhs, (like the 'Nixon Doctrine' - get Vietnamese to fight Vietnamese)

But on the very next day Longowal was ASSASSINATED.

The media faithfully sang the government tune they all echoed; "A patriot was killed!" The opposition parties too mourned his death. It was not the death of Longowal they cared about, what they all feared is that with him was the Punjab accord killed? But Longowal signed his own death warrant when he put his signature on the Punjab accord.

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What Longowal forgot while selling out to the government was that thousands and thousands of Sikh families in Punjab, Delhi and elsewhere have lost a son, a daughter, a child in the course of the last five years of struggle and fighting and particularly in the last one year during Operation Blue star and after and in the November holocaust. Can these families sell their soul to the same government that butchered their near and dear ones? Longowal tried to do just that through the Punjab accord.

Wither Punjab?

Neither the Punjab accord nor the elections will really bring either peace to Punjab of settle the problem. The Central government is not prepared to give in to the just demands of the Sikhs but seeks to settle the issue through deceit, manipulation, false propaganda and finally by bribing one section and crushing the other.

Longowal is not merely an individual; he represents that section of the Sikh comprador bourgeoisie who are interested in selling out the Sikh cause and striking a deal with the centre to come to power. That the Akali Dal (L) would win in the elections was a foregone conclusion. They were bound to win, as the Punjab accord, which was a total sell out, was gilt from Longowal to Rajiv Gandhi and in return Longowal was probably promised with power,The central government of the Congress (I) is becoming so oppressive of all sections, including the nationalities and minorities that it wants agents from these sections to apparently wield power. It is a policy similar to the British used when they found it difficult to wield power directly. So the central government tries to strike a deal with Longowal, Farooq, MGR, NTR, Laldenga, a section of TNV, AASU etc. and pot them in power to control the situation (They are attempting the same policy with the Tamil Eelam groups in Lanka), this experiment was probably first tried out in West Bengal where a Jyoti Basu ((through the CPM) was able to bring more 'law and order’ to the state daring the "tumultuous late sixties and early seventies” than years of Congress rule. In this way the Congress (I) seeks to maintain its fast dwindling social bass, in return for a few crumbs of money and powar to these regional comprador elements

But in the Punjab contradictions have sharpened, Partly due to a severe crisis m the economy, specifically in the rural sector and partly because of the fascist policies of the centre-ruthless repression, Hindu chauvinism (coupled with casteism and communalism) and centralization of economic and political power. With the growing economic and political crisis the government cannot and will not give concessions to the people. The Punjab accord is an example. On the contrary it will seek to crush the movement and co-opt its members.

But, in Punjab will this work? Probably for a little time. But the contradictions there are too sharp and the wounds too deep to be forgotten so easily. Sikhs will now be used to crush Sikhs and the Congress (I) will attempt to wield these new found agents as in a puppet show (from behind), Whether the election turnout was really above 60 % only the future will tell. (Given the lies and false floods the government has been spreading on Punjab and its ruthlessness in suppressing truth - the CFD affair-it is very difficult to believe the government. But those who come to power in Punjab will soon gat exposed and the internecine war between the Sikh militants and the Congress (I) will continue. If the Punjab problem must be solved, the government must concede to the democratic demands of the Sikhs, reorganize the centre-state relations on a genuinely federal basis and stop whipping up Hindu chauvinism and the anti-Sikh hysteria.

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To the question “WITHER PUNJAB”?, the answer is greater turmoil and disorder. But it is only through disorder that real order can be achieved. 26th September, 1985

ROLE OF THE PRESS

During the course of half-a-decade struggle in Punjab, ‘news stories and interpretative articles' were published in every newspaper almost everyday. The bourgeois press, owned by the comprador bourgeoisie, played a skater role in portraying a distorted image of the movement. This vilification campaign could be called "Operation Yellow star".

The press behaved so irresponsibly that it published nothing but official handouts on the Punjab movement. No journalist bothered to crosscheck to establish the veracity of official statements and the element of truth in the government's claims. The newsmen did not seek news. They were fed with news, which they faithfully and loyally fed to the newspapers. They were so subjectively biased and prejudiced against the movement that they could not maintain objectivity and churned out partial truths. The line of demarcation between 'news' and biased opinions gradually blurred Few journalists were exceptions. For example. Brahma Chellaney had to face terrorist charges just because he bothered to report the fake encounters. Kanwar Sandhu of Indian Express, Neeraja Chowdary and Shahnaz Ankelsaria of 'Statesman’ too filed some stories on the army and police atrocities.

Though we do not wish to go into the details about how the press deliberately maligned the movement by reporting partial truths with steaming headlines, invective language, discrimination in display, etc. We would like to point out that the press with pre - conceived notions politically motivated, indulged in Goebbels propaganda (consistently harping on the lies to make 'truths'). Doubtful versions were published as established facts. The 'breach' in Bakra dam, the 'indiscriminate killings by the militants, 'foreign (Pak and CIA) hand’, the transistor bombs and bomb explosion theory in Kanishka crash, smuggling, gun - running and even drug pedaling by militants and piling of arms in Golden Temple (photographs of arms in Temple after Blue star) are only a few glaring examples.

They did not bother to investigate and expose the state terrorism. They were not able to estimate the exact number of detenus-both legal and illegal at any given point of time, Army atrocities police excesses, indiscriminate arrests, third degree interrogations, false cases terrorist courts, fake encounters cordon-and- search operations, man handling of old men, women and children, etc, were not investigated and reported.

It was a writer like Kamladebi Chattopadbyaya who filed a petition on behalf of kids rotting in the jails and inhuman torture in the prisons. A civil rights organization like Citizens for Democracy (CFD; had published a report on 'Oppression in Punjab', which the state promptly banned. When the government did not order a judicial inquiry, the PUCL-PUDR had to inquire into the November holocaust to find out "Who are the Guilty". They all are being hunted and hounded today by the -fascist slate, while the press (represented by Sekhar Guptas and Amrita Abrahams) is applauded for being responsible to the government and irresponsible to the people.

The "fourth estate" has become the fourth estate of Rajiv Gandhi. The watchdogs of the government have become loyal dogs of the slate. The press, the real opposition, is ironically playing the role of

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opposition parties - collaborating as an accomplice with the fascist slate. As the ‘opposition’ parties have become appendages of the Congress (I), the press too has become an appendage to I & Bs Press Information Bureau and Directorate of Audio Visual Publicity(DAVP of emergency fame).

What is most pathetic in the Operation Yellow star is, it was successful in brain washing the intelligentsia who are capable of dissecting facts from fiction and discern the truth. The liberal and democratic intelligentsia succumbed to the vicious anti Sikh propaganda of the press VANGUARD appeals to all politically conscious intelligential, the socially aware journalists to seek facts, to visit Punjab and gather first hand information, make on the spot studies, organize fact-finding committees to probe into the oppression in Punjab and then come to a conclusion. Only then will we be able to understand the nature of the movement, democratic content in its demands, the just forms of struggle, the heroic sacrifices made by peoples, the atrocities committed by the hired goons, the police and army, of the state. Beware of the Watchdogs.

“But on the very next day LONGOWAL was ASSASINATED. It was not the death of Longowal they cared about, what they were all fearing is that with him the Punjab accord was killed? But Longowal signed his own death warrant when he put his signature on the Punjab accord”.

'VANGUARD, ON PUNJAB’

"Badal and Longowal, the chief organizers of the movement are utilizing the agitation to bargain with the Centre and strike a class compromise” "Fifthly, the Centre will seek to crush the movement by force and win over the leadership through bribes".

"It is for these reasons that the proletariat must participate in the ongoing movement (rasta roko etc.) and simultaneously expose the feudal rich peasant leadership of the Akalis. Besides it is only by participating in this movement and directing peoples wrath against the centre can be effectively expose and fight the Sikh fundamentalism of the Akali leadership".

(''Voice of the Vanguard", Vol,1: 4, June, 1983)

The only solution to the present Impasse lies in the entire Punjab people (both Sikhs and Hindu) fight the centre jointly until their just demands are fulfilled. The Sikhs alone cannot win the battle. In order to do this the compromising and fundamentalist Akali leadership must be exposed and the entire Punjabi people united in their struggle against the Centre".

"Voice of the Vauguard”, vol. 1: 5, July-August, 1983)\

"And this fascist onslaught on the people of Punjab Is being supported by the entire spectrum of parliamentary parties ' from the CPM to the BJP. They have all hailed the ruthless measures of Indira Gandhi. This shows beyond a measure of doubt that the Congress (I) and the opposition parties are nothing but two sides of the same coin ........ agents of theruling classes; the defenders of exploitation and enemies of the people".

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("Voice of the Vanguard" vol 1:9, November /P83)

Both, (Longowal - Badal leadership) are out to betray the movement, divert it from its original path and seek a compromise at the expense of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution ""From a bourgeois we could not have expected otherwise historically their role is limited -they must and will betray the movement halfway -that is their class character. It is for the proletariat to take the movement forward; stick to the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and other democratic demands, expose the leadership and fight the fundamentalist? counter the provocations of the Hindu chauvinists and enhance the struggle against the Centre and the police’:

(Voice of the Vanguard, Vol 2: 4&5, April - May 1984) :

"On the other hand, the Longowal -.Badal section of the Akalis completely betrayed the movement and surrendered to the government. The government will now seek to prop up these compromisers and isolate and butcher the militants”.

"Voice of the Vanguard", Vol. 2(6, June, 1984 :

The government is adopting a dual policy to crush the movement, split the Akali movement and ruthlessly exterminate the militants and strike a compromise (a sell out) with the moderates. So after softening; up Longowal, Badal and other moderates sufficiently in fail, they are released (propagated as a big generous gesture at the Sikhs) and talks begin with them. To increase their stature among Sikhs (which was at a low ebb) Rajiv Gandhi concedes to their demands and gives certain mock concessions like........"

(Voice of the Vanguard, Vol. 3:6, /June 1985)

Recognize right of self-determination of Tamil EelamExpose Rajiv-Jayawardane Collaboration

At the time of Thimpu Talks, Rajiv Gandhi told a Press Conference in Madras, that the Indian Government's stand was that the Tamils of Sri Lanka were entitled to autonomy on the model of the Indian States-He added that the Tamil militants demanding "Eelam" were another matter, but the Government of India had nothing to do with it. This first Found of talks broke down after six days and after India's intervention it was postponed to 12th August. Meanwhile the Indian Government, through its chief agent, Romesh Bhandari utilized the one month gap to bring further pressure en the militants (ENLF) increase the importance of the so called moderates (TULF and PLOT) engage in secret negotiation with the Jayawardane Government and thereby strike a deal which will liquidate the movement.

On the very eve of the second round of talks at Thimpu, the Times of India reported on 11th August, that "The initial hope of the Tamil minority getting at least complete regional autonomy for the northern and eastern provinces as a combined unit, as an alternative to a separate state has begun to evaporate with India insisting rot only on a political settlement within a United Sri Lanka but also indicating that it wil1 not support any linkage of the two provinces’. In fact the consideration of the

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North and East as one province is the starting point for all the Tamil Groups and it is precisely on this that the Jayawardane Government is most firm. Now, the Indian Government openly declares that it fully backs the Jayawardane stand on this question.

So angered were the Sri Lankan Tamils to the Indian Governments stand, that 'Sunday Review' from Jaffna said; "The Tamil people need not despair, India cannot impose a 'solution’ on the ethnic problem which is unacceptable to them. The Indian Prime Minister has to contend not only withTamil-nadu but also with the other Southern States of India where the sentiment is strongly in favor of the militants". Demonstrations also took place in Jaffna against the Thimpu talks and the attitude of the Indian Government.

The talks resumed on the 12th August when the 13 member delegation was flown to Thimpu in an Indian Air force Plane, The Tamils were represented by the six organization, comprising the ENLF constituents (LTTE, TELO, EPRLF and EROS) PLOT and TULF. While the Sinhala Jayawardane’s brother, Hector Jayawardane, again led delegation. On this occasion both sides included a Muslim delegate (33% of the eastern province comprise of Muslim Tamils). The six groups rejected the 'new proposals' of the Jayawardane Government that were presented at Thimpu. The proposals were basically the same as had been presented to the All Party Conference held in 1984 and rejected even by the TULF. The latest proposals envisaged district councils and provincial councils with very modest legislative and executive powers, making them totally dependant on the Sri Lankan President, and also ruled out any merger or link between the North and the East - a key Tamil demand. Even the United legislative power to enact subordinate legislation "was made subject to control and approval by the President.” Also the funds to be placed at the disposal of a district council were to be determined by a commission appointed by the President,

While outright rejecting these proposals the joist statement of the Six Tamil Groups said, "The proposals did not devolve power from the Centre, They reinforced the power of the Centre to manage the districts.... we unanimously reject it because it is our considered view that any meaningful solution to the Tamil question must be based on the following cardinal principles s

i) The fact that the Tamils of the island constitute a nation.

ii) That there exists in the island an identified homeland of the Tamil-speaking people with a guaranteed territorial integrity

iii) That the Tamil Nation has an inalienable right to self-determination. iv) That all Tamils who look upon the island as their country have the light to full citizenship and other fundamental rights.“........The Sri Lanka Government delegation presented instead new proposals on 6/8/85. These new proposals are a rehash of the earlier proposals with the right to certain district councils to function as provincial councils".

On the 16th August, 250 Tamils were lined up and shot dead, including women and children, in Vavuniya Distinct by the Sri Lankan army and Sinhala rowdies in one of the worst ever massacres of Tamils. This occurred even as the peace talks were continuing and a supposed ceasefire was in existence. With this the Tamil Groups declared that it is farcical to continue the peace talks, and walked out of the talks. Immediately, the Indian agent, Bhandari, rushed toThimpu and shouted, not at

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Hector Jayawardane for his Government butchering innocent Tamils, but at the Tamil Groups for walking out of the Talks. Apparently he even threatened to throw them out of the country.

In fact, since the cease-fire was declared 500 civilians were reported killed or missing and about one lakh homeless. The most effected were in the districts of Vavuniya in the North and Trincomallee in the East. In Trincomallee, which has an important strategic harbor, the Sri Lanka Government is forcibly evicting Tamils and settling Sinhalese to change the demographic character of the district from being a Tamil dominated area. In the last two months alone 52 villages have been destroyed in Trincomalee district.

Surprisingly, on the day of the collapse of the talks and the massacre of Tamils in Sri Lanka it is announced that an Indian Cricket Team is leaving for a one-month tour of Sri Lanka. In spite of numerous requests to the Indian Government to cancel that tour from Tamil Groups Organizations the tour continued. Probably the Indian Government thinks that the butchery in Sri Lanka is more humanely done than that in South Africa '!

Soon after the collapse of these talks Rajiv Gandhi invites the Tamil Groups to meet him personally. The refuse-i.e. the ENLF Groups first refuse; the TULF and PLOT were any way collaborating with the Indian Government. Insulted by this stand of the ENLF, in an act of blind anger the Rajiv Government immediately deported leaders-Balasingham of the LTTE to London and Chandrahasan of the PROTEG (Organization for Protection of Tamils in Eelam from Genocide) to U.S.A., Chandrahasan (43) is the Son of the famous Tamil leader Chelvanayagam, (often called the Father of Tamil Eelam) and is close to TELO. After a massive protest against these deportations throughout Tamilnadu Rajiv Gandhi was forced to revoke the deportation order onChandrahasan, but to this day, they have refused to revoke the order on Balasingham.

Meanwhile in Sri Lanka a 'National Front' is formed led by Mrs.Bandaranaike and the Budhist clergy to call off the Thimpu Talk unless 'terrorism’ was first called off. In an interview Jayawardane acknowledged the opposition of the clergy to anything beyond autonomous District Councils.

Meanwhile in India, hectic activity began, by the Indian Government to bring the ENLF to Delhi for talks and at the same time continue negotiations with the Sri Lankan Government. Though the ENLF were not prepared for talks for quite some time TULF and PLOT were in constant contact with the Indian Government. PLOT in its servility to the Indian Government, it praised Bhandari's behavior at Thimpu and criticized the TELO delegates. They went so far as to state that by walking out of the Thimpu talks they were indirectly helping the Jayawardane Government.

On 19th August, 1985, the Sri Lankan Government indicated that it was prepared to discuss the Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC) S.Thondaman's proposal, placed before the All Party Conference in Colombo, last November. His proposals were to organize the Tamil areas exactly how States have been organized in India. It provides for a separate linguistic region for the North xxxxxxxx xxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxx region for the plantation laborers of Indian origin in the Central highlands. These linguistic regions were to be called regional councils and would have powers to enforce law and order in the region. But at this stage the ENLF leaders decided that talks should only be resumed "when the Sri Lankan Army stopped the killing of innocent Tamils, the ceasefire agreement was observed totally

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by the Sri Lankan Army and the Government offered a new set of proposals to meet aspirations of the Tamil minority".

Then after prolonged discussions between Hector Jayawardane and Romesh Bhandari the Sri Lankan Government announced on 15th August that it was putting forward fresh proposals, which was mixture between 'Annexure C' (i. e. their old proposals) and that put forward by the C W C.

While 'Annexure C' offered district councils and regional councils, the CWC proposals sought regional councils-one for the combined Tamil dominated North and Eastern provinces and another for the plantation workers area in the Central highlands. Infact these draft proposals fails short of even the minimal autonomy that State Governments in India have.

However these draft proposals, announced in the beginning of September, and formulated by the Sri Lanka delegation in consultation with Indian Government, Officials did not touch on the powers of the proposed provincial councils. What they proposed was provincial (some what like our State Governments, but where all power was still virtually in the hands of the President. Infact even subjects such as law and order, land settlement, agriculture and industry, education and culture were left open for discussion. On the devolution of xxxxxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxxxxx that the provincial councils shall have the powers to levy taxes, cess or fees and to mobilize recourses through loans. Another important factor is that they did not recognize the north and east as one Tamil homeland and suggest two independent provincial councils. In many other ways, the draft proposals makes powers of the provincial council nominal, with actual power residing with the President of the country (i. e. Jayawardane).

The draft proposal says : —

"The President shall appoint a chief executive (like a CM in India) who commands a majority in the Provincial Council. The Chief Executive will have his own Executive Committee from among members of the Provincial Council.

"Where the President is satisfied that the affairs of any provincial council are not being carried on in accordance with the provisions of the constitution or any other law, he can dissolve the council

"Elections will be held for each province on the proportional representation system on the basis of administrative districts. The number of members will be based on the population and area of each district If the district councils, by a simple majority, decide to opt out of the provincial council they can do so

"The Provincial Councils shall have the powers to levy taxes, cess or fees and to mobilize resources through loans. A finance commission will apportion resources from time to time (i. e. between the Central Parliament and the provincial council - like in India the 'finance commission can 'apportion' the major funds to the Centre.) The powers of taxation will be defined by Parliament, by Law".

From these clauses it is quite clear that these so called provincial councils do not have even those nominal rights that the state Government's in India have. This proposal is a Xxxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxx cally nothing different from that proposed by the Jayawardane Government

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last year in the all Party Conference, which has been rejected time and again by the Tamil Groups. These proposals should be outright rejected. However, till now, the Tamil Groups, have merely said to Rajiv Gandhi that these are insufficient and have not outright rejected the proposals. After meeting Rajiv Gandhi the Tamil Groups spent a fortnight talking to Indian Officials: and after a weeks break, plan to go back on 30th September, for more talks. The must beware of the traps laid by the Sinhalese and Indian Governments to lure them into a total sell out of the 'Eelam' cause through fake proposals. They must also beware of the TULF type organizations, which seek a compromise for a few crumbs of power in North Sri Lanka.

Below we print extracts from a political resolution recently issued in Tamil by the Tamil-nadu State Committee of CPI M L), (People's War) on the Eelam question on 29th July 1985.

The very first round of talks has clearly indicated that the Jayawardane Govt. has no intention of bringing permanent peace between the two nation-lilies, by recognizing the Eelam Tamil's right of self-determination. Even in the current talks it has put forward the same old proposals which it did sometime back. The aim of this action is merely to win over the Tamil comprador bourgeoisie by doling cut minor concessions, subvert and suppress the liberation struggles by splitting the movement and forcing the Tamil militants into laying down their arms only to be entangled in constitutionalism. It has no intention of granting fundamental rights and citizenship to other Tamil speaking groups, especially the up-country people.

The Jayawardane Government has not given-up it's racial and terroristic activities, not revoked the ban on Political parties, not released political prisoners, nor is it ready to restore t he democratic rights of the Sri Lankan people. On the contrary, it is unleashing racial and terroristic forces even more ruthlessly.

While trumpeting about truce and negotiations on the one hand it is simultaneously stocking its armory with the help of the imperialists. It is militarizing its Government more and more and has transformed it into Fascist Government. In short, the recent incidents prove that the Government of Sri Lanka depends on the racial suppression of Tamils for safe guarding and perpetuating the existing semi feudal, semi colonial structure. Hence the necessity of a separate state for Eelam Tamils continues to exist.

If the two Nationalities have to live united under one and the same Government, then there is no other solution except giving the Eelam Tamils the right of self-determination with the right to secede Not just that, also the present racist, terroristic, fascist government of Sri Lanka should be rebuilt as a democratic (New democratic) state. The special rights and privileges granted only to Sinhalese must be abolished.

If the peace between the two nationalities is true? to be established by solving the present crisis then the parleys, especially the 'Thimpu Talks' should solve the problems in the following way.

a) Should recognize Eelam Tamils as a separate nationality.

b) Should recognize Eelam Tamils traditional homeland and guarantee its territorial integrity.

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c) Should recognize Eelam Tamils right to self-determination with the right to secede. A constitutional guarantee should be given that if and when Eelam Tamils feel it is intolerable to live jointly under this Government and want to secede then the problem should be solved on the basis of an universal plebiscite among Tamils,

d) The Tamils who consider Sri Lanka as their motherland should be given citizenship and other rights.

To bring about immediate peace between the two Nationalities the Sri Lankan Government should undertake the following measures:

1. The According of equal rights to both the languages and the abolition of the official language status of Sinhalese.

2. According religious rights to all religions and the removal of the official religious status of Buddhism.

3 Stopping forth-with the creation of Sinhalese's settlements in traditional Tamil areas and the Government itself undertaking the responsibility of disbanding the existing settlements and resettling them (wherever possible) in Sinhalese areas.

4. Stopping the biased scheme of the so-called 'standardization' in the field of education.

5. Repealing the emergency and preventive detention acts, including the Anti-Terrorist Act.

6. Immediate release of all political prisoners.

7. Abolishing the Defense Belt in the Northern Region.

8 Giving equal opportunities to Tamilians in Military and all other Government institutions.

9. Immediate withdrawal of military from Tamil speaking areas.

10. xxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxxx giving military training only to Sinhalese and giving it to all people if they opt for it with cut any racial discrimination.

11. Removing the ban on political parties and other mass movements.

12. Should not permit foreign basses in any part of Sri Lanka. The Voice of America functioning at Trincomalee should be closed down immediately.

13. All Sri Lankan people should be given democratic rights.

Besides the Jayawardane Government, the indirect fight between the two super powers to bring Sri Lanka under their control in their contention for spheres of influence further complicates the national problem. In order to safeguard their domination over Sri Lanka and to safeguard the Semi - feudal semi - colonial system, by sustaining the Jayawardane Government, American Imperialism and its

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allies are giving all possible help to the Sri Lankan Government. The treacherous Soviet Social Imperialism, on its part, is trying to bring Sri Lanka under its domination by claiming to oppose the national oppression, and the Pro-American Jayawardane Government and to support Eelam Tamils liberation struggle. The Indian Government in its desire to capture the whole of the Sri Lanken market, forces the Tamil militants, to negotiations and put forward the idea of state-autonomy (similar to the Indian States under a Central Government) and not the right of self, determination.Xxxx xxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxx xxxxxx 'Eelam, equality and peace between the two Nationalities can be achieved only by fighting against these two super powers. When we struggle against one, the other does not automatically become our bosom friend. The recent incidents have also shown that they are fighting only for their "self interest that is domination.

For Eelam Tamils, the right of self-determination with the right to secede is not bargainable because autonomy or any other form of devolution of power is in reality only a way of safe guarding the ruling class from destruction and doling out few minor concessions to nationalities without harming the basic structure. This is only a reform. This reform will not destroy national oppression in all its manifestations. A Nationality that has only autonomy cannot get equal rights with the Nationality that is ruling. If the oppressing and oppressed Nationalities are to live in peace enjoying equal rights then the only revolutionary method of achieving it is to get the right of self-determination with the right to secede. Only thus can the national oppression be ended and the Nationalities be liberated. That is why we insist that the Eelam Tamil's right of self-determination with the right to secede is not bargainable.

But no ruling class will give up its power voluntarily. Nor is it attainable just by round table conferences?

Accepting autonomy or any other form of devolution of power as a compromise withthe Sri Lankan ruling classes xxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxx not be a solution at all.

Even if the Eelam Tamil militants give up their demand for the right of self-determination and lay down their arms because of the disillusionment due to non-arrival of expected help~ from social imperialism or because of the capitulationist attitude of parties like D, M K, A. I. A. D. M.K., who are political representatives of the Tamil Comprador bourgeoisie (who talk about liberation of the Tamil Nationality) it is inevitable for the Eelam Tamils to take-up arms once again since these compromises are not going to end oppression. Their liberation is also inevitable. The liberation of Tamil Eelam can be won only by the strength of their own countrymen. External helps even if available can only be of a temporary nature and inconsistent.

Not all the Tamilians of Eelam are going to be friends of the militants in their struggle for liberation. Past experience only shows that the Eelam Tamil Comprador bourgeoisie while claiming to be fighting for Tamil Eelam are in fact willing to give up the liberation struggle and are ready to compromise with the ruling classes for certain pupilages. But the likes of Amirthalingams, call these people as friends. Therefore only the proletariat, peasants and the revolutionary intellectual of Tamil Eelam can be the real friends of the Tamil militants. Abroad, only the proletariat of the capitalist countries and the national liberation forces of the oppressed nations can be the real friends. In India, xxxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxxx the Comprador bourgeoisie that is the parties like DMK., AIDMK etc., who instead of fighting for the right of self-determination of their own nationality compromise with the

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ruling classes of India are keeping a profound silence on this issue. They will never be a support to the liberation struggle of Tamil Eelam.

The recent incidents have illustrated only too well that in the name of utilizing the contradiction between the two super powers or that between the ruling classes of India and Sri Lanka, relying on them and aligning with them will only end in the path of surrender. Recent history has proved that a small nation can defeat a big nation and a small nationality can defeat, big-national oppression if they fight on the strength of their own people.

Therefore the Eelam Tamil militants should rely on the proletariat, peasants and inteligentsia and other oppressed people and classes of their own nationality to win the war. They should isolate the representatives of the Eelam Tamil comprador bourgeoisie, like Amirthalingam etc., who rally the masses behind them by talking of Tamil Nationalism but are in fact trying to sabotage the liberation movement by compromising with the ruling classes. They should win over the masses behind them arid rally them against the enemy. Also they should win over the Sinhalese proletariat who are being suppressed by the fascist regime of Jayawardane and rally them into their ranks. They should rely on the proletarian movements of the capitalist countries, national liberation movements of the oppressed nations and oppressed people. They should understand that the help obtained because of the contradictions between American and Russian imperialisms and that of the Indian and Sri Lankan ruling classes is only of a temporary nature and unreliable. And victory is definite only when they fight on the strength of their own people. This can be the only correct way for the Eelam liberation struggle.

In a war, truces and parleys may take place more than once. The ruling classes often indulge in the tactic of peace talks with the intention of winning over the compromising and vacillating forces to split the movement) to suppress the movement and divert the movement by granting few concessions. The real freedom fighters should utilize the peace talks to utilize that time to strengthen their forces to march ahead. So, it is acceptable that the Eelem Tamils should participate in the peace talks to find a solution without allowing any bargain on their right of self-determination. They should not take this peace talks and truce as final, they should persist on their armed struggle and hold their arms still firmly. This is the only way that guarantees their success.

It is not enough just to hold on to weapons. If the ruling classes try to cheat in the name of truce and peace talks, it is even more important to expose this to the masses and organize them for liberation. Isolating the compromising forces is inevitable in a war. These are the primary tasks of Eelam Tamil militants today.

The Prime Minister of India Rajiv Gandhi who claims to be concerned about the welfare and liberation of Eelam Tamils has said, "Any demand of the Eelam Tamils in excess of what is prevailing in India will not be supported by the Indian Government". Besides, Rajiv also said that Jayawardane has assured him to give enough autonomy to Tamilians. Therefore it is clear that the Indian Government supports neither the creation of Tamil Eelam nor the right of self-determination. The solution put-forward by it is only to get autonomy within the semi-colonial, semi feudal framework. Its intention is neither liberation nor the right to self-determination. For the Indian big bourgeoisie the small market of Tamil Eelam alone is not enough, they want the whole of the Sri Lankan market. Also their mentor, the social-imperialists, wants to bring the whole of Sri Lanka under their semi-colonial domination.

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That is why they put forward the Indian type of Government as a solution, pretending to be a friend of Eelam Tamils, it stabs them in the back and denies them the right of self-determination.

The D.M.K. and A.I A.D.M.K. who are boasting to be the guardians of the Tamil Nationality are trumpeting that they are supporting the liberation of Tamil Eelam. But the A.I.A.D.M.K., which is at the seat of State power, has surrendered to the Central Government and has become its tail. The D.M.K. had declared that it would jump into the liberation war directly, whereas it has not taken any action against the treachery of the Indian Government towards Eelam Tamils. It is only quite natural that any class or party that has not fought, for its own nationalities' right of self-determination will not fight for the liberation or right of self-determination of other nationalities. These two parties have proved that the parties of the comprador bourgeoisie which are claiming to safeguard the welfare of it's nationality can never fight for the right of self determination of its own or any other nationality. The parties that won't fight against Imperialism and feudalism cannot fight for the right of self determination In the same way, the parties that are serving the interest of Soviet Social Imperialism cannot fight for the right of self-determination. The behavior of the right and 'left' revisionist parties proved that too.

It is the general duty of proletarian party to extend its support to the struggle of any oppressed nationality for its fight for the right of self-determination. The Indian Government and the ruling classes are betraying the struggle of Eelam Tamils for its right of self-determination in order to safeguard their market interests. So, it has become the specific duty of the Indian working class to smash this betrayal. If it fails to fulfill this task it will only end in tightening the chains locked around them by the ruling classes even more. Due to the geo-political conditions it has become the urgent and necessary task of the working class movement of Tamil Nadu to struggle against the Indian Government's betrayal of Eelam Tamils.

HUNDRED FLOWERSVM PARTY PARTICIPATES IN ELECTIONS

The CPI (M-L) led by Vinod Mishra has joined the bandwagon of other groups like CP Reddy, Pailu Vasu, SNS, etc, and like them has participated in elections in a big way. Also like them VM group justify their participation in elections as a 'tactic’ to be combined with agrarian revolutionary struggles.

In the March 1985 elections the VM group participated in a big way under the banner of the so-called Indian People's Front (IPF) Just as CP Reddy - Paila Vasu groups participated in Andhra Pradesh, the VM groups major participation was in Bihar where they have some influence in some districts. While Paila Vasu won one assembly seat; the VM group lost in all the eleven constituencies contested by the IPF.

VM's participation in elections is theoretically justified in their official organ, Liberation, April 1985 issue, in an article entitled, "Our Experience of Participation in Elections" ("Our Experience....") says, "The Central Committee of the Party decided in favor of participation on the following considerations:i) "Any declaration of permanent non-participation in elections irrespective of changes in the situation and that too in a vast and diverse country like India with a fairly long and continuous history of parliamentarism is theoretically untenable,

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ii)"A genuine communist party whose task is to master and combine various forms of struggles cannot therefore denounce the tactics of participation in parliamentary elections in all periods and in all circumstances.

iii) "Analyzing the concrete political situation obtaining immediately after the general elections (referring to Lok Sabha elections - Ed) it was felt in the face of the popular mandate manipulated by the ruling Congress (I) and the virtual eclipse of the national opposition it was imperative to under take the widest propaganda and exposure campaign And therefore the opportunity provided by the assembly elections could not have been given away.

iv) "....the enemy want to provoke us to indulge in rash actions isolated from the masses. In other words the enemy sought to invite us for frontal battles. Strengthening our relations with the masses and mobilising them in the mass struggles could only have provided the best answer to the enemy’s attack in the prevailing situation. Elections provide us a good1 opportunity for widely expanding our propaganda and for broadening our ties with the masses”

Along with this articles 'Liberation’ published five pages of excerpts from Lenin's "Against Boycott” and "The-Attitude of the Bourgeois Parties and Workers Party to the Duma Elections” to give theoretical justification to their changed political line. The excerpts were published with an editorial note saying, "We publish below excerpts from two of his (Lenin’s) articles which clarify theoretical and practical Marxist positions regarding participation in elections. We believe that these articles are quite relevant in the present stage of our movement".

Ever since the 1950s the revisionist parties in India have been quoting certain works of Lenin to justify their participation in elections. For example the CPI ,CPM quote again and again (out of context) from Lenin's "Left Wing Communism - An Infantile Disorder” to give legitimacy to their parliamentarism and other revisionist tactics. To justify a revisionist tactic they do-not use Marxism - Leninism as a guide to actions but chose certain Marx and Lenin quotes to justify their bourgeois activity.

Here too VM does the same. He brings no link between the Lenin quotes and the later article, "Our Experience....". If we read the two pieces we cannot see an iota of connection between them. If he was to use Leninism as a guide to his "Our Experience". he must show how this experience fits into the theoretical postulations earlier outlined in the Lenin excerpts. But this is not done and the participation in the elections is justified on totally different grounds in the article "Our Experience...." which have nothing to do, what so-ever with the earlier quoted Lenin excerpts. It appears that the Lenin quotes are put as a smokescreen to justify their participation in elections. Having touched on the non-Marxist methodology utilized here let us briefly outline some important questions related with Lenin's tactics on elections.

Firstly, Lenin has written much on the question of election tactics - whether it is participation or boycott (See Lenin Collected Works, Volume 11). But from all that has been said Lenin is quite clear that the election tactic must go to further the revolutionary movement. One important aspect of Leninist tactics on elections is that the proletarian party must use these elections to raise the consciousness of the masses and expose parliamentary illusions. This is repeated again and again in Lenin's articles on elections - including in the articles quoted by "Liberation". But a reason given by

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VM for participation is because "of the popular mandate manipulated by the ruling Congress (I) and the virtual eclipse of the national opposition" and it become "imperative to under take the widest propaganda and exposure campaign."

From this it appears that VM's criteria in participation in elections is through its IPF to take the place of the "National Opposition" which was eclipsed and to "undertake the widest propaganda and exposure campaign”. Nowhere, even in the Lenin excerpts quoted in the "Liberation" has he ever given this as the reason for participation in elections, ie. to emerge as a parliamentary alternative to the ruling party. Also in order to do "propaganda and broaden the ties with masses" cannot this be done by undertaking a massive "boycott elections" campaign Anyhow VM's reasons for participation will, in effect, only go to build up constitutional illusions in the masses which is precisely what Lenin has opposed.

Secondly, what VM and others fail to understand is that the participation in elections as a tactic as formulated and implemented by Lenin is applicable where the path of revolution is that of insurrection and is irrelevant when the path is that of protracted People's War. They mechanically apply a particular form of struggle, which is suitable to a particular path of revolution - ie. insurrection. -to another path - ie. protracted People's War.

This of course is nothing new. Groups led by CP Reddy, SNS etc. have been doing this for nearly a decade now. Our Party in Andhra Pradesh has clearly brought this out in our polemics against CP Reddy long ago. In fact six years ago in an article in the 15th December, 1979 issue of KRANTI, the organ of the Andhra Pradesh State Committee, CPI (ML) (People's War), entitled, "CP Reddy Party is Liquidating the Agrarian Revolution by Participating in Election?" while attacking Vimochana (CP Reddy's organ) stand on elections, our party distinguished between the path of insurrection and that of protracted People's War and its relevance to our election tactics. Today VM dishes out the same arguments that CP Reddy did six years ago. They base their argument on the VM-type statements such as "any declaration of permanent non-participation in elections irrespective of changes .... is theoretically untenable" Yet in the 'Liberation’ article there is no indication what the changed circumstances are, that have now warranted a change in tactics and participation in elections.

Besides, situations in backward countries do not change as that in a capitalist country. Take for example the question of a revolutionary situation While the capitalist countries go through cycles of economic crisis (even in imperialist era) the third world countries are in the midst of a continuing crisis, because of the massive imperialist loot and also the backward semi-feudal economy While in the capitalist countries a revolutionary situation arises because of the permanent crisis of the economy and it is only within this permanent situation that further ups and downs take place due to the fluctuations in the imperialist economies,Why is it necessary to point this out is because very often it is argued that participation in elections can be justified as there is no revolutionary situation (Leave the argument for the present that today even the world capitalist economy is in the midst of a severe crisis) So the so-called "change in the situation are not as in the capitalist countries.

For example what was the specific change in situation between the elections of 1980 and 85. Another argument that is very often put forward is that in order to isolate the most reactionary force, ie. the Congress (I), we must vote against it or put up candidates against it. But it is precisely such arguments

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that Lenin has refuted in his articles on election tactics. The isolation of the most reactionary forces in society, including the Congress (I), cannot be done by participating in elections and indulging in parliamentary politics, but by a correct approach to our united front policy.

It is true, as 'Liberation’ says, India is a vast and diverse country. But is that a ground for taking part in elections? Precisely because of this, India is a country with uneven development of its economic and political forces. A small number of modern industrialcities stand alongside the vast countryside, which is medieval and backward.

As the economy is backward and not unified, the countryside to a certain extent can be independent of the cities, and self-supporting and harbor the revolution for a long time. As a result it is impossible for revolution to get a quick victory on a nation wide scale, but it is possible to win victory first in those areas where the enemy forces are relatively weak. Hence the area wise seizure of political power through a protracted People's War.

Does VM foresee the possibility of carrying on armed struggle in one part of the country and taking part in the elections simultaneously in another part because India is a 'vast and diverse country’? In any area as long as the political development is backward, parliamentary illusions will be rife and the main task will be to expose these parliamentary illusions and win over the masses to the path of armed agrarian revolution by exposing the parliament by boycotting elections. As the political development grows and there is a revolutionary upsurge in the countryside, the main need then is to have an active boycott, disrupt the elections and prepare for a high tide of revolution. This is exactly what has happened in countries like the Philippines, El Salvador, etc.

Then again 'Liberation' adds that India has had a "fairly long and continuous history of parliamentarism". So according to VM this is a reason to participate in it! ! ! On the contrary, because of this "fairly long and continuous history of parliamentarism" parliamentary illusions are very widespread in the country. And it is precisely for this reason that an important task of a communist party is to smash these parliamentary illusions and not perpetrate them by participating in elections. Here it is very often argued that we will participate in elections and from that platform expose this 'election system’. This logic is ridiculous, for if the illusions are already prevalent you cannot expose the system and at the same time call on the masses to "vote for me". All your theoretical, nice sounding speeches will remain mere postulations, while your candidate will remain the only one glaring fact

It is very often implied that by boycotting we are sectarian and will get cut off from the masses while by participating we are adopting a 'true mass line'. But here again history has shown that the boycott campaign can be taken in a very big way to the masses, in fact, even more extensively than by participating. Boycott does not mean merely to sit at home and not vote, but to actively propagate and also mobilize the masses for boycott. And propagation does not merely mean to show all the parliamentary political parties as bad as or reactionary (as that will imply, "if a good party comes, voting is OK") but that the very parliamentary institutions is itself reactionary and anti people. In fact today people are generally fed up with all the existing political parties (except at times when a new party or individual emerges), the point, however, is to-take this consciousness one step ahead and expose the parliamentary institutions themselves.

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As long as the masses have some faith that any change in this country is possible only through the parliamentary institutions (notwithstanding their disgust for all existing parliamentary parties) they can never be won over to the path of armed agrarian revolution. So it is time that India has had a "fairly long and continuous history of parliamentarism", but it is precisely for this reason that we have to fight and expose the constitutional illusions that have grown because of this fairly long history.

‘Liberation’ put forward one more cause for their participation in elections saying that it is "the best answer” to the "enemy's attacks", According to 'Liberation". The "enemy wants to provoke us to indulge in rash actions, isolated from the masses", and that "the best answer to the enemy’s attack in the prevailing situation could only have been provided by strengthening our relations with the masses and mobilizing them in the mass struggles". And further that "elections provide us a good opportunity for widely expanding our propaganda and for broadening our ties with the masses". This logic is totally false. If the enemy wants to provoke you, don't be provoked. If they want to involve you in rash actions isolated from the masses, then don’t indulge in rash actions & isolate yourself from masses. Don’t fight on the enemy's terms, but fight on your terms from a position of advantage. Avoid isolated battles unless you are able to organize mass resistance. Where is the connection between participation in elections and enemy’s provocation:: and rash actions, etc.? How can a few days of electioneering on your part strengthen your relations with the masses and mobilize them in mess struggles? Are elections some kind of magic wand that will give you all the answers on how to resist the enemy? There is no short cut. Rely on the masses and resist the enemy's onslaught. This path is difficult but it is the only one that gives reliable results.

In order to widen propaganda and reliably build ties with the masses is participation in elections necessary? Are there no legal, semi-legal and illegal methods to carry on these tasks? Are there not hundreds of economic and even political demands, which arise daily, around which the masses can be really mobilized? Besides, your vote base is an illusory judge of your strength and fighting capacity - it is only an evidence of your influence! A real mass base is really built only by mobilizing the masses in struggles and not by asking (and even getting) their vote.

But the VM’s party going to elections is not surprising as the IFF itself cleared their path to elections. Also in the October 1984, issue of 'Liberation' the parliamentary path has already been introduced where they rep sat SNS's old formulation (in a new form) of setting up a "Provisional Revolutionary Government" (PRG). In that issue of 'Liberation’ they say, "You cannot deny the possibility although a very remote one - of communist revolutionaries, in coltoboration with genuine democratic forces, acquiring a majority in one or two states and forced (?) to form a government. We already have before us the revisionist tactics of utilizing such govts, for the tactics not of confrontation but (peaceful) competition with the central authorities ........" As opposedto this non-confrontationist method of running state governments, the 'revolutionary’ method of running state governments, according to VM, "can only be the course of confrontation with the central authority and organizing people in armed militia. This will naturally bring the fall of your government as well as the counter uprising of the masses. In special circumstances the fallen government may reorganize as a PRG or setup a PRG ............'"

This shows that the VM group is not merely planning to participate in elections but is prepared to be "forced to form a government". They justify this formation of a government under a smoke screen that it could lea j to a revolutionary upsurge (with its dismissal). Here the VM party is completely deviating

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from the path of protracted People's War of seizure of power first in the remote areas and replacing it with the concept of state wise seizure of power as already put forward by the CPM.

Besides, his very concept of coming to power in some states through the ballot box negates-the very class character of the Indian state machinery (of which the government and assemblies are only a part). It introduces the possibility of peacefully coming to power in some states. Of course, once having established this path as a possibility, they then say that the government will be dismissed because of 'confrontationist’ (not revolutionary) policies towards the central authorities. (Meanwhile cadres are trained to coma to power through election -dismissal may/may not occur). Comrade VM, after coming to power in some states will you confiscate all foreign capital and distribute land to the tiller or will you adopt a ‘confrontationist’ policy with the central authorities, demanding more powers (and funds) to the states.

This statement in 'Liberation’ clearly shows that the VM party is treading though it is attempted to be camouflaged in revolutionary terminology of 'armed militia', ‘counter uprisings’, ‘PRG', etc. Here VM group has replaced the building of liberated base areas (backed by a People's Liberation Army) with a PRG (backed by armed militia). The setting up of a PRG may only become a possibility after a number of strong liberated base areas exist with a powerful Red Army, but VM wants to replace the path of setting up liberated base areas with the path of setting up state governments through elections and then going through it to some supposed PRG. In essence it is nothing but the parliamentary path. Besides a PRG is an instrument of war at a period of high tide to continue the civil war and not to set up an alternative to the existing government. A revolutionary tide cannot be brought about by the way VM says, but it can be brought about by the establishment of liberated base areas of which the peasant struggle will be an important part. Participating in elections, coming to power, getting dismissed and thereby creating a tide can never bring about a tide.

A revolutionary high tide will only grow in this country by advancing the agrarian revolution and establishing guerilla zones and liberated base areas-witness Philippines, El Salvador or any of the national liberation movement in the world. The VM's talk of forming a PRG has nothing to do with Leninism. In his book ''Two Tactics of Social Democracy in the Democratic .-Revolution”. Lenin clearly states that "a PRG alone, and one, moreover, that will be the organ of a victorious popular insurrection, can secure to conduct an election campaign and convene an assembly-that will really express the will of the people". He adds further, "somebody must convene the constituent assembly; somebody must guarantee the freedom and fairness of the elections; somebody must invest such an assembly with full power and authority. Only a revolutionary government, which is the organ of the insurrection, can desire this in all sincerity, and be capable of doing all that is required to achieve this". VM totally distorts the Leninist concept of a PRG, which is clearly an institution of war to seize political power.

So VM's election participation has nothing to do with Leninism But before concluding, two further points must be made as 'Marxists' of the CP Reddy, VM, SNS—type very often use the classics to distort reality. It is an often—repeated concept of Lenin that parliament may be historically obsolete, but it is not politically obsolete. To quote Lenin for capitalist countries where the development of revolution is even and where the question of political obsolescence can be nationwide and to mechanically apply this to backward countries like India where development is uneven is wrong. In

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India there is no question of having a unified political experience throughout that country where the parliament can become "politically obsolete" throughout the country. In India uneven development is the basis for the path of revolution being a protracted war. It is quite clear that there is enormous uneven political development, which cannot lead to "political obsolescence" of the parliament throughout the country. Secondly, to quote Lenin's tactics without taking into consideration the path of revolution is wrong. Any tactic must be seen within the framework of the path of revolution and must be linked to the path of revolution- In Russia the path of revolution was that of insurrection - In India the path of revolution is that of protracted People's War. While quoting Lenin this factor should be taken into account.

In the Indian communist movement parliamentarism has be come the last refuge for allrevisionists. All right revisionists finally end in the pigsty of parliamentarism.

AILRC VANGUARD OFREVOLUTIONARY CULTURAL MOVEMENT

(We publish the following article on the occasion of the Second Conference of the All-India League for Revolutionary Culture (AILRC) scheduled to be held on 13 and 14 of October,1985 in Cherabandaraju Nagar, Sindhri, Dhanbad, Bihar. Report on the Conference will bepublished in the following issue of Vanguard —Editor)

The revolutionary cultural units, which constitute the All India League for Revolutionary Culture (AILRC), are:

i) Revolutionary Writers Association (RWA), ie. Viplava Rachayithala Sangham (VIRA SAM), Andhra Pradesh.

ii) Jana Natya Mandali (JNM), Andhra Pradesh.

iii) Aavhaan Natya Manch (ANM), Maharashtra.

iv) Sangharsh Natya Manch (SNM), Goa.

v) People's Art Forum (PAF), Tamil Nadu.

vi) Jana Kala Mandali (JKM), Karnataka.

vii) Krantikari Sanskritik Sangh (KSS), Bihar.

viii) Revolutionary Writers, Artists, Intellectuals, Association (RWA1A), West Bengal. Three more organizations are seeking membership in the AILRC.They are:

i) Krantikari Sahitya Subha (KSS), Punjab.

ii) Krantikari Budhijeebi Sangh (KBS), Bihar.

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iii) Revolutionary Cultural Movement (RCM), Tamil Nadu.

In addition, individuals are allowed to become members of the League, in those regions where no constituent unit exists at present. If, however, an individual seeks membership of the League in an area where a constituent unit is already functioning, then his or her application must pass through the respective constituent unit and recommended by it. Following individuals are members of the League :

i) Kanchan Kumar, Editor, Amukh (Hindi), New Delhi.ii) Govind Sahay, Social scientist, New Delhi.iii) Anuradha Ghandi, Cultural Activist, Nagpur.iv) Jitendra Rathore, Editor, Pratyaksha (Hindi), Patna. Bengali writers like Ashit Ray and Sukhdeb Chatterjee are hopeful aspirants of individual membership.History:

Way back in 1971, SRI SRI and Hansraj Rahbar had mooted the idea of forming a countrywide revolutionary cultural association in a joint declaration in New Delhi. After a decade in 1982 May, in the second conference of Peoples Cultural Forum (PCF), Kerala. Serious efforts were initiated in that direction. Again in June 1982 various organizations met at Macherla Conference, of APRWA where RWA was authorized to prepare an approach paper. In November 1982 the newly formed Peoples Art Forum, Tamil Nadu, hosted the meet where the approach paper was discussed.

The RWA was then entrusted with the responsibility of preparing the draft manifesto, meant for countrywide circulation and discussion. Subsequently, the Conveners Council of RWAIA extended an invitation to all those associations, which had more or less agreement with the approach paper and the first draft manifesto.

Delegates of RWA, JNM, PAF, ANM, newly - formed All India Coordination Committee of PCFs, Nav Janwadi Sanskritic Manch (NJSM), NewDelhi. PALA (Madras, and later, Tamil Nadu) held two daylong discussions at Jadhavpur, Calcutta on 29,30th March 1983. Fundamental differences were voiced by NJSM, and PALA, while the PCFs stuck to their guns.

Finally it was decided to set up the AILRC and an organizing committee was chosen from RWA, RWAIA, with Comrade KVR as convener, this committee was asked to finalize the draft and to prepare a manifesto. The formation of AILRC was announced at a Public Meeting held at Jadavpur, on 30 March, 1983.

The inaugural conference was held in New Delhi on 13th &14th October 1983. An executive committee was elected with Comrade KVR as general secretary; Comrades Prasantha Chattopadhyaya or RWAIA and Aswin Tambatt of ANM as joint secretaries. Comrade CSR Prasad was the treasurer. in the first six months saw the League struggling to find its moorings. RWA's anti repression campaign from district level upwards; JKM's district campaign concentrating on students and workers; SNM's anti-fee-hike struggles coupled with staging relevant pays and demonstrations of solidarity with local mine workers; PAF's show of Telugu film, MAA BHOOMI (Our Land) and a tour by children’s troupe in Dharmapuri and Salem districts; JNM's two plays - BOGGU PORALLO On the coal layers on miners) and NAGETI CHALLALO (In the furrows of plough-on resurgent peasantry) and two more ballets

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ORUGALLU VEERULU (Heroes of Warangal and RALLASEEMA RATNALU (Diamonds of a land of stones); KSS's organization of training camps for composition of songs to be taken to villages and tribal hamlets; RWAIA's organization of meetings in support of the peasant and working class struggles.

From the time of the Executive meeting at Makivalasa (in Srikakulam where RWA Conference was held.) in January 1984 to the time of the next Executive meeting at Nagpur in October 1984, the league achieved a fair measure of coherence and strength. Comrade Aswin Tambatt of ANM, joint secretary of League, toured Gujarat state and Comrade VV (Vara Vara Rao) general secretary of RWA contacted certain Andhra academicians in Orissa. Comrade CSR Prasad, treasurer of the League, tried to forge links with Kharagpur-based cultural organization. Comrades Ashok Tankashala (RWA, Delhi Unit), KVR and CSR Prasad attended a seminar organized by Krantikari Sahitya Sabha, Punjab and tried to persuade them to join the League.The official organ of the League, initially named "SPARK", did not take—off the ground even after the lapse of one year. The RWA and JNM took part in a group meeting of PAF when it was attempting to reorganize and consolidate itself. The RWA, JNM, JKM, ANM and SNM to fraternize with PAF participated in the in the Appu—Balan Memorial Meeting held at Naickenkottai, Dharmapuri district, Tamil Nadu.

AILRC constituents like RWA, ANM etc. waged an ideological struggle against the Hindu communalist upsurge which is enjoying official patronage, manifesting itself in Ekatmata Yagna and communal riots in Hydrabad, Bombay, Bhiwandi, etc. RWAIA's active display of solidarity with the landless tribals fighting in Keshiari and SNM's participation in Goan student and miners' struggles were also significant.

JNM's cultural tour through Gujarat and Maharashtra with the cooperation of ANM and the recent country—wide campaign to mobilize public opinion against the state terrorism in Andhra Pradesh by RWA—JNM were other achievements.

The "boycott election campaign," and "Go to Village campaign" was conducted by ANM, JNM and SNM and to some extent by RWA, PAF and RWAIA, Organizationally, the League has certainly made a mark though still marginal, as a coherent body by virtue of public meetings under its own banners and also under twin banners of itself and its Constituents. But even now its real strength lies in them all.

VANGUARD hails the Second Conference of AILRC and hope it fulfills its role as the Vanguard of the Indian Revolutionary Cultural Movement.

FIGHT FOR CIVIL LIBERTIES UNTO DEATH

In broad day light, in the heart of a city, the organized licensed goondas brutally murdered civil liberties leader Ramanadham, a pediatrician. The silencer of the revolver could only swallow the sound of the bullet but not the scream of Ramanadham against fascism. The bullet not only killed Ramanadham, it killed a dream, a hope. The firing signals the state's declaration of war on the people.

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Medicine has imperceptibly led us into a position to deaf with the great social problems of our time. Doctors are the natural advocates of the poor, and social problems are very largely within their jurisdiction. —RUDOLF VIRCHOW 1849Dr. A. Ramanatham hails from Khammam district He graduated from Osmania Medical College in 1960. Later he took a postgraduate diploma in child health. He was a member of the teaching faculty of Kakatiya Medical College from 1966-68. In 1968 he started his own private clinic for children and became a. reputed pediatrician of the city. Every day at least a hundred patients visit his clinic. He wrote a book in Telugu, ‘Medical Guide', which became very popular and has already seen two editions. He is popular as a poor people's doctor in Warangal City. He stood not only for the welfare of the poor but also for their rights. He was associated with APCLC right from its inception, and was the pioneer of the civil rights movement in Warangal. During the emergency he was in jail for two months. This year, in January he was arrested along with other civil right activists and was in prison for a week. For the last five years he was also the vice-president of APCLC state unit.

STUDENTS STRUGGLECOMMITTEE FOR TAMIL EELAM

At a time when a majority of the student community has lost confidence in the parliamentary political parties, including the DMK and AIADMK, the Tamil Nadu Radical Students Union (TNRSU) took the initiative to organize an united front of student organizations to support the cause of Eelam Tamils. On 28th August 1985, a group of progressive students gathered to discuss the formation of a united front, not affiliated to any parliamentary parties. The organization was named as Students Struggle Committee for Tamil Eelam (SSCTE). Its constituents are in 17 colleges, two high schools, and three polytechnics, with strength of 10,000 students. At the first General Body Meeting held at Marina Beach, it was decided to launch a movement. A coordination committee was elected with Comrade C Rajendran of TNRSU, Madras University as its coordinator.

The political stand of the SSCTE on the Eelam question is that it believes in the nationalities' Right of Self determination, including the right to secession. The solution to Tamil Eelam problem is nothing less than a separate Tamil Eelam. The assessment of the SSCTE of Indian government is that it is stabbing the Tamil Eelam movement in the back. The betrayal is crystal clear in it’s pushing the proposal of setting up provincial councils. It is coercing the militants into accepting the Indo - Lankan proposals.

The SSCTE demands that Tamil Eelam should be recognized on the lines of Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). It hails the armed struggle waged by the Tamil Eelam freedom fighters. It unequivocally condemns the Indo—Lankan connivance to sabotage the Eelam struggle. Lastly, the SSCTE demands that the state government should provide proper facilities to the Eelam Tamil refugees and put an end to repression on the movements in support of Tamil Eelam in Tamil Nadu SSCTE condemns the tactic of closing schools and colleges to crush the student movement.

In accordance with the action programme chalked out in the GBM, a wide poster campaign was launched.... condemning the state repression on students struggles in support of Eelam in Vaniyambadi, Trichinapally, Madurai etc. and explaining the view point of the SSCTE. Then

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pamphlets were distributed in many colleges, schools and technical institutions. On 11th September the students of Central polytechnic organized a Rasta Roko at Adyar, a posh area in Madras. Nearly 2000 students participated. Beside the sea .... a sea of student force. Without undue provocation, the police lathi— charged the students and arrested 183 activists. Students raised anti-police slogans. They demanded that if arrests were to be made, and then everyone should be arrested. The police resorted to lathi — charge to disperse the students who were willing to court arrest voluntarily.

As the arrested students were taken to the J2 police station, Adyar, the students gathered in the Polytechnic campus and gain continued with rasta roko. The police again dispersed them. Meanwhile students went on fast in the campus demanding the release and succeeded.

On 12th September, the SSCTE called for boycott of classes to condemn the lathi — charge on the CPT students. Nearly 10,000 students responded to the call and boycotted the classes.Then the students went to different colleges, sub — urban trains, bus terminals, streets etc. to collect funds. They carried a collage depicting the "sham ceasefire".On 9 October, SSCTE and the Revolutionary Cultural Movement (RCM) jointly organized a programme, mainly to raise funds to continue the agitation and propaganda work of the SSCTE.

Firstly, a photo exhibition was organized with photographs on brutal repression in Lanka and posters depicting the Eelam struggles, thanks to the Eelam groups who gave them. The venue was Karnataka Sangh, near the Valluvar Kottai, where a meeting was also held. It was presided by Comrade Vivek of CPT, Adyar. Representatives of teachers, intellectuals and workers, apart from students, delivered speeches. The SSCTE students sang four songs on Tamil Eelam. A skit called "ORU PENNIN KADHAI" (the story of a women—symbolizing Eelam nationality as a woman). Audience responded with thundering applause and roof shattering slogans. The RCM presented two skits, "The Encounter', and "Hold On! Bus Fare". RCM Troupe also sang two songs, one in Tamil and another in Telugu.

Included in its future programme is burning the copies of. Thimpu Resolution, demonstrating in front of Sri Lanka Consulate, a general Bandh, and spreading the movement to other parts of the state.

COMBAT REVISIONISMUPHOLD MARXISM-LENINISMMAO DZE DONG THOUGHT

In opposing subjectiive sectarianism, and stereo typed Party writing we must have in mind two purposes: first, "learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones", and second, "cure the sickness to save the patient". The mistakes of the past must be exposed without sparing anyone's sensibilities; it is necessary to analyze and criticize what was bad in the past with a scientific attitude so that work in the future will be done more carefully and done better. This is what is meant by "learn from past to avoid future ones".

But our aim in exposing-errors and criticizing shortcomings like that of a doctor curing a sickness is solely to save the patient and not to doctor him to death. A person with appendicitis is saved when the surgeon removes his appendix. So long as a person who has made mistakes does not hide his sickness for fear of treatment or persist in his mistakes until he is beyond cure, so long as he honestly and

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sincerely wishes to be cured and mend his ways, we should welcome him and cure his sickness so that he can become a good comrade.

Another point that should be mentioned in connection with inner-party criticism is that some comrades ignore the major issues and confine their attention to minor points when they make their criticism. They do not understand that the main task of criticism is to point out political and organizational mistakes, there is no need to be over critical or the comrades concerned will be at a loss as to what to do. Moreover, once such criticism develops, there is the greater danger that within the Party attention will be concentrated exclusively on minor faults and everyone will become timid and overcautious and forget the Party's political tasks.

In inner-Party criticism, guard against subjectivism, arbitrariness and the vulgarization of criticism; statements should be based on facts and criticism should stress the political role.

Many things may become baggage, may become encumbrances, if we cling to them blindly and uncritically. Let us take some illustrations. Having made mistakes, you may feel that, come what may you are saddled with them and so become dispirited; if you have not made mistakes, you may feel that you are free from error and so become conceited. Lack of achievement in work may breed pessimism and depression, while achievement may breed pride and arrogance.

A comrade with a short record of struggle may shirk responsibility on this account, while a veteran may become opiniated because of his long record of struggle. Worker and peasant comrades because of pride in their class origin may look down upon intellectuals, while intellectuals, because they have a certain amount of knowledge, may look down upon worker and peasant comrades.

Any specialized skill may be capitalized on and so may lead to arrogance and contempt of others. Even one's age may become ground for conceit. The young, because they are bright and capable, may look down upon the old; and the old, because they are rich in experience, may look down upon the young. All such things become encumbrances or baggage if there is no critical awareness.

Hard work is like a load placed before us, challenging us to shoulder if. Some loads are light, some heavy. Some people prefer the light to the heavy; they pick the light and shove the heavy on to others. That is not a good attitude. Some comrades are different; they leave ease and comfort to others and take the heavy loads themselves; they are the first to bear hardships, the last to enjoy comforts. They are good comrades. We should learn from their spirit.

MAO DZE DONG

FIGHT BACK THE FASCIST ONSLAUGHT -- C.C. CALL

The Central Committee of the CPI (ML) People's War calls upon the entire Party to mobilize against the increasing fascist policies of the Rajiv Government, which is attempting to suppress the people throughout the country, and in league with the NTR Government in Andhra Pradesh, has launched an all-out offensive against our Party in Andhra Pradesh. In Andhra Pradesh the fascist NTR Government has butchered more than 25 of our Comrades since the beginning of this year and is

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cringing before the Centre for more funds to wipe out our Party in Andhra Pradesh. This attack on our Party is different from earlier attacks as it is specifically aimed at suppressing our Party throughout the State and not merely at curbing local movements. Besides, it is preparing to bring in the draconian anti-terrorist bill with which to suppress our Party. The Central Committee calls upon all sections of the Party to rally all democratic sections of the people to fight back the fascist policies of the Rajiv Government and mobilize solidarity for the agrarian movement in Andhra Pradesh and against the fascist NTR Government.September 1985

Vanguard appeals to all revolutionary and democratic forces in the country to mobilize all forces that can be mobilized to beat back the fascist attacks of the Rajiv Gandhi Government and his NTR accomplice and work towards building a genuine democracy in the country— A NEW DEMOCRACY.

HAIL THE 1917 OCTOBER REVOLUTIONHALL THE 1917 OCTOBER REVOLUTION !FIGHT AGAINST SOVIET SOCIAL IMPERIALISM!!

On this anniversary of the Great October Revolution we must draw lessons from this setback - with the death of Stalin the bourgeois line prevailed and the first socialist state was turned into a capitalist state and has now grown into an imperialist super power-never forget the importance of ideology in advancing the revolutionary movement, and never hesitate to wage a life and death struggle against revisionism.... whether it raises its head from the international plane or the national plane or from within the Party itself. Anyone who desires to make revolution must remember this everyday, every hour, every minute. To emphasize this point let us quote yet ones again from Lenin who said in What is to be Done, that, "Engels recognizes not two forms of struggle for social democracy (political and economic), as is the fashion amongst us, but three, placing the theoretical struggle on a par with the first two".

On this occasion we publish a speech delivered by Comrade Lenin at the unveiling of amemorial plaque to those who fell in the October Revolution, on 7th November, 1918, theFirst Anniversary. —Ed

Comrades, we are here to unveil a memorial to those who fell in the October Revolution, 1917. The best sons of the working people laid down their lives in starting a revolution to liberate nations from imperialism, to put an end to wars among nations, to overthrow capital and to win socialism.

For several decades now the history of Russia has had a long list of revolutionary martyrs. Thousands upon thousands died fighting Tsarism. Their death roused new fighter- and drew more people into the struggle.

Those comrades who fell last October brought the magnificent happiness of victory. The greatest honor of which the revolutionary leaders of mankind dreamed was won by them; over the bodies of those comrades who gallantly fell in battle passed thousands and millions of new and just as fearless fighters who won victory by their mass heroism.

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Today, all over the world, the workers are seething with anger. The workers' socialist revolution is beginning in several countries. The capitalists of the whole world, in terror and hatred, hurriedly rally together for the revolution's suppression. And the Socialist Soviet Republic of Russia is a particular thorn in their side. The combined imperialists of the world are prepared to attack us, to involve us in more battles, and to impose more sacrifices on us.

Comrades, let us honor the memory of the October fighters by swearing before the memorial that we shall follow in their foot steps and emulate their courage and heroism- Let their motto be our motto, the motto of the rebelling workers of the world-"Victory or Death”!

And with this motto the fighters for the proletarian world socialist revolution will be invincible

PARALLEL ECONOMYTO MAINTAIN DRASTIC INEQUALITIES

Of late there has been much talk of the government's intentions of controlling the generation and accumulation of black money. Seminars, commissions, report are flowing out daily to give an impression that 'Mr. Clean' is really clean. But on close examination, it will be seen that there is no intention to curb black money, but only how to turn black money into white.

Picture the scene—enter Rajiv Gandhi with his 'clean' magic wand and Presto, the hoarders, black marketers, smugglers etc. have gone-not really, they only look different, for now they are respectable gentlemen', wining and dining with the likes of Rajiv Gandhi. So 'Mr. Clean' has turned black into white and the black marketers into respectable gentlemen. The excellence and efficiency of the new Rajiv Government is then lauded to the sky by the media. They clap in unison - "what a great honest (clean) man"— overnight he has removed the black marketers and converted black into white. But what is the reality?

The comprador big bourgeoisie and their agents in the government, political parties and top echelons of the bureaucuracy hold the bulk of the black money. It is these people who are the greatest beneficiaries of black money. By maintaining a parallel black economy the ruling classes of (he country are able to squeeze the maximum out of the poor and middle classes by heavy taxation (mostly indirect taxation) and inflation and at the same time not touching the interests of the ruling classes whose pockets are filled with black money. The maintenance of the black economy is a means that ensures that the wealth of the ruling classes is not touched through taxation while at the same time being able to extract the maximum out of the poor and middle. classes through massive taxation. But with the growing crisis in the economy, the government now wants to tap a part of this black money. So the hectic efforts to turn a part of it into white. It is for this reason the government has been appointing committees and commissions on black money. Accepting the recommendations of the Ninth report of the 1980-81 Estimates Committee, the Finance ministry assigned to the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy (NlPFP) the task of studying the various aspects of black money and also to arrive at an estimate of the quantum of black money.

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Black Income Generation (Rs. Crores) % of GNP1975—76 9, 958 — 11, 870 15--181980---81 20, 362 — 23, 678 15--181983---84 31, 584 — 36,786 18--21Source : NIPFP Report "Aspects of Black Money”

The Report distinguished between the black income—tax evaded income — and black wealth — tax evaded income accrued in the form of wealth over a period of time. The Report has estimated black income generation (in one year) as under:

Acclaimed by bourrgeois economists as "balanced, restrained and modest", an estimated 4.6 crore rupees black income is generated every hour. Indeed, it is a modest estimate fan euphemism for under estimation). The Report itself admits, "Its estimates are based on numerous assumptions and approximations each of which could be challenged". For example, in these estimates tax — evaded income from capital gains (income generated through rise in value of assets), legal or illegal, or from smuggling and such allied activities is not included. Their exclusion drastically reduces the quantum of black income generation. It means the Report did not take into account the tax evaded incomes of Haji Mastans, Karim Lalas, Varadaraja Mudaliars, Murugesh Jaikrishnas etc. To grasp the extent of restraint exhibited by the Report it is necessary to compare it with earlier estimates of some individuals and organizations. According to the International Monetary Fund—(IMF) staff survey, the estimated black money in India is at 72,000 crores or 50 % of its Gross National Product (GNP) in 1982—83.According to Malcolm Adiseshiah, it is about 59,000 crores or 40 percent of the GNP. And according to Poonam Gupta and Sanjiv Gupta in Economic and Political Weekly it was to the tune of 48 percent of the GNP. The quantum of black money— both black income and wealth would be as much as the white. That is why it is aptly called as the parallel economy.The Report then goes on investigating the causes for the generation of the black income. It has identified seven causes. They are:i)Present structure of taxation, ii)Economic controls, iii) Increasing government spending, iv) Inflation, v) Weak deterrence againsttaxation (discourage through fear) vi) General deterioration in morals and, vii) Political funding.

"The tax evaded income (by the rich — Ed.) has been workout at 70 % to 73.5 % in 1975—76 and 74 to 77 % in 1980—81." observes the Report. This, according to the Report, is due to the increasing taxation. For example the reliance of government on taxation virtually doubled in the past three decades. The Report applies the same logic to the economic controls. But this is not true. Elsewhere in the NIPFP Report itself, a case study of black income generation in sugar industry arrives at the conclusion quite contrary to its assertions. The Report after conducting an 18-year time-span analysis, found that not only the largest amount of black income was generated during the periods of decontrol, but also the excise duty evasion is not related to the rate of duty. With least regard to proved facts, the Report shamelessly suggests reduction in tax rates and decontrol of the economy (mind you, the report suggests reduction in direct personal taxes like income tax, wealth tax,

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estate tax, gift lax etc). The logic applied by the Report is "high taxation, so high evasion” or "severe economic controls, so extensive black money". Thus less taxation or controls, less black money.

But the bourgeois! has its own logic. "Why should we pay tax-however nominal let it be-when we can evade it". The Rajiv government which drastically reduced direct taxes (to help the rich in generating white income) failed to register any increase in the collection of taxes.

Again the Report naively points out at the degeneration of morals in the 'society'. Eureka! What an invention!! But here again it is so vague in pointing out this fact. It is the ruling classes who evade taxes. It is they who are morally degenerated. The 'people, to whom the ruling classes preach morals never had income to evade taxes

On the other hand, the people had been paying indirect taxes, which the immoral bourgeoisie pockets the amount instead of paying to the state exchequer. For example, the evasion of sales tax (a misnomer, it is a buyers tax, paid by the buyer) ranges between 40 to 60 %. In effect, the maximum is squeezed out of the poor and middle classes not only by exploiting their labor but also through indirect taxes, which is pocketed, by both businessmen and government.The failure of the voluntary disclosure schemes speaks volumes about the "patriotism and nationalism" of the comprador bourgeoisie-or the ruling classes in general. The voluntary disclosure scheme is nothing but granting mass amnesty to proven culprits and on paying the laundry charges, the - black money will be washed to the whitest.

The first voluntary disclosure scheme was floated in 1951 when the euphoria of "nationalism and patriotism" of newly 'independent’ India was very much in the air (as prevalent as the black money). Those were the heydays for the politics of 'Nehruvian Socialism’. The scheme flopped. The second voluntary disclosure scheme of 1965, when a war with Pakistan was on and big nation and Hindu chauvinism were whipped up, too failed utterly. The third scheme of 1975 during the emergency when tyranny was being dubbed as 'discipline' too failed to show its impact on the black money. Only the 1981 Bearer Bonds Scheme was a bit of success but that too far less was collected then anticipated. Now the NIPFP Report suggests that the government should start a 100-crore national fund for slum clearance (to buy bulldozers!) or similar social objectives and then float debentures with a 7-10 year maturity period eight per cent interest.

No question should be asked as to the source of the income. Smugglers racketeers, black marketers, etc. avail of this opportunity.

The turn out depends on to what extent the black money holders are prepared to bear the Joss arising out of freezing the black income in debentures. It is a known and established fact that black money in circulation will multiply geometrically unlike the paltry sum of 8 % interest earned on these debentures. Also, over a period of 7-10 years the value of the rupee will also come down drastically (to less than five paise against the present 15 paise).

The Report points out that the state itself is a source of black money. In the past three decades government spending increased nearly fifty times in absolute terms. Black money too has increased proportionately. If one assumes a mere 10 % (very less) of the expenditure is 'off the record' (leakage),

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then during the sixth five-year plan out of a 1,70,000 crore rupees development expenditure, at least Rs. 17,000 crores black money would have been generated. Who pocketed this massive sum? The top brass bureaucrats and technocrats in the government and the corporate sector (both public and private). The Report estimates 1SO-241 crore rupees black income generated in the public sector in 1980-81 (as against 216-3^5 crores by the private sector).

The Defense spending is also another source of black income generation. The Defense spending rose from Rs. 170 crores in 1950-51 to a massive Rs. 8,000 crores in 1980-85. Roughly fifty times in three decades. If one assumes again a mere 10 % black income generation, then roughly 800 orores is generated. The 'patriotic, defense top brass share this booty with the merchants of death (including foreign) through weapon contract systems.

The Report takes a serious note of political funding by black money holders. Political parties take funds from tax evaders and in turn shield them. The Report suggests to VP Singh, the Finance Minister, that poll expenses should be borne by the state, and take steps to curb political funding. The Rajiv government legalized already donations from companies!

And this VP Singh, a confidante of Rajiv Gandh', is said to be the person who chalked out the Congress (l)'s expensive 1985 poll campaign. According to rough estimates it was at Rs. 300 crores. Where did the Rajiv Congress get this mammoth sum? The comprador big bourgeoisie, imperialists and the landlord must have funded the Rajiv Congress. And now the same Rajiv Congress is repeating like a parrot that it will curb the black money menace. How can the servant on the pay roll of the bourgeoisie and imperialists take action against his own master?

Lastly, the Report has conveniently ignored the question-"Why is the black money generation so huge in India (and other Third World countries) compared to the western countries?" In the Third World countries black money accounts to one half of the GDP while in the West it is at eight to ten percent It is due to the fact that in order to maintain drastic inequality where ten percent of the population owns nearly 60 per cent of the wealth and 60 % of the population lives below the poverty line. High rates of taxation will not all the accumulation and growth of wealth (In fact, that is why the rich is taxed, the government claims). If taxes are properly paid how cans the inequality be maintained? In the West it is not the case. There the inequalities are not so drastic (say compared to the Third World) and the taxation is not so high (as compared to the Third World). It is nominal, just sufficient to run the Maissez faire' economy and maintain the state machinery.

The reason for this is "in backward countries taxation must be high to run the state apparatus. In these countries government expenditure is at a high proportion of the national income, because of (i) a large repressive state apparatus and (ii) law productivity of the economy. Yet this high rate of taxation should not affect the pockets of the ruling classes, and their agents. This contradiction can best be solved by having a high rate of taxation and a system where the elite can escape from taxation, while the poor and middle classes are trapped to shell out a major part of their income. In the west the percentage of government expenditure to national income is lower because of higher productivity. Therefore with lower taxation levels it can generate its expenditure.

The present measures suggested by the NIPFP and other bodies is not how to curb black money but how to turn it into white money. There is no attempt to touch the pocket of the black marketer but how

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to line it more respectably. Besides, the main schemes of the government are to corner for itself a small fraction of this black money to meet its massive expenditure. Today with the Indian economy facing a massive crisis, with government expenditure increasing by leaps and bounds and with the tax burden on the people already excessive, the government is now attempting to tap some of the black money by schemes, which entice the black money holders to invest in banks or government or stock market. So the tax concessions etc. on (direct taxation and thereby gain some more funds to meet its increasing expenditure. Besides, the present schemes and attempts of the government are to merely legalize black money so that the rich can amass larger and larger quantities of money. It is with these two goals that al! the present schemes are being drawn up. If the government is really serious in digging out 90 % of the black money all it need to do is demonetize the Rs. 50 and Rs. 100 denominations arid issue new currency. This would become a compulsory' disclosure’ scheme and not a voluntary disclosure scheme.

BIREN -POET OF PROTEST

PRISON CATCHThere once lived a young man, all aloneTime went by and he found a friendOne day they went together to gaolAnd discovered they were among thousands

EVEN IF YOU BLEEDEven if you bleed at the mouth It is a crime to say that you are bleeding.Enemies being everywhere, ministers are on their guard. So it is a crime to spew blood; Criminal to be archea in pain, drawn like a bow; Lying unmoved in your own heart's blood likewise a crime.

On 12th September 1985, the ruling class murdered Comrade Balan. He fought heroically for the liberation of the oppressed and exploited classes. Today the CPL (ML) (People's War) is carrying on the battle, which Comrade Balan waged. The oppressed and exploited observe 12 September as "anti-repression day".

On the fifth anniversary this year, Revolutionary Cultural Movement (RCM), an aspirant seeking membership in AILRC, Radical Students Union and Radical Youth League of Tamil Nadu, jointly organized a programme in Dharmapuri.

On 13th September morning the meeting commenced with songs sung by PPF troupe. Comrade VV (Vindhai Vendhan) presided over the Kaviarangam (poetry recital). A number of poets recited their poetry. In the afternoon, a seminar was organized. Comrade Kovai Eswaran of RCM presided over the seminar. Comrades VV, Kalyani and Kovai Eswaran spoke on the nationality question. A lively debate ensued.

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The state did not grant permission to take out a procession the venue of public meeting, at Naicken Kottai, near the Appu - Balan Memorial Monument. The public meeting commenced, with songs by PAF. Comrade Nanjappan of RYL presided over the meeting. Neenda Payanam Sundaram (Editor of Neenda Payanam, ie. Long March) and Com. Eswaran were the speakers. Comrade Sundaram satirically attacked the state, while Comrade Eswaran spoke emotionally about Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. He recollected some anecdotes about Balan with whom he was closely associated. Comrade VV attacked the lack of political integrity of existing parliamentary parties.

The RYL staged two plays— "HOLD ON ! BUS FARE" and "ENCOUNTER" which were well received by the audience. Songs were sung by PAF, JKM and RCM. The organizers collected donations from the audience for the NSA detenus See July-August, 1985 Vanguard). The meeting was a big success with the people pledging to fight for the cherished ideals for which Comrade Balan sacrificed his life and attained martyrdom.

Eminent revolutionary poet,. Bhirendra Chottapadhyaya places his poetry in the time in< which he lived. He died at the age of 65 years on 11th July, 1985. Being a socially and politically conscious poet he associated himself with Anusheelan Samathi (an anti-British national revolutionary group) and then a serious activist of Revolutionary Socialist Party.

Though in his first collection of poems, Grahachyuth (Exiled from the planet), had some traces of feudal ideology the partition of Bengal, blood-smeared birth of Bangla Desh, Food Movement, Calcutta 71, Prisoners Release Movement and Emergency 1975, the uprising in Naxalbari and the consequent brutal repression changed his orientation and outlook towards not only art and literature but also life. The subsequent collections of poetry, to the last one, Athacha Bharatarsh (Yet India belongs to them), assumed a new dimension by virtue of his first hand knowledge of social injustice and popular disgust.

POLITICAL NOTESFascist Onslaught OB Civil Liberties Workers

On 3rd September 1985, in broad daylight at 11.00 in the morning, during a funeral procession of sub-inspector Yadagir Reddy in Warangal Town, Police entered the clinic of Dr. Ramanadbam chased him, and shot him dead, at point blank range. Dr. Ramanadham, 53 years old, was a popular doctor and the Vice President of the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC). Dr.Ramanadham, who was popular amongst the poor of Warangal for the low rates he charged and his care for the patients, has also written a popular medical book in Telugu, which makes medicine easy, and is widely used by social and political activists in the rural areas of Andhra Pradesh. He has been active in the civil liberties movement for ten years. This brutal killing shows to what extent the NTR Government will go in order to protect its repressive rule. NTR's actions are part of an overall Central Government policy to snuff-out all effective opposition and systematically establish fascist rule in the country. This brutal killing puts state forms of terroristic rule in the country as part and parcel of its political life, and the major parliamentary opposition parties have become collaborators in this rule.

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Is it then any wonder that people will retaliate? Today Punjab has hundreds of Ramanadhams. What must the wife, son and other loved ones of Dr. Ramanadham feel towards the State. What must the poor who received solace in his clinic feel towards the State that gunned down their doctor in cold blood. What must the loved ones, relatives and peoples feel towards the Indian State which has gunned down in Punjab hundreds and perhaps thousands of people in EVEN more brutal fashion than Doctor. Without going into the rights and wrongs of individual terrorism can one blame them if they retaliate against Congress (I.) fascist rule and hoodlums like Maken., Arjun Das etc,? People are no longer going to docilely be cowed down by the authority and arrogance of a fascist centre. Today, the Congress, (I) Government and its hangers (on NTR, MGR, Jyoti Basu etc.,) are becoming even more brutal than the British. But State terrorism will breed its opposite. As there is no country wide systematic organized force to fight the centre and fascist policies, the reactions to their repressive rule may be spontaneous, confused, unplanned, and haphazard and may take various. forms. But their reactions are just and must be supported by all revolutionary and democratic sections of society. It is right to rebel against unjust rule.

But the attacks on civil liberties workers are not restricted to the murder of Dr. Ramanadham. In the Lok Sabha, Congress (I) M.Ps have launched a tirade against PUCL and PUDR and their report 'Who are the Guilty’ which gave documentary evidence of the Congress (I) hand behind the November 1984 holocaust which leftover 6000 Sikhs dead. They have been branding these civil liberties organizations as "CIA funded, anti-national" and demanding the arrest of their members.

Later in September the Government banned the new publication of the Citizens for Democracy (CFD\'Oppression in Punjab', confiscated all the two thousand copies of the report and arrested the Secretary of CFD, N.D.Pancholi, and the Publisher of the book.

They then threatened the arrest of other CFD members and particularly those involved in writing the book, whose application for anticipatory bail was dismissed by the High Court. Even the President of CFD, V.M.Tarkunde, was threatened with arrest — the charge was sedition. Later, three of the five Co-authors of the book were arrested including Tejinder Singh Ahuja, a Delhi Lawyer and Dr.Aurobindo Ghosh, a Delhi University Reader.

This attack on civil rights workers and organizations is part of the entire fascist policies of the Congress (I) Government. If you collaborate with the policies, and plans of the Central Government you are termed 'popular', 'reasonable’, 'patriotic', 'nationalistic” moderate' etc., So the Longowals, AASU Leaders, MGR, NTR, Jyoti Basu etc, have got this dubious distinction. But if you, at all resist, or even oppose the policies of the Centre you are branded as 'anti - national', ‘terroristic’ 'communal', 'CIA Agent' etc., and you can be arrested, charged with sedition, tortured or even shot.

This is the class character of Indian democracy today.

Today State terrorism and People's reaction to it are very often equated. Unfortunately many democratic individuals are unwilling to criticize the violence of the State when it is directed at organizations whose ideology they do not accept. A notable case was Cho Ramaswamy's resignation from PUCL on the grounds that the civil liberties organization should not condemn the State's violence on Naxalites as the Naxalites themselves use violent methods. At that time the entire PUCL rightfully opposed Cho's views and upheld their opposition to the States Violence on Naxalites. But today again

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many democrats are coming out with similar positions on State violence on other movements on the same grounds as Cho re-equating state violence with the violence of movements pitted against the State.

New Education Policy - A Charter for Fascism

On 20th August 1985 the Central Government presented to Parliament its new draft policy on education entitled 'Challenge of Education— A Policy Perspective'. This policy paper seeks to:

(i) Introduce an All-India curriculum for elementary education negating the specific national characteristics in the multinational India

(ii) Seeks to infuse large doses of 'Hindu Chauvinism' and 'National integration' concepts, to negate the national identity of the various nationalities and as part of its fascist policy of hounding the minorities and scheduled castes

(iii) Banning all poltical activity on the campuses by a) Banning teachers from participating in politics and b) By replacing annual examinations by a system of c) Constant evaluation, which can foe easily, used to victimize politically active students

(iv) Making College education elitist by (a) Introducing a system of aptitude tests for admission (b cutting the subsidy on higher education and thereby raising the fees (c) Starting Open Universities, restricting admission to Colleges to those with a 'Scholastic bent of mind' and with a provision for 'Scholarships to talented students from poor backgrounds and(d) Making technical education self financing leading to a proliferation of private engineering, politechnic and medical Colleges,

(v) Gearing education to serve the Imperialist based 'modernization' by concentrating on 'Vocational Courses' and private engineering Colleges to meet the skilled manpower needs of the pro-Imperialist economic policies of Rajiv Gandhi

(vi) Setting-up elitist 'Central Schools' (or Kendriya Vidyalayas) to promote centralized Education in the English medium to further foster an elitist culture and

(vii) For the allocation of Rs. 1,500 crores in the Seventh Plan, as a special fund for the development of what has been called 'human resource development' in all large projects through which to create a pro-Government elite from amongst the workers

This two volume policy paper on education comes out with a massive attack on the earlier education policy pointing out, very often correctly, many of the faults. But having said that, it does not seek to correct these faults but brings out something quite different and which is far worse than the earlier policies. The critique is obviously placed merely to XXXX XXXX XXXX steinian Education Policy to lend it respectability, and give it some credibility. For example, it links illiteracy with poverty but

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nowhere attempts to change the bias against elementary education. Also, it bemoans the growing disproportion in recourse commitment between elementary and higher education (while expenditure on the former had decreased from 55% to 36% of the total, between the first and the sixth plans, that on the latter had almost doubled to16%); Yet the document is silent on the question as to whether the trend should be reversed and how.

Next, while complaining that there is need for larger funds for education, given that budgetary allocation for education dropped enormously from 7% in the First Plan to 2.6% of total expenditure in the Sixth Plan, this 'policy paper' talks of raising additional funds from the 'private and public sectors' and not from a reallocation of the Government's own lop-sided spending.

Today national expenditure on education comes to a mere GNP, and these twenty years after the Education Commission recommended 6%. Also, the proportion of expenditure on the salaries of teachers alone at the primary and middle school level has^ gone-up from 78% in 1950-51 to 95% in 1978-79 leaving no resources for providing even minimum facilities in the schools. Then, the ‘policy paper’ talks of de linking jobs from degrees but there is no indication of how the massive one crore educated unemployed are going to find jobs and how the ranks of the educated unemployed are going to be stopped from swelling, except of course by a policy of curbing educational opportunities.Suggestions outlined in the policy paper are the following:

The Policy Paper identifies universalisation of elementary education as one of the essential ingredients of a national strategy. At the other end of the scale, the national strategy pointed out by the paper, is to ensure availability of highly educated, trained and motivated manpower for dealing with challenges, which are inherent in the so-called modernization, and globalization of the economy. The document lays stress on a large-scale vocatlocalisation for producing skilled manpower to sustain the system of production and management of sophisticated technologies. The paper speaks of a large-scale vocationalisation to produce a large body of skilled technicians trained in polytechnics etc., Instead of subsidizing engineering institutions, the paper says that the organized private sector should shoulder the bur* den of technical education. It proposes a modification in the present 10 + 2 + 3 system with vocationalisation starting from class 6, the de linking of jobs from degrees, the introduction of scholastic aptitude tests for entry into Colleges and Universities, de-affiliation of Colleges to promote autonomous institutions and a replacement of the present system of annual examination by a regular evaluation system. It has suggested a moratorium on the expansion of the traditional pattern of Colleges favoring the opening of only those Colleges, which have a vocational character.

It has put forward suggestions, which emphasize the expansion of part-time schools and non-formal education centres. One such alternative discussed at length in the document, involves the integration of anganwadis into the preparatary and primary stage of learning. Under the scheme, non-formal education would be taken-up for classes 6 to 9, to the extent necessary through the enlargement of the open School system.

Instead of raising Government expenditure on education the paper proposes that to over come the financial constraints, higher education institutions may be permitted to charge fees on a cost basis with Scholarships provided to the meritorious and needy students. Central assistance to Universities is proposed only for the purposes of research. Among the suggestions for bringing in more money for

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education is encouraging private entrepreneurs to contribute to educational development by giving suitable rebates in taxes.

In short this new education policy dished out by the Rajiv Gandhi government is elitist, fascist in its orientation, pro-imperialist and runs roughshod over the national sentiments of the various nationalities. Though on the concurrent list, it seeks to switch education from being basically a state subject to bring it with in the purview of the Centre. All patriotic, democratic people, specifically the teachers and students, should expose this new education policy for what it if, mobilize public opinion against it and prevent it from being implemented.

Govt sell-out to Multinational Drug Companies

In a complete reversal of its 1978 drugs policy, in March 1985 the Government of India de licensed 12 drugs and then on 5th June, de licensed another 82 items. In other words all pharmaceutical Companies can freely make and sell these drugs. These include 14 out of the 23 drugs, which were reserved in the 1978 policy, strictly for the Indian Private Sector Companies. These were banned to the foreign sector, which can now produce them and there by push the Indian manufacturers out of the market. These 14 drugs account for 80% of the total in the reserved section, the balance being uneconomical and less used drugs. Thus the protection granted to the Indian private Sector has been virtually abolished. In addition five of the drugs reserved for the public sector have also been de licensed.

Under the 1978 policy, foreign "Companies could not enter into the manufacture of new formulations unless they were linked with the production of 'high technology’ bulk drugs (which means high investment). Now, however, all multinational Companies that have a foreign equity (i. e. share) of 40% or less can make profitable formulations with no obligation to produce even a gramme of the bulk drug. Of the 55 drugs which are of importance in the 'list of 82, Indian Companies have an important stake in 35, all of which can now be produced by the foreign sector. By bulk drugs is meant the raw material chemicals from which tablets etc., are made formulations are the final product, which are given brand names.

The new Government policy is likely to wipe out several medium and small sized Indian drug Companies. Import liberalization has already badly hurt many Indian Companies. This addition of de licensing will further damage them, pushing many to bankruptcy. The Indian Sector has played an important role in the expansion of bulk drug production in this country, which was once mostly imported. Between 1976-77 and 1982-83, its cut-put of bulk drugs increased more than three fold to Ks, 270 crores. Over the same period the output of bulk drugs in the foreign sector decreased by 13% to Rs.55 Crores. Today the Indian Sector accounts for 83% of the country's bulk drugs output, having increased from 57% in 1976-77. The multinationals account for a mere 17% of bulk drug production. In formulations (tablets etc) the Indian Sector accounts for 60% of the produce and the multinationals 40%. With the present policy the more profitable formulations will be taken over by the multinational while the Indian Sector and particularly the small-scale sector will be squeezed out of existence. Yet another gift to the Imperialists by the Rajiv Gandhi Government.

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Murder of national Bourgeoisie

Rajiv Gandhi's economic policies which totally opens out our country to the Imperialists is leading to the destruction of all indigenous industry and indigenous technology. The policies have been so devastating that even top scientists of the country have come out against these policies. A section of the scientific community fear that industries based on indigenous technologies will be wiped out and their capital equipment worth crores of rupees will have to be scrapped.

The race to acquire foreign technologies will also lead to a slow death of the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) whose 40-odd laboratories have the specific task of impart substitution and developing indigenous technologies for industry. A Senior CSIR Official said, "Technology import has now come under de facto Open General License (OGL).... The technology policy statement is dead and so is CSIR". The negative impact on Indian research and development (R & D) is already evident from what one CSIR director said; "Last year there were 70 requests for our processes. This year we have only four".

Another scientist said "a cottage industry in Rajamundry, Andhra Pradesh, that has been making silicon carbide crucibles for metallurgical firms in almost the entire country is finished as these crucibles can now be imported under OGL". While the list of such Companies collapsing is growing on the one hand, certain indigenous technologies are also getting nipped in the bud One of them is SWAT-106, a CSIR developed chemical for improving the flow of oil through pipelines. SWAT—106 was poised to replace the flow improves currently supplied by multinationals, but its future is dim as these products are under OGL and some five foreign firms are planning to bring in their own technologies.

Any commodity or technology brought under Open General License (OGL) means that it could be directly imported by anyone without reference to the Government. So Imperialists can flood the Indian market with their commodities and technologies by setting-up shops in India, These foreign goods or foreign collaborated goods will then flood the Indian market and wipe out all indigenous producers, Mr. Baldev Singh, former chief of technology utilization in CSIR said.” Indian R & D has been castrated; foreign investments along with their technologies has the danger of effecting the vital interests of our economy"

The Government's so-called Public Sector is also busy selling our country's interests to the Imperialists. For example Bharat Heavy Electricals Ltd has struck a multi-million-rupee deal, (BHEL) with a foreign firm for purchase of anti corrosion technology while CSlR's own technology has for years been protecting Indian shipyards and even naval vessels from corrosion.In the field of electronics where anyhow, there was little indegenologv, what little there is will be totally wiped out with Japanese, German & American Electronics flooding our market. A senior official of the Gujarat Communications and Electronics Ltd., said "what the new policy of the Department of Electronics (DOE) has done is legalize smuggling. Our Companies will give up R & D become traders like in Singapore and Taiwan. From screw driven technology we are going to label technology". In fact, a spokesman for DOE admitted that Electronics Corporation of India Ltd, would be wiped out of the Computer market and so will "other (supposedly) inefficient firms".

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Prof. A. Rahman, a noted science policy specialist and former director of CSIR equated the present Rajiv Gandhi & policies with that followed by the Shah of Iran or the Latin American countries. With all its limitations, if such is the attitude of leading Scientists of the CSI Rone can easily wonder the gravity of the situation and the extent of damage it will cause to even the limited indigenous technology and industry in our country.

It is clear that Rajiv Gandhi has prostrated himself before the Imperialists, who themselves caught in the web of an economic crisis, are desperately searching for markets throughout the world, The imperialists have found in Rajiv Gandhi a willing agent and tool to serve their interests in India. All patriotic people of India must see Rajiv Gandhi and the Congress (I) Government for what it is traitors to the Indian people and faithful servants of the Imperialists, who are selling our country for a few crumbs. Of course this sellout will take place under the growing white banner of 'National Integration’.

Khmer People Fight on

It is now six years since the Vietnamese aggression of Kampuchea. This year the Vietnamese have mounted a massive dry-season offensive against the KPNLF (Khmer People's National Liberation Front) and the strongest of its three components – the Communist Khmer Rouge. Beginning with the assault on the KPNLF camp at Nong Chan as early as early as mid-November, 1984, the Vietnamese forces, in a period of four months, have managed to capture or destroy most of the Khmer resistance groups' strongholds along the Thailand border, including the KPNLF V head quarters at Ampil (Jan. 1985), the Khmer Rouge's main base in Phnom Malay (Feb. 1985) and the Sihanoak headquarters at Tatum (March, 1985). The Vietnamese have pressed into service eleven of their divisions in this attack, pushing much of the population and a section of the Guerillas into Taht territory. The Vietnamese may have won some battles but not the war; and by failing to destroy the resistance and forcing them to move into the "inland front" and operate fully as Guerillas, the Vietnamese may well find their so-called military 'successes' during this 1984-85 dry season an illusion.

With this the Thai and Vietnamese armed forces stand face to face and have already been involved in a number of border clashes. The Guerilla forces after a tactical retreat and resorting to greater Guerilla methods rather than station themselves in fixed camps, plan to create havoc amongst the occupation forces in the coming reasons. The Guerillas plan attacks 'on strategic targets such as Routes 5 and 6, which will cut off Vietnamese, supply lines. But even with this, the resistance is suffering because of a lack of strong unity and a number of international factors. On the one hand the Americans have provided 5 million dollars in aid to the non-Communist Khmer resistance with the aim, not to--win the war, but to get the Vietnamese forces bogged down in Kampuchea and to isolate the Khmer Rouge. On the other hand with the Chinese Party turning revisionist its support to the Khmer Rouge will be guided by its new political line which can have a disastrous effect on the politics of the Khmer Rouge which, in turn will effect its fighting capacity. The recent dismissal of Pol Pot was, in all probability, connected with the -changing political line of the Khmer Rouge. All in all, the KPNLF and particularly the Khmer Rouge are doing a heroic job, but fighting with their backs to the wall.

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China: Technocrats Seize Party Leadership

Never Before in the history of the Communist Party of China have so many leading members of the Party been eased out in one stroke. In a recently held plenary session of the Central Committee held just prior to the convening of the special conference, ten of the 24 'members of the politburo, 64 full or alternate members of the Central Committee and 30 of the 132 members of the Discipline Inspection Committee resigned supposedly to give way to younger elements - of course Deng Xiao ping who is over eighty continues in all powerful positions. Those who resigned included powerful stalwarts of the past such as Marshal Ye Jianving (86) and Deng Yingchao (81), the widow of Chou En-lai.

In the name of rejuvenation of the Party the Deng revisionist Clique is throwing out his opponents and is replacing them with young. Technocrats. This move at the plenary session is not the first, and in fact is a fallow - up to a major reshuffle, which took place in June when nine younger Ministers were given key portfolios. And also it is not the last of; the organizational actions to turn the CPC into a totally revisionist organization from top to bottom (specifically at the top, where the power lies).

According to Hu Yaobang nearly 70% of the party and Government leadership will be 'retired' by the end of the year. Inevitably, when the political line of a revolutionary Party is changed it must necessarily be followed be organizational changes in the Party and the expulsion (or easing out) of genuine revolutionaries specifically those in leadership. This is being done by Deng in China, it was done by Khrushchev after he seized power in 1956 and will happen in any other revolutionary Party that begins to take a revisionist line. So the "mass" resignation of these top revolutionary stalwarts of the C.P.C. must be seen in this light, where so called rejuvenation is a mere smoke screen for organizational actions taken against Deng's opponents.

The Deng Clique need to push through these organizational changes in the Party to consolidate their authority, specifically in the wake of the disruption caused in the economy by his 'modernization' theories. His moves to introduce the market-oriented so-called 'Socialist commodity economy' has led to a massive rise in prices (which were stable for 30 years under Mao's line), increasing unemployment a flood of imports of consumer foods, and decline in exports. The conference reported a massive trade deficit of 81,800 crores for the last year. This was first widely published in the Chinese 'media but then withdrawn by the Government saying it was a miscalculation, based on wrong data To control this disruption in the economy. Deng Xiao ping announced, in true capitalist fashion, at the National People's Congress held in March this year, a strict control on wages and prices, new controls on credit, new guidelines on production and more stringent controls on the spending of foreign exchange.With such disruption of the economy there is growing discontent in China and so to consolidate "his control over the Party, Government and State apparatus the Deng Clique are promoting their henchmen to top positions in the Party and Government and are ruthlessly throwing out genuine 'revolutionaries. At the recently held special conference (the second ever held by the CPC). 91 new C. C. Members were appointed and six new members to the politburo. The new politburo members included the Hu Qili (56) who is likely to be the next general secretary of the party and Qiao Shi (51) who is tipped to be the new PM — both are said to be Deng protégés. Most of the new appointees are well-educated professionals- Technocrats.

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At this Conference Deng strengthened the organizational control over the party. Also, in 1982 a central advisory committee was formed with the; aim of removing old leaders from active | Governmental affairs and it was announced that Deng would continue as its chairman. Besides it has been reported that throughout the country eleven lakh party members have been thrown out and given 100 dollars pension and other facilities. This is a step to throw out the genuine Marxist-Leninist and change the class character of the Party.

At the conference the Prime Minister, Zhao Ziyang, outlined the proposed 1986-90 economic plan, which gives priority to free enterprise and technological development. The draft seventh plan defined three major goals; the strengthening of the national infrastructure, the upgrading of technology and human resources arid improvement of the living standards, of the people. Zhao said that the strategy for achieving these goals would be to push forward the 'sweeping market style' economic reforms initiated in 1978. For example, he said, emphasis would be placed on improving the operation and efficiency of large and medium-sized enterprises and making them "basically independent and responsible for their own profit and loss". He added, "We must put reform in the first place ........". All these changes in economic policy are pushing China deep into the quagmire of-capitalism. The organizational changes in the party will be to implement this new revisionist line reflected in the economic policies' put forward for the seventh five year plan at this special conference.

Though, at this conference, there were many clashes between the Dengists anti-Dengists and sometimes this was quite vocal (specifically Chen Yi) and some compromises seem to have been struck in the new promotions, there was no real revolutionary opposition to the Deng line and policies. Reports say Chen Yi's attack on the open door policy and the resulting corruption was the first major and open clash in the Party after the crushing of the 'Gang of Four'. It adds, that this was the most severe clash in the Party since the Cultural Revolution and 'Gang of Four'.

However with the mass resignations, expulsions etc., and induction of technocrats into the party the class character of the CPC is being changed from top to bottom.

Hail Chinese October Revolution

Chinese Revolution broke the chains of world Capitalism and achieved her own liberation. It pronounced the bankruptcy of US Imperialist's aggressive policies. It took place in the largest semi colonial country under imperialist Oppression. lt was a new victory for Marxism-Leninism. Under the leadership of Mao the Communist Party Scientifically solved the problem of the Chinese revolution. Its triumph helped the working class and people of third world to march resolutely on the way to Socialism, via the New Democratic Revolution.

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