Oceancb g 1 S p I P ba r No 21

The Causatives ofMalagasy

Charles Randriamosrmanana

UnrversnvofHa a Pess

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CHAPTER THREE: REFIZIHVIZLTXCN 230 323230-236Xntroduction

%e ProoessSooge of Present StudyCriteria for Narkedness

Additional Critericn for Markedness

AssusptionSection l: Reflexivisaticn and

Granmatioal WlaticnsSection 2: Rsflexivization and

232-234234-235

235 236

236-249

249-264~u s ative ConstruotionsSecticn 3: Reflexiviraticn and

265 274Causative CcnstructionsSection 4: Rsflexivizaticn and

the Cyclic CcnventicnSection 5: Reflcscivisation and

Prcncmdnalisaticn

274-30l

ConclusicnsCHAPIER KURt PK8$6 5ALIZATICW

XntroducticnSeotion 1: The Basic Prceess

HLmmn Trigger Assceticn

30l-32032l-323

324~ 7324-325326-386326-343

SLmmary: Huaan Trigger and Pronceinalisation 344-345

345 365Animate But Mon-Bmean Trigger AssumyticnSurmary: Rcn~, Animate Trigger

365 367367-384

and PronaainalisaticnNcn-Animate Tr igger ~tionSwsnaxy: Ncn-Animate Trigger

384-386

Section 2: Other Relevant Parameters 386-404387-397397-403

404

%e "Precede" ParameterThe "Ooaeand" Parameter

Pcrwerd PrcnreinalieationBackwerd PronQLMalization

Secticn 3: 5he Qjclic Convention 405 414Against Simultaneous and Free Order

OonclusionsPuotnotes

CHAPZIK FLVE' PASSBKIATXQl

Rule ApplkcationsAgainst Simaltaneous Rule ApplicationAgainst Free Order Rule ApplicationOrdering of Rukes

40~06406 407407-409409-414

414&16417

4?8-590

418419%93420"421421-429429-446

446-449450-454

IntrcducticnSection l: The Basic Prccess

The Relevant Parasu.tersMalagasy Verb ClassificaticmDistribution of Passive Af fixes

Mditicnel Parameters: vunse and Aspect,'Be Serentics of Passive AffixesRelevance of the Keenan~ie HierarchyOrder of the Different Types of Oblique

Cas~ohfklng and the Pessive Voice

Relative Order of the Diffe~ent Typesof Oblique

SURBsry: Relative Order and Propertles

454-465

46~76

477%90

490-493

Section 2c The Passive and Goplsx Structures

495-509

509-525525-539539-554

Sgui-1Igui-2Ralsing-~ KQRaising-to-Su

Oamplesentizer Pa and Application of554-567

Affixal Passive Contingent upon Underlying Pa 567-568Affixal Paasive

Causative Constructions568-570570-572572-574

Predicate-Raising CausativesRestriotion cn Affixal PassiveAffixal Passive and Causal CausativesOospleeent-Causatives and NatuLe of

574-576576-578Ocnplenant~ tiv e and Verbal Aspect

'Ihe Causative aha and the Nature of578-580the Predioate in the ehedded Clause

The Causal Causative aha and Affixal580-582

582-584Af f 1xal PassiveQeneral Sestricticn on Af f ixal Passive

and the Dichotany between Predicate-

Raising Causatives and Cosp-Causatives 585-586Sumnary: the Sifferent Types of

Snbedded Clauses587 588588-590

Affixal Passive and the Cycle

5 17 S - 5 t I 5

391-674

591 592592-639

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It ~ b b l t l f b b b ~~0 0 9 9 607-623

624-631

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lex t previcus studies ce Nalagasy syntax have been mncerned

primarily 6th classificaticn of the varicus surface structures

that cene in Nalagasy. Vhese studies have prcvidsd a wealth ofin~ ie information on Nalagasy sentence structure, reflectingboth the strengths and the weaknesses, of this smthodo?ogy. More

recently, develcpmsnts in transformational and generative gr@tmarhave been applied to provide daeper insight into many aspects ofNalagasy sentence structure. Picneering work in this area hasbeen carried out by $8ward I. Keenan, scam of whose relevantpublications are cited in the biblicgraphy to the present work.

Charles Bandriamasimanana's study ef Malagasy causative aon-structions is the nest comprehensive ayp1ication to date of thissmthodolcgy to Malagasy syntax. Charles Rardriamasiiaanana showsthat, although Malagasy causative constructicms appear to consist

of a single clause< smny of their properties can cmly be giveninsightful analysis if cne asstmms a level of analysis at which

the causative cxmstructicn consists of two distinct clauses. In

fact, a Nalagasy causative ccnstruction requires two distinct

leve1s of syntactic ana3ysisc one where it is biclausal (accemt-ing for the similarities to other complex sentences) and cnewhere it is sonoclausal (accounting for the similarities to other

simple sentences) .%his snnograph will be of interest as a detailed illus-

traticn of the applicaticn of this methcdology to an Austrcnesim

language and for the way in which it uses linguistic argumsn-

t I ~ I & I Y . t I 9

I ~ l t f t d 8fh d I NLR 9 9

19, 1989

I would like to express my thanks and appreciaticn to thefoDcwing perscos and instituticns without whose encouragermntand help this book would have never been published in Rnglish:

Hcam Chcmsky and Kenneth Hale, both of MXT, who expressed in many

ways their academic inberest in this little kncwn language and

whcse help made it possible for me tn prepare the final manu-script for publicatlm; Eernard Ocmrie, of USC, who criginallytcok the initiative of propcsing The Causatives ofPhD dfssertaticn under the title A S of the Causative oon-structicns of Na > Edward Keenan, of UCLA, who not cnly wMgenerous of his time in discussing nnst aspacts of this study,

but who also wi th R4 nor Dchs f extended their hospita 1i ty to nm

upon my first arrival in California and subsequently+ providedguidance and financial support in pericds of need.

I would like to express my gratitude to the Publications

~~ eaittee of the Vniversity of Melbourne for its genercx3s

publicaticn grant. E am grateful to the Arts Paculty of the thi-

versity of melbcurne~for its Research Developemt Scheme during3,984> 1985 and l986. I muld also like to take this cpportunity

to thank the Rnglish Department for the research money it granted

me as well as the constant support it gave duiing the preparation

of the manuscript.

0

The following native speakers of Naheasy, who happened tobe in the United States, provided me with their gramnaticality

xvi

judgmants and intuitians, absolutely crucial when my cm wereunoertain: B Andriamanalimanana, X. KOziol nee Randrianarivony,

A. Rabakoarihanca, a. Rahaingosan, J. Rajaofera, R. Rakotaee?ala,F-X Ramarosaomp B. Ranaivoarisaa, v. Randrianasolo and his wife,N. IaLsamiznana, R. Rasolandramanitra, V. Razafimahatratra, and

M. Razafimaaenjy. It goes witbaut saying that the fina1 decision

was mine so that any error or mistake in the present publicatianshould not be attributed to any of my consultants.

Several of the sentence types used in this work originated

frcaa persana3. letters written over a periad of several years by

my parents before their death< whereas others were inspired by

two daily newspapers, i.e. Atrika and Veovaor published in Nada-

gasaar and graciausly sent to me by the Babassy of the DemacratioRepublic of Nadagasaar in Washington, D.C., in the Uhited States.

Nany thanks to Jahn Pateraon, who helped me prepare the

final oopy of the manuscript< and to Heather Bawe whose ~

ratian with the final proof-reading was much app~eciated.lmst but nat. least, I wouM like to pay a special tribute to

my father, Randriamasimanana> my nuther> Denise Rasomnanana< andmy graehother, Gertrude Rakala, for their enaauragemants, ?ovefunderstanding and sacrifice.

Parkville, Victaria, Australiasanuary, 1986

~ p resent study deals with the Causative Qonstru-

cticns of Na1agasy, showing that aD of them have to be derive3frcmL bi-sentential sources. A nusber of tests will be used to

estabVsh the validity of suoh a hypothesis. These will includebut wiD not be restricted to Heflexivisaticn, Prcnaninalizatice,and Passivisaticn, each cee of these prccesses being described ingreat detail in Chapters Three, Pour. and Five, respactively.

Chapter One presents all the Causative Constructicns ofthe laepege and proposes a set of six parameters to exount forall the semantic and syntactic aspects thereof in a systematicmanner: Animacy, Ccntrol , M t ai lment, P rcductiv i t y , Degree ofPusicn, and Narkedness.

Chapter Two provides a rapid review of previous workstouching upon the Nalagasy Causatives and written between 1854and 1974 by the follcwing authors: Griffiths (1854) < Parker(1883), F errand (1903), H a lzac ( 1908), l h b l (1 951) e Rajaona(1972), and Rabenilaina (1974) .

Finally, Chapter Six exploits the findings of all pre-

vious chapters and presents aMiticnal evidence bo bear cn the

issue of the bi-sentential aources of all Causative mnstru-

ct icns.

* p * ~ p Id p I C * f M I'p p p f d pt C I f l d t l * b

f M I , d

I (5 I ) ,5 I ( 5 I ) ,5 5 l (5 I ) ,

I l ,I I

(5 I ) ,(5 6).

I h ~ h d p t d p t , b l - II I ! ( d P t 3

2.2 N ( C t * f N I P I

1% I I d f 11 W yp f C I 0

(I ) . N * I ~ h ' J P l yp t ~ p f t ~ by P I"P I d & d J Id l

N * y h d ' J 3 Ik y P l y .p t ~ p I ~ d d J d t I' P I d ~ d d k I d t ~ h by

(2) . I' ' J ~ d I y .p - f f ~ P I

I f ~ J t I

N 2 ' J h d y y b k y l y .

P - I J f b d d t k 'I

"P I I W J b d d b

(3)* . N I ' J ~ h P l y .

I d l ~ J I

b. Na asla an'i Jeanne hividy ny bokY i Paoly.past-let Jeanne fut-buy the book Paul"Paul was allcwkay Jeanne bo buy the book."

(4) a. ~ and eha an'i Jeanne i Paoly.past-causWo Jeanne Paul"Paul was having Jeanne go."

b. N-~ ividy ny boky an'i Jeanne i PeQy.past-caus-buy the bcok Jeanne Paul"Paul was havtng Jeanne buy the book."

(5) a. N- anp-iakang an'ilay zaaa Rasoa.past~s~ ess the child aasce"Rasee wes dressing the child."

b. 8-emp-idina ny saina i Paoly.past~use-lower the fiag Paul

"Paul was causing the flag to ccae dawn," i.e."Paul was lcwering the flag.'

c. N- amp-ian)era ny latabatra/an'i Jaona i Paoly.past~us-fall the table/ Jchn Paul

"Paul was causing the table/Paul to fall."

d. N - aha - sasa ny fitaratra i Paoly.past~ s~ sh t he glass Paul

"Paul was causing the glass to be washed>" i.e.

"Paul managed bo wash the glass."

e. M - am -(v) aky ny fitaratra i Paoly.past~ ~ roken the glass PaLll"paul was breaking the glass."

an'i Jaona i Paoly.past~us~ in defeat J aona Pau3,"Paul succeeded in causing John to he in defeat>"i.e. "Paul managed to defeat Jchn."

(6)a. N - aha - resy

b. N - aha - vaky ny fitsratra i P~Ey.

past~us-broken the glass"Paul caused the glass to be in the brcken state,"i.e. "Paul managed to break the qlass."

(7) a. Ny ditra-ny no n~ ~ -ka poka an'i P.the mischief-his part past~s-pass~ish P"It was his eischief which was the cause of P's

having been punished."

an'i p.the stupidity-his part past~us-in~feat P"It was his stupidity which was the cause af P'shavtng been defeated."

Ny adala-ny no n-aha-resy

My resaka no n - anMreraka a n ' i Jeanne.the talk part pest~us-fed up Jeanne"It was the talk which fed Jeanne up," or

"Because of the talk, Jeanne was fed qp."

Co

Hy sakafo no n-ank-arary an'i Jeanne.the fcod part past~us-sick Jeanne"It was the fcod which sickened Jeanne," i.e.Zt was the fccd which caused Jeanne to be si,ck."

In (2)2, we have the "persuasive" ccnstructicn; in (2), the 'co-ercive"; in (3)> the "permissive; and in (4), the "neutral" Di,r-ective respectively. %ese first fcur subtypes represant whatwill be referred to as Directive. In (5) g we have the Hallipula-

tive; i n ( 6) r the Ahil i tat ive; and in ( 7) , t he Causal censtru-cticns. teith these it is uaual to cleft cn the Sub)ect (hence-forth Su) Mp, as illustrated under 2.2.4 to 2.2.7 of ChapterPive, for exanple) ncw, if Clefting dces not cccur, a spscialintcnaticn has to be used with a pause dsmarcating the ncn-frcnt-ed Su frcen the rest of the sentence. Pinally, ('))c. with Causal

~an a) tends to acquire a Rmipulative reading. (See 6.1.9)3

The following are examples similar to those referred toabove, showing that Clefting is cpticnal:

(8)a. N - ampa scsotra an'i paoly io.P aul t h i s

"Paul was angry because of this," or"This angered Paul."

past~us angry

b. Zo no n - ar pe - sosotra an'i Paoly.this part past-caus-angrY Paul"It was because of this that Paul was angry," cr"Because of this, Paul was angry."

(9)a. N - aha - voa- kapcka an'i Paoly ny ditra-ny.past~us~ ssive-strike Pa u l t he mischief&is"Paul was punished because of his mischief."

8y ditra-ny no n - aha - voa - kapaka an'i Paoly.the mishief part past-caus-passive-strike Paul"It was because of his mi~ief that Paul waspunished. "

In (8)a. and 3. hut if we have an Abilitative ccnstructice< the

Causer is apticnally Animate,

4. in a Directive cxmstructien, the Causee is also Animate;

5. in a Nanipulative cmstructicm, the Causee is typically ncn-Animater6. in an Abilitative ccnstruction, the Causee is cptienallyAnlsate~7. in a Causal cmstructim< the Causee is typically Animate and

um)er aha er ~, the latter is ebligatorily deleted while the

Causer is typi~ nc n-Animate.

l.0.l Criteria for Each Type of Ocnstructien.As wikl be seen in Seetiens 4 and 5, the c?assificatien

inte fcur different typas ef Causatives fer those censtructicnswhere fusicn takes p1ace

pnd of its higher Causative predicate has the sane cognitiveneaning as the sequmee wkthout the Causative predicate (sne2.2.2.4).

3. A Nsipulative constructkcn is cee uhere Clause-&ion can precede Affixal Passiva (see 4.1.13)

4. A "neutral" Directive constructicn is cee hich isnot subject to any of the above restricticns.

the Causative Prefix Amp(a) .The Causative prefix ~a can enter into three types

of construotions:- "neutral" Directive, uhen both the highsr and the Rwer Sus areAnimate'

Nanipulativei M c f l l y t h e h igher Su i s Anllliilte g but 11ot

icwer Sor- Causal< if the higher Su is mt Animate.

1.1.1 The Directive Causative ~a).ln the foll~nning exanples, ~(a) has the Directive

readinI:

(10)a. N - awp - andidy ny nofo an'i Jeanne i Paoly.past~ s-cut t he bread Jeanne Paul

"Paul ns having Jeanne cut the bread."

b. N - anp - andidy ny mofo(an'asy/~an'ilay isyji isy.pnst~us-cut the bread him/her +it he/sheHe/she as having h~/'it cut the b~ead.'

c. ?& - astp - andidi - n' i, Paoly an'i Jeanne ny mofo.past-caus~t-paas-hy Paul Jeanne the bread(intended reading)"Paul was having the bread cut hy Jeanne."

(ll)a. I asp - itsangana an'i Jeenne i Paoly.past~ -st and-up Jeanne P aul"Paul ms having Jeanne stand up."

Vs - 8p - itsangana {an azy/+an Llay izy} izyepast-cau~tand~ him/hm *it he/she"Se/she was havtng hlm stand up,

c. & - asp - itsangana-n' i Paoly i Jeanne,past-caus-stand-up-pess-by Paul Jeanne"Paul was having Jeanne stand up,"

~ ungraamatkcality of the relevant porticn of (10)b. and (ll)b.

shcws that the underlying Su of the Raer clause is indeed Ani-

mate since izZ'azg refers to an Animate in Proncminalizaticn (seedetails in (hepter Fbur) . QO)c. is marginally qranmatica3., whichsuggests that we mly have tendencies and not absotutes. (ll)c.

could be grasmatical but with a different aeaning, i.e. Paulstood Jeanne up

1.L.2 %e Manipulative Causative ~a fn the follovtng ecanples, ~a has the ~ip6ative

reading:

11

212! . N - P d N P I f .p ~ d f l d I

I I ~ t h I I ~ . '

I /p t % ~ / p~ hb/I I / h

I ~ / h~ h

p d ' IYP ~ I b Y P I d f M' I h I I ~ * I~ 1 M ip P l . "

d. - p - I I ' I Y

*d & t h d I d ."

N- ~ - N ! ~ l f *

f . p - ! W I ~ IY.p t - f 1 1 th N PI P I

I & t h t d l f l l

I ~ t h N b l f I l . "

P- I I - ' ' P f Y W

P I L ld -b / I h ~ l

d I !" I h t d I ~ f l l b!' I "

The lawer Su is not Animate in (12)a., (12)b., and (12)c., judg-ing from the ungrasmaticality of the seguence after the substit-

uticn with azy "him/her," as in (12)b. But the higher Su is in-deed Animate since it can be replaced with izZ "he/she+ as shownin (12)b P urthersore in (12) a 2 (12) 1 2 (12)c 2 ( 12) d 2Q2)a., Ayftsal passive ulth ~i>n al aaa apply atter clause-Qnicn in ccntrast to (12)d., where Affixal Passive has not ap-

plisd and as a result, the aequence lends itself to an ambiguousinterpretaticn as either a ManipuLstive or a "nautral" Directive

Causative; in (12)e. P where the lcwer verb is a ncn-Psychological

predicate and Affixal Passive has appliedP the output is granmatue

ical and can only be assigned a Nanipulative readirtg, while in(12) f., which has a Psychological predicate in the lcwer clause,the resulting seguenCeP as shown in (12)g., ia ungranmatical,tkkewise, in (12)c., the lcwer verb is mt a PsyJmlogioal pred-

icate and Affixal Passive after Clau~ icn yields a grammtical

output with an unambiguous interpretation, i.e that of a Manipul-

ative Causative. Pinally, in (12)a.P we have a case of "ocntrol-1d" Nanipulation, as ogyosed to the "ballistic" type of lthnipul-

ation foun|) in (12)f: in the first instance, causation remainseffective throughout the entire phase, whereas in the second,causation provides cnly the initial impulse. The terminology is

borrowsd frcm Shibatani (1973).

1.1.3 Th e Causal Causative ~ a -~a ) has the Causal reading in the follcwing senten-

csy where Fronting of Su with inserticn of the particle no has

applied. Typically+ the enhedded predicate is cne where theCausee retains no Control.

13

(13)a. Ny eritrerimy no n - anp - ijaly an'i Jeanne.the mind-her part past~s u ffer Je anne"lt was because of her min5 that Jeanne suffers."

b. (Ilay isy~Xsy) no n~ijaly (an'axy/~an'ilay izy).it/+he/~she him/her/~it

"It was because of %9q/&er/it that. Jeanne suffers."

(14) a. My orana no n~ ianjera ny trano.the rain part past~ s-fa11 the house

"It was because of the rain that the house fel1."

b. (Xlay isy/~isy) no n~ianjera (an'ilay isy/+asy),it/%iW/4herit ~ / ~ she

It was because of it that it fell."

')he grasmaticality pattern eimrging from (13) and (14) suggeststhat the higher Su is always non-Animate, as evidenced by the

distribution of different forms of pranouns, whereas the Xower Sucan be Animate as in (13), or non-Animate, as in (14). As willbe saen in Ssotion 3, there is Wtailment of the Iower clause inboth (13) and (14).

1.2 %e Causative Prefix Aha.Aha oan show up in tm types of constructionsc

- Abilitative< when both the higher and the 1ower Sus are option-

ally Animate, i.e. both the higher and the lower Sus are Animate,

only the higher Su is, both the higher and the lower Sus are non-Animate, and only the lower Su is Animatet

11

C I , W 5 h g h 5 I t

M I ) 5 Ml t t. C MI t l M I t dhg I

11 5 l p W I

M M C h g l ~ t t I 5 I t

)15) . N- M - ' J P ) y .

p * A J Ik ' )l ) & ' t p * )

1 3 d t P J

l y 3 K -b f P I J

' 3 I M & t W J

5 l y N 5 g i 5 I I

)16) . N 5 Mk y I )y .

P * t h- l l 5 5 P Il l k ' g l t h I I " P

Mk l yC l l b y P I C d

"5 I ~ & * 1 1 5 5

15

hl h I t * l 5 t l

(17)

t h I ~ W 5 I"lh I i d l f t l 1~ 5

hbby th I tl I"53 I

II I ld I f th I&5W*.'

l y

de)p & 3 5 I' l l I 5 ) * ~ t 3

y J& b y t I J

' h * I b t * p o t d

f 5 5 d . d b. ~ 5

1 2.2 I h d I C hlI th 5 I d I, h h lh 5 * IP Ity

- b I 5 I 5 , h I h h d ' h p I5 I

16

(19) h - ' P l f ! 'P * 9 ~ ~ 9 I d f f

f f d b d P I . '

P I yd b d I f d *f f I

I d d d t I t ) f f

1 ) I P

(29) 1 W -d - ky m f tth A P t 9 -b t h 9 1" I h l l 9 b k I f d

I P f d I

(21) . Pyd 9 ~ - "kd k ' l y .

h f p p - d P If h ~ f d P I

f - > P ly .h 9 I Y d P P Y P I

t b fh td d y t ) P I ( ft

17

The Causative Prefix ~An a).'Lhe Caueative prefix an(a) can enter into two different

types of ccnstructions:- meipulative+ when the higher Su is Annsate; hcwever, it is al-

so possible to marginaDy have the Manipulative reading even ifthe lower Su is Animate, as in (23) belnr.- Causal, when the higher Su is mt Animate.

1.3.1 9he Manipulative Causative A~n(a .Typically, in the Manipulative reading of an(a), the

higher su is Animate and the )ower su> not Animate (however, ssesentence (5) a.) r

(22) N am - (v) aky ny fitaratra i Pao1y.past-causWroken the glass Paul(vak)(' "(be) broken" is a rco't passive>"Paul was doing so that t?e glass be-brcken," i.e."Paul was breaking the glass."

However, it is possible to have the higher and the 1cwer SusAnimate although this appears to be marginal:

(23) PX Jeanne no n -anMeraka an ' i Paoly-Jeanne pert past-oaus-fed-up Paul

(reraks "(bei fed w" is an slfectivel"Et was because of Jeanne that Paul was fed up."

& its Manipulative reading, (23) is aooeptable, although this

characterizes a very familiar style.

1.3.2 Th e Causal Causative ~An a).Mhen the higher Su is not Animate;

- thea, if the lower Su is Aniwmte, we have a Gausal reading witha icwer psycbolegical predioate, as in

(24) Xl a y resaka no n~ ~ er aka an ' i paoly.that talk par t pest~us-fsd-up paul"It was baoause of the talk that Paul was fed up.

- But, if the lewer Su is not Animats, then we have a Causal

reading with a lower predicate which is not Psydulogica4 as in

(25) Ilay vato no ~( v) aky n y f itaratra.that stone part pest~sWroken the glassXt was because of the stone that the glass got

broken "

14 The Causative Prefix ~Ank a).We Causative prefix ank(a) oan enter into three dif-

ferent types of oonstructions:- Nanipulative, as in (116)a. and (U,6)b.;- Abilitative, when the higher Su is optionally Animate;

- Causal when the higher Su is mt Animabe.

1.4.l Tbe Abilitative/Causal ~Ank a .

~ th e higher Su is optionally Animate, we have the

Abi1itative reading, as in (26), whereas when it is not Animate,

we have the Causal reading, as in (27). Thus:

(261 . 8 k - t I l y

P 8 -d & 1 I(6 ) ' ( l l ) d f ""P ) ~ 8 f

b. Iy b h -t tP I t I t . ~ t t

' I I d ~ d f )W I

( 27) . I l y k* f k I ' 17

8 t f d p p *- d P I

(~(h) " \ l l I i A ' * M J t' l h t ~ * ~ I , " f . * ." I t * b f d f ~ d P I g k . "

b. ( y Ip t p t k d ~ h

* 8 f b d d d g h

(28) . I J - k b ' ' l Y

J t P - k P I

J d f I 8 *

b I J - k - y y yJ P t k t l h-h

I J d p h h . "

( 28), d h g i 8 8 & , ~ h (b I

W * I y ~ f l g t l t y.

l.5 The Causative Constructions and Animacy.All the Causative prefixes, i.e. asp(a), aha, ~an a),

and ~ank a), can have the Causal reading whose main characteristicis that the higher Su is not Animate, as i l l u s t rated in the pre-ceding paragraphs. Furthersore, Causal constructicns share cnecoasro feature in that they cenprise either a Psychological pred-icate or an Affixal Passive with vog/tafa in the Rwer clause.

The following segment of this chapter will provide five

criteria for distinguishing between a ~ lagical and a non-~l ogical predicate. With the former:

l. the eshedded predicate naest take m Animate Su)

2. the enbedded Su is not an Aqent;

3, C)ause~ion cannot precede Affixal Passive;4. Clause~irm and Affixal Passive cannot ~ ur;5. a psycholcgical predicate cannot take an Agent in

the genitive case.

l,5.1 Psychological Predicates and Animacy.Typically+ with a ~lcgical predicate, the embedded

Su of the underlying representation is Animate, as oiyosed to theManipulative reading< where it is not Animate:

(29)a. N - am - (v)aky ny kitay i Paoly.past~us-broken the wood P a ul"Paul was chopping the wood."

b. W - am- (v)aky an'i Jaona i Paoly.p ast~ u s Wroken John Pau l"Paul was chopping Jchn."

21

(30) a. N - an - (t) afitohina an'i Jeanne i Paoly.

(tafitchina '(be) upset" is an adjective)"Paul was causing Jeanne to be upmt."

b. 4 - an - (t)afitohina ny sai-n' i Jeanne i Pmly.psst~s-b~upset the mind-of Jeanne Paul*"Paul was causing Jeanne's mind to be upset."

Xn (29) < the underlying esbsdded Su mst be ncn-Animate since the

mntence (29)b. with an Animate Su yieMs an irretrievably un-graneetical seymnce. 2his is the Hsnipulative reading. On theother hand, in (30)a., the ljuwer Su must be animate, as cmn be

inferred from the grasmaticaUty pattern esmrging from the geir(30)a. snd (30)b. & (30)b., therefore, we have a Psycholagicalpredicate in the lower clause.

1.5.2 Criteria for Agency.

With the Qausal reading, the enbsdded Su is not an

Agent. Por an NP to be an Agent, it mst satisQ the foliowing

ccnditionsl. it osn be used to answer the question:

Nanao incna i NP?pastM what deic NP%hat wss NP Wing 2

2. it can entsr inta ocsbinatim with the adverbialewpression fanah iniana deliberately";

3. its predicate mst be able to form an Affixal Pas-sive with the no...ina form (See Chapter Pive cn Passivization) g

4. it can enter into cosbination with the expression

~n'isa dert|j a pucyaa.",

5. it yie)ds a grannatical sequeex with the progress-

ive aspect marker eo amp, followed by a verb in the circumstan-tial voice) and

6. it can show up in a segoence oosprising an Instru-Nent HP

5 lusg i n t

(3l) a. w fo ka i Jeanne.fed-up Jeanne~Jeanne is/was fed up "

i J ss l l ts all A gLt SI MI Lt I RR6 IOt l s v o s l Y af th o p Ng l

erties listed:

past~ what Je anne~t w a s Jeanne doing '2

~f cka (isy).fed-up (he/she)"(8e/she was) fed up."

c. %~ inian ' i Jeanne n y to$oka.sml willed~ Jeanne ccsp fed-up

*"aeum deliberately was fed up."

23

d. ~ - to fch - in' i Paoly i J(eanne).passive-fed-~ Paul J (eanne)

e"J was causal bo be fed ~ by Paul."

e. 49>foka i J amin'ixay voa-karakarafed-up J in~rder pass-tak~remf the luggag~r

2~"J was fed up for her luggage to be taken care of."

f. ~ aap-i-tofoh-ina i J no tonga i P.past prcgr~irc-fed-up J part arr ived P*"J was in the process of being fed W when P arrivad."

g. +Ibfoka t~ ' ilay boky i J.fed-up past-instr that. hook J

+"J was fed up hy using the book."

sy contrast, in a nan-~ logical State predicatelike vak)( "being in the state of having been smashed," it ispossible to have the follcming saciuenoes:

(31') a. ny fitaratra.broken the glass"&e glass is broken."

b. 8 - am - (v)aky ny fitaratra i Pmly.Paulpast~ s -broken the glass

"Paul was causing the glass to be broken," i.e."Paul was breaking the glass."

21

P P I Y2

p t ~ d P II d I

d. F d y ' P I ' ky

I 1 1 &-b y ~ p b k

P I * d l b l y h l d g l

l y y f t

p - b - by P I d 2 I"11 g l b : W *~ b / P I . "

t . P k ' P l y 1 f lb

P d d - b l I d gl

f p \ I / b"P I d b g h ~ t . "

g. 2 ~ / f bb ll 'W P 2 b k h gl I

P ! Jd"P I d p fb k~ tb g l

Distinction between Psycholcgical and ncn-PsycholcgicalPredicates: Clause~ion preceding Passivizaticn.Mith a Psychological predicate, it is not possible to

have a Clause-t)nicn preceding Affixal Passive, whereas this is apossibility with a nrn-Paydnlcgical predicate (See (12)c.) ~

(33)a. N - anp - isafcska an'i Jeanne i Paoly.Jeanne Paul

b. % - any - isafcaka-n' i Paoly i Jeanne.past~ s-angry-passive-by Paul Jeanne(interpretaticn for both a. and b.)"Paul was causing Jeanne to get angry."

(33)a. N - asp - ieritreritra an'i Paoly ilay oRna.Psul the personpast~us-think

b. & - asp - ieritrereti-n' ilay olona i Paoly.past~us-think-passive-by the peran Paul"'Xhe perKxl was arcllsing suspicicsls in Paul~s mindi "

Xn (32)< ~re Clauss~icn precedes Affixal Passive, we have the

1enipu1ative reading of ~a i n a.~, whereas the b. sentenceremmins ungrasmatical. t,ikewise, in (33)a., which does not allcwClause~ion to precede Affixal Passive in the intended reading,

~a has the Causal interpretation. However, (33)b. beccsmsgramnatical with the seaning "%e peran gave Paul a choice

hetween an unspecified nutbm of alternatives," where the other

Person is in a positicn of Control over Paul.

26

l.5.4 eistiucticn between Psychological and ncn-Psycholo-gical: Possibility of Clau~ice and Passivisaticn.With a Psycholcgical predicate, it is not possible to

have Clause-Onion and Affixal Passive, whereas this is pcssiblewith a non-Psychological predicate:

(34)a. N - an - (t)afitchina an'i Jeanne i Paoly.pest~ s -upset"Paul qfart Jeanner" or"Jeanne was upset because of Paul."

b. ~ - tafitohi - n'i Paoly i Jeanne.

passive-upset-by Pa u l Jea nne(no inberpretaticn whatsoever)

(35)a. 8 sm - (v)aky ny f i taratra i Paoly.past~us-broken the glass Paul"Paul wae breaking the glass."

b. blo - vaki - n ' i Pmly ny fitaratra.

pass-broken-by Paul the glass"The glass was being deliberately broken by Paul," or"Paul was breaking the glass."

In (34)a., we have a ~ logical predicate, hence the ungram-naticality of Affixal Passive< as seen in (34)b. Cn the otherhand, (35) a. ocmprises * non-Psychological predicate and (35)b.,where Affixal Passive has applied, is grarnetical.

13 t h 6 : (b f l t y ( qq W h* hy

ql d P d d h q 1 P & , I P * N ld 6 t h

y d h d I P d

(36) . 1' ~ f tb d d gl

(31 ')

g l / d t f ( bq t b I

P l y y tb - tq I b h q l

q gl I / b d t q P l . "

( 3 ) . I f h I 1 1 ' .

"P 1 /

b . d h f 6 ' J P Iy .J P I

I / 6 t h/ I

I (37) . . t * Pd d hq ) P~ t q d t h f , t tP *d l 1 d ~ (37)b. t h tl hl t

g d I d t q ty ~ I . h l 'd e) . , t h Pd d ., *

t (36)b., h th h) t th 6f f l y g t t I .

28

l.5.6 Summry: Animey.The first parameter dealt with in this section, i.e.

Animacy distinguishes between four types of Causative cmstru-ctions whose features are reported on Table l.

Table l

Underlyingly

[+Animatel [+Animate)~t ral" Directive

[+/- Animate)lenipulative

Abilitat ive [+/- Animate)[+/- Animate)

[+Animate)[-Animate)

Note: Nigher Sua CMJSER;b wer S u Q U R K g+ a Positive~- s Negative ~

+/- ~ Optimal.

2.0.1 'lhe Ocntrol Parameter.

%is Sectian wil1 ccnsider the (Xetrol paraseter, whichespresses the degree of Ocntrol exerciseR by the Oausee and whichas based cn- the nature of the esbsdded predicate, i.e. whether it refers toan Activity or a State, as is made evident by the voice end as-

psct snrker useR or that can be used with the root of the lowsr

pred icate e

- as well as the presence or absence of &Cent, as shcwn by theecepatibility or inccamatibility wich certsin adverbial srxlif-

'ticnse

%he distincticn drawn under 1.5 between ~ lcgicaland ncn-Psychological predicates, alcng with the findings made inSection l with respect to the Animacy psraseter, will be assasseRshee there are sentences like Katimgi Jacna i Paoly (Dsad-by

3uhn Paul)", i .e. "Paul aeas dead as a result of John's doing "where i Jaam "Jchng" a humsng hence Animab., is assumsd to be an

Agent- 'lbis ccntrasts with exasples like Mati-ngny hancsnana iPaoly (literally "dead because of hunger Psul)," i.e. "Paul diedng hunger," here ~nheneenenn *rhe hunger," ie nnn-hnireee, engtherefore, ie nct assused to be an Agent in the genitive case.

Finally, axate that althcugh Affixal Passive in the nan-

perfective aspect typically enexhs Cbntrol, as cpptxasd to HaetPassives, which usually do not. there exist a nusber of excep-tions, of which lasa "(be) gone" is one.

30

Interaction of Cnusative Ounstructions with Adverbial

Hodification.

All the Directive and the Nhnipu)ative amstructions

interact with the active or circwrstantial voices or the Affixa).

yaaeive iaan n...ina and a ,-all oi vnieh denote en antlvltyand are ccnpatible with the sodifier fanah inian'i NP (n)y)

"soul-willed," i.e. "deliberately," but not with ts~sa~tr (not

preferred) "not willingly, accidentally."

2.0 2

All the Causal oonstructicns interact with a psycho-)cx)ical predicate, sihether the latter is a root passive or anad]ectivey which denotes a State. All of then are ceayatible with

te~ sa~tr "accidentaUY," but mt with inian'i %" (M)"deliberately."

Falling between these two extrenes, the Affixal passive

forms voa and tafay ce the one handy behave as thcugh they were

Activity predicates since initially their agent is expressed but

nnmst be deleted under a Cnusal predicate; yet, cn the other hand,

they behave like Stative predicatesy i.e. the union of the set of

Psychological predicates with Animate Cnueees (for exanple (19) a)and that set of predicates which can have an Animate or non-Ani-

mate Cnusee (for exanple (l7)a.) d which does rot involve Psycho-logical predicates or predicates vkich refer to, or can refer to,an Activity. In fact, these Stative predicates are not ccnpatible

with fanah inian (n ) "deliberatelyy" but are aanpatible withts)y s~ats "accidentally."

'fhe Causative Constructions and Xntent.

Xn this Subsection, it will be shown:

2.1.0

33

~ - d d ' J y 1p - - t y 3 d b ~

(4dl*

b~ l I ty J

b. g ( 3 - d d ' J f I I l y .3 I P t t y J t l b~ 1

ly 1! 1 )* ' 1 d d g d t l b~ ) * l t by

(41) Y f - p k J

' J ~ l 1 1 * f

b . k I *~ 1 y k* I ~ )y .d d ~ p * J P I

l y b d d 3)

3 f d l t f *

(42)

(I " ( b ) 3 " p *"J / g

b . k I & I J I P 33.d d p g 3 P I

l y bd 3 1)I d m t b J

34

Reraka i Jeanne.tired Jeanne"Jeanne is/48s tired."

(43)a.

b. ~ [ iza y reraka i Jeanne) i Pmly.did corrp ti red Jeanne P a ul(cnly intended reading)"Paul was doing m that Jeanne got tired.'

'Nre qrarrtmaticaH,ty of (3B)a. and (39)a., where the errbedded verbis in the circumstantia1, voice, shcws that the latter can be inthe circumstantial voice. 'lhe urrgrarrrrraticality of (38)c., wherethe errbedded verb is in the active voice, indicates that thelatter cannot be in the active voice; inserticn of the prepcs-

it icn an in f ront of th e hsrer Su does not irrprcve its grarrrnat-icality. The ungrarsrraticality of (38)e. with the Affixal Passiveform rxr...ina in th imperfective aspsct and that of (39)c. withthe Affirral Passive form a, also in the irrperfective aspect, sug-gests that the errhsdded clause cannot take any Affixal Passiveform in the irrperfective aspect. The ungrarrsraticality of (40)b.with the perfective aspsct-marker voa and that of (4l)b. with the

perfective aspect-marker tafa (see Craptar Five: l.0 for furtherdetails) show that the errbedded predicate cannot be an Affixal

Passive form with a perfective aspect. Finally, the ungrarrrrrat-icality of (42)b. with a root passive and (43)b. with an ad~t-ive derrrrnstrates that a root passive or an adjective are ruledcut in the eMaMed clause of the persuasive" Directive.

Prom (38) to (43), we have all the different passibil-ities that can oocur exl since cnly a verb in the circurretantial

35

U~ t l Ud p f I , f U d t l

I d l J I '

2.1. 2 y h U " "I " D I 'I 0 * t t

Ud hd 2 I d t h Id U f I t

1441 . N U / H I ' J l ' , 5P t .-f / I t - I J D t d P 3" 5 I 3/ U I J d P. "

b . - f* l ' J ' P I

f W -by J P h p

P I g d b f I h h

N y / N I ' J h y

P f / P d - I J f ' Wd - b y- h

P Y 2 K.

"K f * bd / I I W b d d d P

y / N I ' I ' 2 K.I - f / P t . -l P I d d p J 3" K * f *N N / U NN P t ~ t y

36

(45) a. ao a-lefa any T(asatave) i P(aoly).fut pass-send to T(amatave) P(aul)"P wiD be sent to T. "

b. Nanery/Suvela an'i P ho a-lefa any T i J.past-force/past-let P fut pass~ there T J"J wes forcing/aDouing P to be sent to T," or"J forced/let P (to) be sent ho T."

Ho voa- sasa- n ' i J i P .f ut pass - wash - hy J P"P vi l l have been washed by J."

(46) a.

b. ~ ry/ ~ )a a n ' i P ho voa-sasam' i J i K-past-forced/past-let P fut pass-wash~ J R*"K was forcing/allming P to have been Mashed by J."

(47) a. Nanery/Namela a n'i J h-ipetraka i p.past-force/past- le t J fut -s i t P"P was forcing/allcwing J to sit."

b i Tafapetraka i J(eanne).pass&i t J"J fcund herself sitting."

c. ewanery/Naaela an'i J ho tafa-petraka i P.past-force/past-let J fut pass-sit P~"P was forcjng/ailowing J to find herself sitting."

37

So lasa i J(eanne).fut gane J(eanne)"J will he gcne."

(48) a.

b. n)(nnery/lennela an'i J ho Xasa i F.past-forced/past-let J fut gcne P

>e"o was forcing/aDcwing J to be gone,"

n(atahotra i J (eanne) .pres-afraid J(eanne)"J is afraid "

(49)a.

b. ~ ery/hhnela an'i J ho matahotra i Fe

past-force/past-let J fut pres-afraid F~"Ib was forcing/allowing J to be afraid."

In (44)a. ed (44)d., the eelw34xl verb is in the active voiceeee the httlvet peeelve cm...ltm, teebeottvelyt both efe etem-matical. Sy ccntrast, in (44)c., where the lrner clause has itsverb in the circunstantial voice, the mtput is ungranmaticaldespite the fact that the lcuer clause cn its carb, as shne in(44)b., is perfectly granmatical. (45) illustrates the case vherethe esbedded predicate has the Affixal Passive form with a. Nmnthe loxer predicate has the perfective aspect marker voa or tafa,the output is ungranmatical, as shcwn in (46)b. and (47)c. Zn(48)e m have a root passive and, in (49)> an ad~tive: theungramnaticality of their b. sequences suggests that the Iowerclause cannot canprise a Stative predicate, Fran aD this, it

Sollcws that the active voice or the imperfective aspect AffixalPassive with no".ina or a is mandatory (see 1.1.2 fcr the dif-ference between no...ina aH a).

2.1.3 lhe "NeutraV Directive Cbnstructicn.

Xn the "neutral" Directive ccnstructicn, the embsddadpredicate nust he in the active voice since it transpires thatrene of the other voice pcssibilities yie)d gramaatical segum-ces. Purtheraore, a Stative predicate or a root passive is ruledout, as is made evident bjy the gramaaticality pattern of the san-tences be)cw.

(50) a. N - anp - aASidy ny sofo an'i Jeanne i Paoly.pest~ s~ t the bread Je anne P aul"Paul was having Jeanne cut the bread."

be ~i dy ny nofo i Jeanne.fut- cut the bread Jeanne

"Jeanne will be cutting the breaL"

No - didi n' i Jeanne ny uofo.pass - cut - by J eanne the bread"'Re bread was being cut hy Jeanne."

d. %l- anpa - m-didi -n' i Jeanne nynufo i Paoly

Past~ s~ - cut - hy Jeanne the bread Paul

(cnly intended interpretaticn)"Psul was having the bread cut by Jeanne.

pi)a. 8 - any - andefa ny entana an'i J(eanne) i P(aoly).Past~s-send the luggage J(eanne) P(aul)(note that the enkedded verb is in the aotive voioe)"P(aul) was havtng J(eanne) send the tuggage."

~f a n y entana i J (eanne) fut-send the luggage J(eanne)"J(eanne) will be sending the luggage,"

So a-Xefam' i J(eanne) ny entana.fut pass-send-by J(eanne) the tuggage(note the enbec8ed verb in the passivevoice with a, mnper feotive asyeot~ker"baIIistie" interpretation in d. belcsc)"5m tuggage will be sent by J(eanne) "

Co

d. % - aspa- (ho)- a-lefa-n' i J n y e ntana i P.past~ s-(fut) ~ ~ -bF J the luggage P

(cnly intended reading)"P was havtng the luggage sent hy J.

(52)a. 8 - asp - anasa an'i Jaona an'i Jeanne i Pmly.f ut~ u s ~ sh Jahn Jeanne Paul"Paul wiD be having Jeanne wash Jahn."

b. 8 - anasa an'i Jaona i J eanne.fut~ sh John Jeanne'Jeanne wiD be waAing Jchn."

p t ~ hdp J Jd 1ly

d d I h h !

I1 1) d - ~ - " p d * ' J P l yp d f d J

I I 1 J d

k J

' J l l l d

P f - p d '. J

fp l bl d p' J ~ I l f

d . k f - ~ - f - p k l l

p - p - * d J P IIy d d t n

*P I h ~ J I & h lf h ~ t d

1

J P l y .

p I J I"P I I 4 I

B - ~ l J

"J l l t 5

f g J

11 1 5

J P Ip * * - ( I ) -gl y I - d

' p I I W J t g

(55) H I J

f t - k 3

l l I k . "

h. N- p - Y ' P I Y.

p ' I k J P 1Iy I MA I M N t

" P I h ~ J h * d : . "

l l f t l ~ , N d ~ 4 I I *

d g t I , I (5g l (54) . I h \1 I' I (50)d., (51)d.. (52)d., Nd (53)d. N d d

lcwer clause cannot have its verb in the Affixal Passive< whether

it is in the perfective or imperfective aspect. The ungramet-icality of (54)d. and (55)b. indicates that the 1eater predicatecannot. be a root passive or an ad)ective respectively, which sug-gests that the Causee aost retain Cetrol.

2.3..4.l Th e Nanipulative ~a ) Oa tetructicn.

Zn the Njanipulative ~ a ccnstructicn, the ettbsddsd

predicate is either in the active or in the circumstantial voioe.%e latter phencxtmcn has been labelleR passive i.e. Passivis-aticn applies after Clauae-Union has taken place. This is thedi~ ic test for a Nanipulative crnstruction.

(56)a. 8 - aap - andeha an'i Jeanne i Paoly.past~ u s-walk Jeanne Paul"Paul was having Jeanne walk."

b. N - asp - andeha-n-an' i Paoly i Jeanne.past~ sm ir cvualk-hy Paul Jean ne"Jeanne was being made to walk by Paul."

Ho - sasa - n' i Jeanne ny l arba.

pass~ - by Je anne the linen"Rhe linea was being washed by Jeanne.

(57)a.

b. 6 - a spa - no - sasa - n'i Jeanne ny lasba Rasoa.past~us-pass~sh-by Je anne the linen Rasoa

(notioe passive in the lmm clause exclusively)+"Basoa was making the linen washed by Jeanne '

43

(38)*

8 . - ~ - 3 h d 3

8 * d 8 t h * 1 1 J' J * 8 m t h 1

f ) - 1 & l y ((1 * ) - ~ ~ t l 1" lh 1 t * ~ ( ~ l l y i . "

(59)

t - 1 ~ ' 1 y d ' 8 l y .

t y ~ P yd t l 1 t t 1+"P 1 ~ t h * ) * d ~

8 - ~ - ) C 1 ' hd ' 3 8 l y .P * *4 h~ 8 l t t P 1*"t 1 h ~ tl 1 d ~ d lly "

8) . P t W 3

"t l 1 1 d t . '

1 - d ti 11 P 1

In the Rwer clause bscomes grasmatical, as shown in therelevant a. seguences, when used in isolatim. In (59)c. p we have

the soot passive latsska to in the state os bavins bssn osossoa'whi1e in (60)b., the erbsdded clause cenprises an ad~tive. The

ungrasmaticality of these two sentences suggests that Nanipula-

tive amp(a) cannot esbed a root passive or an adfective. Howeverpesasple lsla. involvuvs the stative vetb a~lankan' "be ssesseain" shcws that it is possible for the )cwer verb to be a stativepredicate.

2.1.4.2 Sestriction m the 5hnipulative Causative ~a).

Rwever, if the lower clause has a Stative predicate,

then it sust be in the active voice sinoe, as the fol&wing exam-ples denonstrate, if it shows up in the passive. the cutput is

ungrasmatical. This ccntrasts with those cases where the lcwerverb is in the active voice.

H - ianjera ny latabatra.

fut-fall the table

"The table will fa11."

(61)a-

b. N - asp - ianjera ny Xatabatra i Paoly.p ast~ s-fall the table Pau l

'Paul made the table fall."

c. 8 - i - anjera - n' ny vi l ia ny la tabatra.fut~irc-faD-hy the plate the table

~The table is where the plate(s) fell."

m - anp - i angera - n' ny vilia ny 1atabatrapast~us-ckro-fall-by the plate the table

i Paoly.

"Paul made the table fall."

(61)b., which ccsprises the Raer predicate aham in (61)a. andwhich is in the active voice, is gr uenatical. (61)d. with se2uen-ce (61)c, in its lower clause is mraematical. %e only differ-ence between (61)b. and (61)d- is that in the latter case< theekedded verb is in the circumetantial voice.

2.1.4. 3 Pref ix Substituticn with the NJanipulative Causative

hhen the esbedded verb is a Stative predicate, althoughnot a Psychoicgical predicate (see this distincticn under 2.0.2),the Affixal Passive form oorrespanding to the Hanipu1ative ~(ahas the a prefix, which substitutes for the Causative predicateand the verb prefix.

(62) 8 - a - sera - n' i Paoly ny latabatra.past~ss-fall hy Paul the table"~ table has been made to faD hy Paul~

(cmpare with (61) b.)

46

The Affixal Passive prefix a replaces both the higher Causativepredicate ~(a and the prefix of the verb, in this case ian,leaving the root sera.

2.1.5.1 Restrictions cn the Wanipulative Causative ~An a).1n the Mmipulative ~an a ecestructicn, the lower pred-

icate mst be a root passive or an adjective that is Stative butmt Psycholcgical; furthernore, it mst be the case that the

Causee does mt have any Control. This excludes root passiveslike lasa which attribute sose Ocntrol to the Causee.

(63)a. W - an - andidy ny sofo an' i Jeanne i Jaona.past caus~t th e bread Je anne John(oanpare with (50) a.)

~"John was neking out Jeanne the bread."

b. % - an - andeha-n-an' i Paoly an' i Jeanne i Jaona.past-causwirc-go-by Paul Jeanne John(oonpare with (56)b )

+"John was nsking Jeanne to he walked by Paul."

c. W - an - no - didi - n' i Jeanne ny nofo i Paoly.past~us-pass-cut-by Jeanne the bread Paul(acepme with (SO) c.)

d. & - en - voa - sasa - n ' i ~ an' i Jacna i Paoly.past~u~ ~ sh- b y Jeanne Joh n Pa ul(cxeyare with (52) c.)

l t ' - ' J y t P (y .P " * P I y J t l I Wg& P I

(51)

P * I * I J P I

(53)

(44) . d k ' I I t y I l y .

(59) . d I ~ k (d ! I d ~ " ICh I t I I C I PY C

h . - - ( I ) Y I ' ~ P I y .

p ~ t 5 I I I(45) . t h f~

"P I d d ~ h ) ) . "

I l y

P 1 A J I( 49)* . t h ~ " 5 ) f 5)

"P I f ght m J

d. 9 - d ' ly.p -g J P I

(54) . I d I

Xn (64)a., the e8xsdded predicate is a rcot passive, )atsaka "inthe state of having been drcpped. In (64)b., it is an adjective,fott "white." In both instances, the sec(uenoes are granmatical.Bawever, in (64)c., the ersbedded clause also ccmprises an adject-ive. matahotra "afraid of"; yet, the seguence is ungrammtical.'jbe difference between (64)a., (64)b., and (64)c. l ies in thefact that the latter is a Psychological predicate. As for (64)d.,its ungrassmticality seens to be due to the fact that, although

lasa "gcme" is a root passive, the Causee still retains Qontrol.%be ungrametical sentenoes in (63) show that the esbedded clausecannot corprise an active voice verb, as seen in (63)*., a cir-cumstantial voioe verb, as seen in (63)b., or any form of AffixalPassive, as can be inferred from (63)c. to (63)f. In al l thecases shram in (63)< no interpretaticn whatsoever couM be as-signed to the ungrasmatical sequences.

2.l.5.2 Prefix Substitution with the Manipulative Causative

A~nal,In the Manipulative ~an a cxmstruction, the active

prefix ~an a of the typically transitive verb can be replaced bjj

the no...ina circumfix of Affixal Passive.

Vaky ny fitaratra.

broken the glass"~ gl ass is/has been/teas broken.

(65) a.

b. M - am -(v)aky ny f i taratra i Jaona.p ast~ s & roken the glass Jeh n"John was breaking the glass.'

p 9 & - 7 J d d g l

I d b t h t l

*I hf f I * t h t J P I

(66) . P b y t * .9 -f l l 9 l ~ g'l h hdg~ f I l . "

b . P * - t t - ' J 7 t

P d - f t l d g J h d l g g l *

11 9 9 I l d

N - an - datsaka ny taratasy' i Paoly.

past~us&ropped the letter Paul"Paul was dropping the letter."

(68)a. Tafa - latsaka ny taratasy.pass~opped the letter

"They/Sanmone managed to drop the letter."

b. T afa-latsak' i Rely ny taratasy.

pass&ropped~ paul the letter"The letter ~s able tO be drcpped hy Paul," i.e.

",Paul managed to drop the letter."

In (66)a., we have a typically intransitive verb that is alsoStative. Ets iaperfective passive form is obtained by substitut-

ing a for its prefix. By ocntrast, in ( 67), to the root passiveform in the a. sequence oorrespcnd an intransitive verb, as seenin the b. sentence, or a transitive verb, as shnm in the d. sen-tence. Purthernere, the perfective aspect marker tafa acquiresthe hbilitative neaning.

2.1.6.1 Bestrictims on the Abilitative Aha Ocnstruction.

In the Abilitative constructicn involving the Causative

aha, the iower predicate is either a root passive or an ad~tiveprovided it is not a PsyChological predicate. This requireaent

proves necessary since otherwise, the ccmstruction yields a Caus-al interpretaticn> to the exclusion of the relevant xmaning.

91

(691

b p P l * 9 f I

I I ~ bb I

b N d * k I t P IY .9 t - I N I * h l ~ ~ P I

I I Y I f t I 9 f k

R t J

9 Y J

k b lp

d. N - d - ~ ' J 9 l y .

p * Jp J P Ibl l y t l c I M & )

I pf

9 - d ~ y ~ P 11 ' .

p ~ * t l I I P II Y I P t

I ld b h t h I l . "

52

Seraka i Jeanne.tired Je anne"Jeanne is/4as t i red-"

c.

d. W - aha - reraka an' i Jeanne i Paoly.

yast~ s- t i r ed Jeanne Paul"Paul managed to exhaust Jeanne-"

Ih the a. and c. sequeems. all the yredicates are either adject-ives or rcot yassives. Yet, the c. sentences cannot be embeddedunler the Abilitative aha, all the outputs, as shown in (69)d.

and (70)d. a r e ungramaatical . 'Ais ungramaticality seeam to be

due to the fact that in the c. sequences, we have Psydmlcgical

predicates, whereas in the a. sequences, we do not.

2.1.6.2 voice Hestricticns cn the Gwer Clause.In the Abi l i t a t i ve constructim w i t h the Causative aha,

the haar predicate cannot be an active voice verb, a circumstan-

tial voice verb cr a passive with the perfective aspect marker

voa or tafa:

I - andeha i Jeanne.fut~o Jea nne"Jeanne will be goimg."

f7l) a.

b. % - aha - handeha an' i Jeanne i PaolY.yast~ s - fut~o Jeanne Paul"Paul managed to have Jeanne go."

53

H - - d d * - - ' J P l y .J P I

"p I d I 11 5

H - 5 - I d d J Iy.I 9 t y I"P I t d J 11 I

t731d ~ d I

I t 7 I I Yt M~ d l t t P I

' P I I d t dp p U I t t

(74)* .p . d t p d 5 I *" 13 p p I b d ~ I d l t l y ) . '

H) - d - I t ~ 5 ~ I P l y .

P * W & ~ h l t II i d t d p d l

75)

p a

b. W - aha - tafa - 1atsaka ny taratasy i Paoly.past~ s~ ss& ropped the letter Paul

"Paul nlnaged to drop the paper.

In (71)awe have an active voice verb. Sea the sentence is inisolation, it is perfectly gralanatical; hut when it is eshedded

under Abilitative ahar the output is ungrannaaticalt as ~ Ql

(71)b. The sane applies to (72)< Wich involves a verb in thecircunstantial voice) to ( 74) and (75), shich involve AffixalPassive with voa and tafa, respectively. Sawever, in (73)b., theautput is granmatica1 with a root, passive uhich is not Pepchwlogical, as explained under 2.1.6.1.

2.l.6.3 Possibility of Prefix Substitution.

Sinoe the Iowar predicate is not Psychological, one canreplaoe the higher Chusative with the no"in(a) Affixal Passive:

(76)a. Saka-n' i Jeanne ny fahor ia-ny.bearabls-hy Jeanne the grief~r

"Her grief cm1d be borne by Jeanne."

b. N aha - zaka ny fahoria-ny i Jeanne.past-oaus~arable the grief-her Jeanne"Jeanne mnaged to bear her grief."

No -saka-in' i Jeanne samy irery ny fahoria-ny.pass-bearabie-by Jeanne by alone the grief-her

"Ser grief was borne willingly by Jeanne alcne," i.e."Jeanne stoioally bore her grief alone."

Ce

55

nestricticns cn the Qlusal Oonstructijon Aha.

In the Causa3. cxxIstruction ~ith aha or ~(a, the esI-

bedded verb, i f it is not a Psyaholcgical predicatep InIstthe perfective aspect of Affixal Passive:

N - i - y etraka i Jeanne (+taslin j z y nisoli fatra)

past~refMit~ Jeanne because she past tri$M)p

"Jeanne sat ckwn (~due to her tripping up)."

b, Vaf a - petraka i Jeanne tajjIIin' im nisolifatra.pass-sit~ Jeanne because she tripped~"Jeanne found herself sitting due to the fact that she

tripped up."

c. Isy nisolifatra no n - aha/aspa - tafa - petrakashe past-tri~ pert past- caus - pass - sit

an~i Jeanne

Jeanne"It was because she tripped up that Jeanne fcundhermlf sitting."

+zzy nisolifatra no n - aha/aIIpa -(i) ~trakashe past-tr~ part past- caus - pref- sit

an' i Jeanne.

Jeanne"It uas because she tripped up that Jeanne fcundherself sitting.'

56

(78)a. N - i - petraha - n' i J(eanne) ilay seza (Ptaaun'izypastMiro-sit - by J (eanne) the chair when she(the Causal reading of tanLin(a) is the relevant me)

nisolifatra) .

tripped-up*"J sat dawn on the chair V@ue bo her tripping up).~

b. *Zsy nisolifatra no nipetraka i J an'ihry sesa.she past-tr~ part past-sit J the chair*"oue to her tripping up, J sat cn the chair."

(79)a. 8 - i - j er y ny boky i J n oho ny hateseran' i P .past-pref-lcok-for the book J due-bo the angermf P"J was looking for the baok because of P's anger."

b. No - jere - n' i J ny boky' noho ny hateseran'i P.pass-look-for~ J the book due-to the angermf P''jhe book was being looked for by J becaum of P's an-

ger."

c. ~ hatezeran'i P no n - aha/aspa - no - jere- n'the anger~f e part past~ - pass-look-for-by

i J ny boky.J the book

7"zt ~s because of P's anger that the book wss being

1ooked for by J. "

/(77)c p the 45%8Qsd predicate is in th e perfective aspect

form of Affixal Passive, i.e. with tafa, and the seguence is

grsnaetical. By oontrast in (78)b.< it is in the active voice

and the secPence is ungramnatical. Likewise, in (79)c., it is in

tbe imperfective forsL Of Affixal Passive and the output is irre-

trievably ungrametical. Xn all of these exanples, we bave ncn-

pgygmlogical. Predicates, as opposed to Psychological predicates>

as in (8)b. and (19).

2.1.7.1 Restricticn cn the Causal Constructim An(a): Psp~

logical Rcot Passive,Zn the Causal mnstructicm with ~an a), the lcwer pred-

icate sust be a ~l cgical predicate whether the latter is aroot passive or an a5jective. ~ crucial factor here seems to bethat the Causee retains m Qantrol since a toot passive which

lewls itself to an ambiguity of interpretaticn between a De3.ibe-rate Activity and an ACcidental Event doeS not qualify. First> it

can be a rmt passive provided the latter is nct a ~1ogica1predicate:

(80) a. Tafitcbina i Jeanne tamin' i Pacly.upset Jeanne becau~f P aul(notice absence of Ccotrol by Causee)"Jeanne was upset because of saul."

b. N - an - (t)afitchina an'i Jeanne i Paoly.past-caus-upset Jeanne Paul"Jeanne was upset because of Paul."

(Sl) a. Vaky ny fitaratra tamin' i Paoly.broken the glaSS becausemf Paul

(notice asbiguity of interpretation)"'Ihe glass was/got brcken because of Paul."

b. & - am -(v) aky ny fitaratra i Paoly.past~us-broken the glass Paul"'fhe glass got broken because of Paul.*

Ih (80)a., we have a Psycholcgical predicate and the output isgramsaaticai, as can be seen in (80)b. W the centrary,in (81)a.,we have a ncn-Psycholcgical root passive and the result in (81)b.ckes mt yield the intended reading.

2.1.7.2 Bestricticn on the Causal Qonstructim A~na): No...inaPessivei

Seccnd, in the Causal cmstructicn with an(a) > the los"

er predicate cannot be an Affixal Passive with no...ina:

(82) a. Sahirana i Jeanne tamin'ny vola.in-trouble Jeanne bscausemf the money(notice absence of Qcntrol by Causee)"Jeanne was in trouble bscausa of the snney."

b. Na -sahiran- in' i Paoly i Jeanne tamin' ny volapass-in-trcub?e-hy Paul Jeanne becau~f the money

(notice Cuntroi exerted cn Causee by Causer)"Paul was disturbing Jeanne because of the snney."

Ny vela n o n an - ( s )ahirana an' i J(eanne).the meey part past~s-in-trouble J(eanne)"ee meey was the reason why J was in trouble."

i P an' i J .

t he scney part p a s t ~ s- p ass-in- t rouble-by p J

60

b. ~ haeoaora~y no n - ank/an(a)-a-leha~'1 J an'i P.the angerWer par t past-causemir~o-hy J P

"Because of her anger, J went where J was,"i.e."Her anger was causing J to go and have a word with P."

(84)a. No - s ahiran - i n ' i P i J tamin' ny vola.pass-in-trouble-by P J due-to the neney"P was disturbing J because of the aoney."

b. + vo l a n o n-a nka/an(a)-nosahiran-in' i P i J.t he aoney par t past~s-pass-in-trcuble~ P J"Because of the money, P was disturbing J."

2.1.8.2 Further Rastricticn cn the Causal Cestructicn Ank(a):

Purthernore, the ungranaaticaiity of the a~ences in

4.2.19 and 4.2.20 shcws that the enbedded predicate cannot have

the Affixal Passive forms in vca or tafa.

2.2.0 jbe Indispensability of the Agent.

In this Subsection, it will be shcwn that:

1. the active and the circumstantial voices, the te..-

.ina and a forms of Affixal Passive correlate with Activity since

the Agent mst be expressad;2. a typical ~ logical predicate, whether it is a

raot passive or an adjective, correlates with State since the

noticn of Agency is not relevant and an Agent cannot be intro-

duced into the clause; and

3. d t f d t l t f IY 8 d ' P f l g t 8

~ l t y f t h

d 8 ( ( 8 I I y g d I d ,

I g t d ' 8 8 hl (b( d Ibyd I W I

P ~ I d , d g f g y Ith I

8 g t \ d d f , t l h( I d g ~ t h.

I 2. ( I bg ( h l

I t ' b d 8 I t I ' l l t h

I f h f f I P ~ hg t :

(88( . - - J M W f JP K - t th ~ J

b g t h b ~ . "

- d dy y f

P t t t l b d* ' 0 % 8 b ~ . "

- d d - ' J y t

I -by 8 b ~b & * b b g b y J * . "

d . 2d b

' 8 8 & t W

62

(86)a. N - an - didy ny mfo taein'ny antsy i Jeanne.pest~ ~ t the bread with the knife Jeanne"Jeanne wes cutting the bread with the knife."

b. I - an - didi - an'i Jeanne ny mfo ny antsy.pastmirc-cut-by Jeanne the bread the knife

h knife was being used by Jeanne to cut the bread."

c. & - a n - didi -ana ny aeR n y antsy.the bread the knife

")he knife was being used to cut the bread."

past& l r~ t

(87)a. N - an - (ts)ipy ny ram i Jeanne.past act throw the water Jeanne4Jeanne was throwing the water cut."

b. N - a -tsipi- n' i Jeanne ny rano.

past~ss-thrcw-hy Jeanne the water"1he water was being thrcmn cut hy Jeanne.

c . & - a - tsi py ny raho+past-pass-thrcw the water"%he water was being throe out."

As can be inferred frae prevtous eramp1es, in particular (35),the Agent surfaces as either a Su or a genitive. In (85), the a.and c. setuences are gramnatical since the Agent. is enccded asthe final Su, in the first, and in the genitive, in the second.

In the b. and d. sequences, where it is Ieft out< the sentences

~e ungramnatical, Are prectuded situations where the b, sequen-

~s oame as answers to the question "Nanao inana i J e anne2

(IiteraDy: past~ what Jeanneg) %hat was Jeanne doing 2" In

(8$)b ~ the verb is in the circumstantial voiae with the Agent in

the genitive. 1iihen the Agent is left out, the sentence beccses

ungraimmtical, as in (86) c. Ihe sane grattmaticality pattern

arises in the case of the so-called "controlled" senipulaticn, as

in (8S>d., as well as the "ball iet ic" verb, as in (87): the b.seguence, where the Agent is expressed< is gramlatical whereas

the c. sentence, where it has been left out, is ungraneatical.

2.2.2. 1 Impassibility af Expressing the Agent.

A ~ lcgical predicate, whether it is a root passiveor an ad~tive, correlates with State sinae the cancept of Agent

cannot fhd its expression in the clause:

(88)a- N - at o ry i J eanne tamin' i l ay f anafody.past~leeping Jeanne 55%Nse~f the medicine

"Jeanne slept because of the medicine."

b. W - atori - n' ilay fanafody i Jeanne.

past-sleeping~ the smdicine Jeanne

(89)a. Tafitohina i Jeanne tamin' i Paoly.

Jeanne becau~ f P aul'Jeanne was upset because of Paul. "

b. ~ fitahi~' i Paoly i Jeanne.upset-hy Paul Jea nne

zn (BB)a. and (89)a.+ i Jeanne is not an Agent. The ungramat-icality of the b. Sec)uences shcws that the Agent cannot he ex-

pressed at aDo &is contrasts with the folloHtngc

(90)a. Naty i Paoly.dead Paul(Autoncnms Event requiring no Aqent)"Paul i s dead."

b. Nati - n' i Jaona i Paoly.dead -by J ohn P aul(result of a oeiiberate Activity)"Paul is dead as a result of Jchn's doing," i.e."Paul has heen kiDed by Jchn."

2.2.2.2 Deletion of the Agent,

Affixal Passive in the perfective voice, vith voa cn atransitive verb or tafa on an intransitive cne> allows deletion

of the Agent. %is is mandatory under the higher Causal Causativepredicate.

(91)a. N - i f idy an'i P(aoly) i J(eanne).past-choose P J"J(eanne) chose P(aul)."

b. Vee - f i d i (n' i J ) i P.

pass~cose- (ty J) P"P has been chosen (by J)

9 t 9 t" I I I d ) P d

d * K( ) - d / ~ - - f & ' JK P t P P ~ I I J P

t I K K P d h / J . "

(92) . K 9 A * ' J

I J 9

h ~ J

I - d t ( P) JP " t - t q tP ) J" I l l f qh ( I P) . "

I P - ~ - t f - d ' J .

P t P '" P J' I ' I f p d I * 1 2t h ~

P ' PI f P U t * h 92

I (9( )d. ~ (92l d.. t l q ~ ~ ~ h

9

lation. Purtheamre, in the b. exanples, the Agent in

genitive case can be left out, as indicated by the parentheses,This represents a shift froe Activity, with the Agent expressed,to State, with no Agent.

2.2.2.3 techmhun for aeleting or Xnserting the Agent.Affixal Passive with a ccntrasts with the cne in tafa,

in that tafa loses its Agent obligatorily as shawn in 2.2.2.2-

whereas a allows the introduction of an Agent into a mnstruction

&ich originated as a ncn-Psychological Stative predicate:

(93)a. N - i - petraka bao anbcny latabatra ilay boky.past~ref-lying past-on table t he book(Autonoaous Event requir iwg no Agent)"The book was lying on the table."

b. N - a - petrak' i Paoly bao aahany latabatra ilay boky.past~ss-got-by Paul pastw t a ble t he book(DeUberate Activity requir(ng an Agent)"The book was being put on the table by Paul."

2.2.2.4 Expression of the Abilitative ~ing.The above is corroborated by the fact that the Abil-

itaeive cxnstructim with aha is synonyarNIs, cn the one hand,

with the correspcnding+ ren-Psychological rcot passive without

the higher Cmsative predicate and, ce the other in the absence

of the correspcndinq root passive , with the root of the verbprefixed with tafa:

(94)a. g - aha - saka ny entana i Paoly.past~s-bearable the luggage Paul(sasm aognitive maaning as the b. sec(uence be3aw)"paul managed to aarry the luggage."

zaka~' i P aoly ny entana.bearable-by Paul the luggage(sane oognitive seaning as a. abave)

"ghe luggage was successfully carried by Pau4" i.e."paul managed ta carry the luggage."

(99) a. Tafa~trak 'i Paoly teo anbcny latabatra ilay boky.pass-li~ Paul past~ table the book"The baok was sucaessfully made to lie by Paul cn thetable," i.e."Paul managed ta put the book an the table."

b. Tafa ~ t ra ka teo anbony latabatra ilay boky,pass-lie past~ table t he book"The book was sucoessfully made to lie an the table."

(94)< there is a oorrespcmding raot passive and in such acase< it is this raot passive which is synonysous with the Abil-itative aha construction. In (95), there is no correspcoding rcotpassive< but rather< a non-Psycholagical Stative verb and there-

fore, it is the structure with tafa which carries the Abilitative

m'aning. Rar, in (94)b. as well as in (95)b., the Agent can beleft cut.

6B

2,2.2P5 The OveraQ. System for the Insertion or Deletion of the

Agent.

Thus, it appears that the irrperfective Affixal Passivea aDorrs the 1anguage to transform a State into an Activity byintroducing an Agent into a clause with a rxn-~logical statepredicate- Sy oontrast, the perfective markers voa and tafa allowit to reverse the prccess by deleting the Agent from a clausewith an Activity predicate, thus transforming it into a State. At

the two extrerre poles of the centinuum, we have, at. one end, theaotfvs tha otsoststaatfat aaf 8lo oo, isa afflxal passiva vof-

ces, where the Agent rrmst he expressed, and, at the other, thePsycholagical predicate, which is not ccrrpatible with an Agent.

2 .3.0 Inte nt .In this Subsecticn, it will be shown that:

1. the active voicef the circurrmtantial voioe as wmll

as the isperfective aspect Affixal Passive with no...ina and a

oorreiate with the presenoe of Intent;

2. a ~ logical predicate (either a root passive or

an adjective) correlates with the absence of Intentr and that3. the perfective aspect Affixal Passive with vcta and

tafa as well as the Abilitative tafa correlate with the absence

of Intent like a Psychological predicate- but correlate with

the preeence Of an Agent in the urderlying sequenCe, which gets

deleted subsequently, as shawn under 2.2.2.2.

2.3al Intent and %bice Aff ixes.

The active voice, the cirnmstantial voioef and thehffisal passive fo rsw with ao . . . i oa aaf a ava aanfatihls with

(991p t I d 9 & J' J '9 b

b . I hY I Y d d Y I II I I ! f p 9 t t t h* b

"J ( ) * d l d t l y t t m t l bd I ( y th t J t t ~ 9 9 ~ . "

~ d y I ' f y b y J

p t d b M IJ W I Y J"J t W d b A d 1)Y ."

l 9) l * .

p t W I"J I

hy ' J yI l l t & d b J ~ P t

"J ( ) * I % f l f l l , "' I I I 11 th t J * I I "

~ h h b ~ J

I * t w l l l ~ l y I

70

(98) a. N -an&idi-an' i J (eanne) ny safo.past~i~ t-hy' J(eanne) the bread(circunetantial voice with partitive reading)a porticn of the bread wes being cnt by J(eanne)."

b . Fanahy inian' i Ji n y n andidia-nyi ny nof o .

scvl willed-by J aasp past cir~t her the bread"It was deliberately that J was cutting the bread."

(99)a. N o - didi - n' i J ny sofo.pass~ t - by J the bread"The bread was being cut np by J."

b. Fanahy mian' i J no - didi na ny mf'o.the bread

*"The bread wss deliberately being cnt by J."

(100)a. I - an - (ts)ipy ny rano i J.past-act-thrcw the water J"J was thrcwing the water cnt."

b. N - a - t s ipi - n ' i J ny rano.pas't pass thrOt by J the weter

"The weter was being throe out by J."

c. Fanahy inia~' i J n-a-tsipy ny M loaml wil1ed~ J past~ throw the water

"1he water was deiiberately being thrown cut by J."

71

W - a - tsipi - n' i Jeanne tsy satry ny rano.past-pass-throw~ Jeanne not willingly the water

~'+e water ms being accidentany thrown away byJeanne."

zntent and Pdgectival Predicates.A psychological predicate, whether it is a root passive

or an ad~tive, is oospatible with ~~sa~tr "accidentally", butnot with fanah iniana... n "deliberately":

~101)a. Tafitohina i Jeanne.

upset Jeanne"Jeanne is/4as upset."

b. Tafitohina tsy satry i Jeanne.

not deliberately Jeanne"Jeanne was inadvertently upset."

c. &anahy inian' i Jeanne ny tafitohina.

srul willed-by Jeanne msp upset*"Jeanne was being deliberately upsst."

rl02) a. aalsa i Jeanne.gone Jeanne"Jeanne is/4as gone."

b. tasa tsy satry i Jeanne.gone not deliberately Jeanne

"Jeanne was gcee inadvertently."

72

I l l & - b f J P 00 d 1 1 17 . '

23 3 I t t d f t tf I P

hf f * I f b d I b d I l k

~ I d 7 ~ dk~ f f ' d l l l y , ' t * ~ d l d ~ td l d t l y , 0 A I I Y '7

- k h k J

p 0 J"J h

41033

b . hy ' J 7 k WkI I I & d d J 0 P 3 t

' l t b t d : I U IY "

7 - k d k 7 y J

2 W t d l d ly J"3 h A l l y . "

(104) . t - 0 d J

p t 2"J f~ h I ( I I W . '

b hy f ' 0 7 I P kI 1 3 & b y J P P * t

* " J ~ h l f d l b I Y i . '

Tafa - petraka tsy satry i Jeanne,pess-sit not deliberately Jeannep'Jeanne found herself accidentaDy sitting.'

Taf(a) - akatr ' i Pm iy ny entana.pess-bring~ Pau l t he 1uggageTbe luceage wes able to be sucoessfully broughtupstairs by Paul>" i.e.

'Paul mansyed to bring the luggage upstairs,' orPaul was able to bring the luggage upstairs."

b. Fanahy inian' i Paoly (ny) tafakatra ny entana.

sru1 vtC11ed-by Faul (oosp) pass~ the luggage"Paul deliberately menaged to bring the tuggageupstairs."

c. Taf (a) ~atr ' i Paoly tsy satry ny entana.passWring~by Paul not deliberabely the luggage*"Paul accidentally xnnaged to bring the luggageupstairs."

As uas done previously the asterisk in front of the Halagasy~c e entails that the sentanoe is irretrievably ungraxsetical

and cannot receive any interpretation uhatsoever. The Englishtranslatice provided cely makes explicit, the intended reading.

2.3.4 Su xmary: the Ountrol Parannter.

Tbe informat,ion provided by the axntrol perajs ter i saxwarized and reportad on Table 2.

Table 2

Activity

Deliberate Not Deliberate

Causatives 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

* + I I I I * *persuasiveDirective "coercive"

"permissive""neutral" + I I I I * * *

I / I I $, * I I *

* $ $ I *

I I S S I *

* I + * I *

Aap(a)Amp(a)An(a)

* I * * * *

NanipulativeNanipulative

AbilitativeCausalCausalCausalCausal

* * I *

I I + + +* I I * * * +I I * * I I I 2

Amp(a)An(a)Ank(a)

Hote: 1 ~ Active voice.2 a Circasastantial voicer3 a Affixal passive no...inag + a Qrewhaticel;

4 ~ Affixal passive agS ~ Affixal passive voag

6 Affixal passive tafa)

7. m hmt passiveg

B. Ad>ectlve;

* Unyr enaticel;/ = E i tber;S ~ Substituticn.

75

Secticn 3

Entailment

Entailment-In Section 3, it will be shoun that:

1. in a persuasive" Directive canstructicn< the pres-

ence cr absence of Entaiiment> defined as the semantic ccrrelateof the Perfective asPect of a Predicate and synonyaous with Ee-

sultative, is dependent upon the tense of the enbedded verb, whe-

ther the latter is a State predicate or not>

3,0

2. in the "amrcive," the permissive," and the "neu-

tral" Directive ccnstructicns as well as the l4mipulative an(al,

there is no Entaiiment;3. in the Nanipulative ccnstruction with ~(a),if the

embedded verb is a ncn-Stative predicate, there is no Entailment,

whereas when it is a Stative predicate, the coapcund verb formad

with the higher Causative carries with it an Rntailmant;

4. in the Abilitative aha constructicn, there is Kh-tailment and

5. in all of the Causal ccnstructicns, Whether the em-bemed predicate is Psycholcgical or not, there is Entailment.

3.1 RhtaOment and the "Persuasive' Directive Causative,

In a "persuasive" Directive constructicn, the presence

of xhtailment is dependent upan the tense of the eahec8ed verb.If the latter is in the past tenee there is utailment, other-

wise there is none.

(l06)a. Manao izay han~ ~ ~ 'i Jeanne i Paolypast~ acep fut~irc~ Jeanne< Paul"Paul wes doing so that Jeanne ueuld leave"

b. fa tsy n-arxTeha izyi.but not past-go she."but she did not."

(l07) a. Nmao izay n-an~ -n~ 'i Jeannei i paolypast~ aonp past-circ-go-by Jeannei Paul"Paul uas doing so that Jeanne left"

b. *fa m n ~ eha i~ , .but not past~o shei

(continuatim in the intended reading)"but she did not."

( l08)a. I i zay h-i - K - j e r ~ ' ny ]Ata b trai i P l y

past~ cany futwirc-fall~ t he tablei PaulPaul uas doing so that the table wmld fall'

b. fa tsy n-ianjera Day izyi.but not past-fall that iti

"but it did not."

(109) a. Hamn izay n-i~-jeram' ny latabatrai i Paolypast~ coep pastmir~ll-by the table. paul"Paul was doing so that the table fell"

b f 1 ) l Y *1

1 t 0 t-f 11 0 t

JM ~ f 11."

(1061 d ((07 ) 1 p1 , d ( 100) b d (1091, h yt P M

t C C t t

l t t h t h 0 f A l

(110) . 0 P - dd y 1 f ' J ly1 0 b d J 0 1"1 1 * h ~ J 0 b

b . 1 f h d 1 dl ' *Y .b 0 t .

h d 0 d

(l l l ) . 0 1 ' J ~ W ' l y f 11 - 1 J f 0 b M 0 1

Y

1 * f m d t h b

h* d d

78

(ll2) a. Namela an'i Jeannei handidy an'ilay aofo i Paoly.past-let J eannei fut-out the bread paul"paul was allowing Jeannei to cut the breaP

b. k anefa tsy narx)idy izyi .but not past~t shei"but she. did mt.l

All of the a. sentences above are perfectly graamatica? andacceptabls with their oontinuations in b., which substantiates

the claim made earlier.

Entailmant and the Nanipulat ive Gaasative ~A a -The Ranipu)ative ~ a) amstructicn, just like the

Nanipulative an(a) ocnstructicn, mrrelates with the absence of

Entailmant. There is> hcwever, with the first the proviso that if

the esbsdded verb is an exclusively Stative predicate, then thereis %htailment:

(ll3)a. N - asp - idina ny saina i Paolypast~s~ ~ the flag Paul(Stative reading for exbHded verb is relevant cne)"Paul was lowering the flag"

fa tsy n-aha-taf-idina.hut not past-caus-pass~am-down"but did zet cause to be lowered," i.e.

"but did not manage."

b N anp clln i n i Paoly ny sainapast~usmoam-drmn-pass-by Paul the flag~The Qag Rs caused ho be down Ry Paul," i.e."The flag tas being Lowered by Paul"

fa tsy taf-idina.

"but ms not suocessfully 1cwered."

(114)a. N - eV - i - atonta m latabatra. i Pa ly.i 3past~ smrf-faD th e table Paul(notice ewclusive Stative reading of eshedded verb)"Paul amde the tablei faD"

i

but, not pass-fall+im the iti"but did not manage."

b. 8 - a - t o nta - n ' i Paoly n y la t abatra

past~ss-fall~ Pau l~ the table(notioe use of "ballistic" passive prefix a substitut-ing for the Stative prefix i of the active voice)

"Tbe table ms being made to fall by Paul"

fa tsy vca-tontamy>.but not pass-faD-him"but ms not successfully made to CaD

(ll5) a, N - an - doka ny varavarana i P aolydeic paulyast~us~ith~le the door

(note ambiguity of interpxetaticn of the e&HBect verb;loka "with a hole" can refer to a Deliberate hctivity)"Paul ms making a hole in the ckor"

fa t sy n-aha-lcka.

but not past~usmith~l e"but did not succeed."

b. M - lcha - an' i Paoly~ ny varavarana

pass-with~le~ Paul. the door

"Sm door was being put a hole in by Paul."3

3

fa tsy voa-loka~y~.but not psssmith-hole~&izL-

"but not axcessfully," i.e.

"Paul tried to make a hole in the door but did not

manage.

(D5)a. M - ank - adala an'i Paoly. i JeannePast~usMrazy Pauli Jeanne

(note exclusive Stative nature of eztNaMed PrsRicate)"Jeanne (tried an) make Saul crazy"

1

1

4fa tsy adala izy. tsy akory.but not crazy he. not at-aD"but hei is not crazy at aD."

81

b, I - ank - adala in' i Jeanne i Paolyipast~us-pass~razy-hy Jeanne Pauli"Paul was made crazy Ry Jeanne"

fa tsy adala tsy akory.but not crazy not at-all

"but hei is mt crazy at all."

(113) mx} (EES) the erkmdded clauses are not Stative pred-icates, i.e. neither ~ )egical nor non-Aotivity predicates,and there is no EntaGment, as can be inferred frcm the gramnat-i cality of t heir cantinuatians. Xn (114)a., l xwever, t here i s~taijment since it is not passible to have the second part of

the sentence; in this case, m have a non-Psychological stativepredicate. On the other hand, in (116), the embsdded clause com-prises a Psychological predicate carrying with it an Entaihentsince it is not possible to have the ~ part of the sentence.

3,4 EntaiIment and the Abilitative Oonstruotions,'Ehe Abilitative crmstructicns correlate with the pres-

enoe of Entai1ment:

(D7) I - aha - zaka an'i Jeanne i Paoly.l. 9Past~u s ~ able Jea nnei Paul"Paul managed to carry Jeanne"

*fa t s y z aka~ ~ izy..but not hearabl~im. she."Paul msnaged to carry Jeanne hut did not manage to."

82

(118) 8 - aha - l oka wf v4mvatanai i p(mly) 3past~us~itMmIe the dcor. P(aol) ."P(aul) managed bo perforate the daor"

*fa tsy vaa-loka-ny~but not passmith-hole-him. the

"P managed bo perforate the door bot did not manage."

(ll9) 8 - aba - saka ny entana. ny mmana.i 3pest~us-carriel the tuggagei the scale."Xhe scam ocuM lift the Iuggage"

fa tsy sakan' ilay isy. iretci.but not oarried~ the it~ these-

"bot it ocoldn't lift ttwa (the pieces of loggage),"i.e. "&e soale ceuId lift the Ioggage but muld not.'

(120) N aha - zaka an' i Jeannei ny sozanapast~us~ ri e d Jeanne. the scaXe-i 3"&e scale- ocold lift Jeanne."3 i

fa tsy zaka~' ilay isy~ isyi.but not cerried~ it. sheibut it* cculd nct lift heri.'

3

"5he scale could lift Jea~ but could not lift her."

&e ungramaticality of the cxntinoaticn of each sentence, from

(117) to (120), shcsts that i t is mt po ssible to cancel vhat isaqsressed under the aha ocnstrooticn, in the 3awex claoae-

gntailment and the Caueal Causative Constructions.~ Causal readmg correlates vith the presenoe of m-

Mi)ment:

Ny ditrany no n-aspe Jaha-voaMCekathe mischie&his part past~~s sWi t(mte perfective aspect~ker on eabedded verb)

an'i Paolyi *fa tsy voa-kapoka izyi.Pauli but not pass-hit hei

"It was because of his mischief that Paul vas punished,*hut he was not punished."

(l22) gy adala-ny no n -aha-resy an'i Relyithe stupidity-his part past-caus~feated Paul,i(note exclusive Stative reading of eahemed verb)

*fa tsy resy I,zyi .but not defeated hei"It was because of his stupidity that Paul vas defeat-

e4 but he was not defeated.

(l23) 8y resaka no n~ ~ er aka an' i Jeanneithe talk par t past~s-fed~ J eanne i

fa tsy reraka isy..i'but not fed-up shei

"Xt was because of the talk that Jeanne ms fed up,

hut she was not fed up

(124) Ny s akafo no ~ ~ rar y an ' i Jeannei

the Rod part past-caus-sick Jeannei

(note exclusive Stative reading of enhedded verb)

*fa t sy narary izyi ,

but mt sick shei

"It was because of the fccd that Jeanne got sick>

+but she uas not sick."

The ccntinuation of each one of the sentences fran (121) to (124)

is ungranmatical, This suggests that it is mt pcssible to cancel

vhat is expressed in the louer clause under a Csusal prefix. Haw-ever, there is the pcssibility of having a mrd game. In this ca-se, the rcot passive under the prefix dces not have the sana

meaning as the one &ich is negated. Thus:

(125) Ilay resaka no n~ -(t) afitchina an' i Jeannethe talk part past-caus-fed~ Jeannei

i

'Jeanne was fed up because of the talk"

fa tsy tantchina izyi tsy akory.but not stuabling shei not at~ll

"but she did not stunhle at all."

3.6 Sumnary: the Rhtailment Paranmter.Table 3 gives the results &md in this Subsectian rel-

ative tc the Entai)ment parameter.

I155 (EE (

5 I *I

C I

C I

C I

C I

EE (

* - ibl 5 ~ l m I- P * b l l

/ - E C + 0 Wt . ~ 5t t1 P (E I I & I . 5 I t

5 At I E t

Section 4

Productivity

4.0 productivity.

'Ris fourth Section wiD address the issue of the pro-ductivity of each me of the Causative Ocnstructions. As far as

the thnerked mnstructions are cxxmerned (sse Section 6 for the

distinction between Narked vs. Qnmarked):"Neutral" Directive ~(a) can esbed verbs from ~

cpen classes, i.e. transitive and intransitive verbs the onlyproviso with the latter being that it be a ren-Stative predicatelsee (5)c.);

2. Abilitative aha can eabed predicates from cne cpenclass i,e. adjectives> and one closed class, i.e. amt passiveswith no restrictionst

3. Nanipulative ~an a) can also esbed predicates fromrme apen class< i.e. adjectives, and one closed class, i.e. rmtpassives although in both cases, the lower verb avst be a ncn-Psychological Stative predicate;

4. t4anipulative ~ a ca n enbed verbs froa one openclass, i.e. intransitive verbs< with no restriction in the caseof a Stative verb, otherwise, with the proviso that Affbel Pas-sive can apply after Clau~im; and

5. Nanipulative ~ank a only accepts a very limitednusber of adjectives in the iraIer ciause.

As far as Narked ccnstructions are oancerned:l. Causal aha can edxd verbs from three open classes,

i-e- transitive> intransitive, and adjectives, and one closed

87

i.e. root passives; but there is a restriction cn the

i.e . t he lo taar verb aet be ps ssivised with t h e

>rfective aspect voa or tafa respectively;2s the sane applies to Causal ~a , which is diffe-

r~t fran aha only in terfas of register: ~a is characteristicof ~ild speech and Qolloquial Nalagasyr

3. Causal ~an(a accepts one open class, i.e. adject-

ives,and one closed class, i.e. root psssives, both being sub-~t tO the restriction that the lawer verb alst be a PSyoho-

logical predicate) and finally4. Causal. ~ank a is restricted to a very limited set of

ad)ectives s

4,0.1 Definition of Productivity.

productivity can be assessed in terms Qf.L the range of predicate types a given Causstive con-

struction can embed;(a) voaLtafa Affixa1 passiveg(b) a predicate derived fron application of Affixal

Passive aEter Clau~ion;(c) typicaDy transitive verbsz{d) typically intransitive verbs;(e) rcxat passives; and(E) adjectivess and2. the distinction between cpan vs. closed classes,

whether there are restrictions aacx%enykng one class, i.e., forexasp)a, Psychological predicates are the only cales aDowed,athstwiss, ati isai aasstvtsatkcw with v~va tafa is ahltaatory.

4.1.1 Productivity and the "Neutral" Directive ~a).

With the "neutral" Directive ~ a), Affixal Passive

with voa or tafa is not possible:

(126)a. N - aIp - ikarakara ny sakafo an' i Jeanne i Paoly.

Jeanne Paulpast~ -p repare th e food"Paul was having Jeanne prepare the focd.

b. & - anya- voa- karakara(n'i Jeanne) ny sakafo i Paoly,past-caus-pass-prepare(-hy Jeanne) the fcod Paul"Paul was having the food prepared (bF Jeanne).'

8-i-karakara n y sakafo i Jeanne.fut-prf-prepare the food Jeanne'Jeanne will prepare the neal."

Cs

Voa - karakara - n ' i Jeanne ny sakafo.

pass- prepare - by Jeanre the food"The meal has been prepared hy Jeanne."

As showa in (126)c., the erbe3ded verb of (126)a. has the i pre-f ixf %llhich receives the ael iberate Activity i nterpretation tathe exclusion of the Stative neaning. And although the lower

clause, as seen in the d. s~ence, yieMs a perfectly gramnati-cal cutput with the lc8 passive ln iwlatlol4 it cannot be eskl8d

dsd under amp(a) since this results in an irretrievably ungram-matical sequence< as shown in b.< whether the Agent is expressedor not. Likewise with:

I ': l.t 4

l27)a N ~ itsangana an i Jaona i Paolys

psst~ u s%et-up Jchn Paul"Paul wss havtng John stand up."

eg - aspa - tafa - tsangana an' i Jaona i Pmly,

psst~ s~ ss sta nd~ John Pa ul

8- i tsangana i Jaona.f ut-stand-up Joh n"John wiil stand up."

Tafa - tsangana i Jaona.pass - stand-up John"John nanaged to stand up "

d.

Although the lcwet clause c. gives a perfectly gramsatical sen-

tence in isolaticn< wben psssivized -as shoen in d. it cannot

be esbedded under ~a) + the outpst being ungramatical.

4.1.2 % e "Neutral" Directive ~a) and Transitive Verbs in

Mith the neutral' Directive ~( a), any trsnsitive

verb can get esbedded> as seen in (4)b.

4-1.3 % e "Neutral" Directive ~(a) and Xntransitive Verbsin the Lower Clause.Likewise, any non-Stative (See 2.1.3) intransitive vsrb

can be esbedded under the Directive ~a Che such case is thessguenos (4) a.

Defining the Prototypioal 'Neutral' Directive ~(a).

In a typical "neutral" Directive ~(a) ccnstructicnwith the demoted Su of the lower clause overtly expressad, it is

not Pcssible to have Affixal Passive after Clause-Qnion since theCausee typicakly retains Oontrol:

(128)a. N - anp - ihinana sakafo an' i Jacna i Jeanne.past~ u s~ t focd John Jeanne(Causee retains Ocntrol)"Jeanne was havtng John eat his 5xd. "

b. & - aap - ihina-n' i Jaona sakafo i Jeanne.

past~u~ t~ Jac na focd Jea nne(Csusee has no Control whatsaemr)

*"Jeanne was having John eat his food."

The sentence (128)b. no longer has the intended reading since ashift in aeaning has cccurred. It. can only be assigned a diffe-

rent interpretaticn, i.e. 'Jeanne spocn-fed John" and that,

therefore, the latter will have to be either a baby or an

incapacitated adult, with a Nanipulative reading.

4.1.5 The Prototypical Heutral" Directive ~a and Affixal

Passive After Clause-unicn.The "neutral' Directive ~a oan erbed an intransit-

ive verb and again Affixal Passive cannot apply after applicationof Clause-Unicn (see proviso relative to the Ccntrol by Causee

under 2.1.3):

(129)a. N - aaP - ivory ny vahe&a i P(aoly).past~s~ather the paople P(aul)"P(aul) was hauiog the coasanity hold a sneting."

8-ivory ny v ahoaka.futWather the people"5e ccemeity wil l gather."

b.

c. W - anp - ivori - n' i P ny vahaAa.past-caus-gather-pass-hy P the paople"The amsmnity ms being made ta hold a seeting hy P."

4,1,6 T he "Neutral" Directive ~a) and Rmt Passives in the

Under the "neutraV Directive ~a, a rcet passivepredicate cannot be mkedded;

(130)a. %) - arrpa - lasa an' i Jeanne i Psoly.past~s - gone Jeanne Paul

*"Paul had Jeanne gone.

b. I Paoly no n - aspa - lasa an'i Jeanne.Paul Part past~u~ m e Jeanne

"It was Paul Who made Jeanne gcne."

vtethet ~intol is tvontes ov nvt, the above sentenee vennins on-gramnatical: the sentence (130)b. is ungraamatioal in the Direct-ive reading and can only be assigned the Causal interpretation"It vas because of paul that Jeanne was gone."

4.1.7 The ~ utral" Directive )am(a) and ARjectival Predic-ates in the Xaee