THE ASSAM TRIBUNE ANALYSIS

DATE – 16 MARCH 2021

For Preliminary and Mains examination

As per new Pattern of APSC

(Also useful for UPSC and other State level government examinations)

Answers of MCQs of 15-03-2021

1. B

2. B

3. C. 1 and 4 only

4. B . The Udan is a regional airport development scheme aimed at enhancing connectivity to remote and

regional areas of the country and making air travel affordable. The scheme is a key component of Centre's

National Civil Aviation Policy led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and launched in June 2016

5. C

MCQs of 16-03-2021

Q1. How many tribes are there in India?

a) 645

b) 565

c) 345

d) 445

Q2. In which state of India resides the maximum number of tribes?

A. Madhya Pradesh

B. Nagaland

C. West Bengal

D. Assam

Q3. Which is the largest tribe in India?

A. Bhil

B. Gond

C. Baiga

D. Bodos

Q4. In which state Kuki tribes live?

A. Manipur

B. Mizoram

C. Arunachal Pradesh

D. Assam

Q5. What is the percentage of tribal population in India?

A. 16.6%

B. 8.6%

C. 10.6%

D. 11.6%

CONTENTS

1. No ‘exclusive cliques’ should be formed: China on first Quad summit (GS 2 - International Relations )

2. SC commences hearing whether Mandal verdict needs to be revisited ( GS 2 – Polity )

3. Centre declines timeline on granting ST status ( GS 2 – Polity and Governance )

4. No proposal to bring petrol, diesel, ATF, gas under GST: FM ( GS 3 – Economy )

5. India now has world’s 4th largest forex reserves ( GS 3 – Economy )

6. RBI asks banks to implement CTS in all branches by Sept 30 ( GS 3 – Economy )

7. Anjan Baskota to be presented Sahitya Akademi’s Young Writer Award ( GS 5 – Awards )

EDITORIALS

1. Zale’n-gam: The elusive Kuki homeland ( GS 5 – Tribes of Northeast )

2. Assam polls and Clause 6 panel report ( GS 5 – Polity )

3. Good initiative ( GS 5 – Conservation )

4. Crime in the city ( GS 5 – Security )

No ‘exclusive cliques’ should be formed: China on first Quad summit

China said on Monday that no “exclusive cliques” should be formed as it accused some countries

of trying to “drive a wedge” among regional nations citing the “China threat” and asserted that

they will “end up nowhere”.

Quad countries involving the US, India, Australia and Japan held their first virtual summit on

Friday during which President Joe Biden told leaders of the coalition that a “free and open” Indo-

Pacific is essential to their countries and vowed that his country was committed to working with

its partners and allies in the region to achieve stability.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi attended the virtual summit alongside Australian Prime Minister

Scott Morrison and Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga.

“Relevant countries should abandon the Cold War mentality and ideological bias, do not form

exclusive cliques and act in a way conducive to solidarity, unity, regional peace and stability,”

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian told a media briefing here.

He was answering a question about the first Leaders’ Summit of the Quad countries and the

reported remarks by US National Secretary Adviser Jake Sullivan that the four leaders discussed

the challenge posed by China and said all four believed the democracies could help compete with

autocracy.

“For some time, some countries have been exaggerating the so-called ‘China threat’. China

challenges to drive a wedge among regional countries to sow discord between their relations with

China,” Zhao said.

“What they have done is against the trend of times which is peace, development and win-win

cooperation and runs counter to the common aspirations of people in the region,” he said.

“They will gain no support and will end up nowhere,” he said. – PTI

SC commences hearing whether Mandal verdict needs to be revisited

The Supreme Court commenced hearing on Monday on whether the landmark 1992 verdict in the Indira

Sawhney case, which caps the quota at 50 per cent, require a re-look by a larger bench.

A five-judge Constitution bench, headed by Justice Ashok Bhushan, gave a week time to all the States to

submit their brief note of submissions after some of them sought time.

Senior advocate Arvind Datar, appearing for petitioners who opened the arguments on the question of

reference to a larger bench, said there was no need to revisit the Indira Sawhney verdict.

Datar argued that a 11-judge bench needed to be constituted to revisit the verdict, which dealt with

several issues, including the cap of 50 per cent quota, adding that it was not required.

Since its inception of the Supreme Court, a 11-judge bench has been constituted only five times to

examine issues that are unique and of immense constitutional importance, he said.

Datar said the question raised in the matter was only whether the 50-per-cent quota limit could be

breached and not other issues dealt by the 1992 verdict.

“Indira Sawhney (judgement) was delivered with so much deliberations and views that in my humble view

it need not be revisited,” Datar said, adding that the 50 per cent cap had been accepted since the verdict.

The bench, also comprising justices L Nageswara Rao, S Abdul Nazeer, Hemant Gupta and S Ravindra Bhat

said: “On the request of counsel for different States, we allow one week time to file their brief note of

written submissions.”

At the outset, senior advocate Jaideep Gupta for Kerala sought adjournment on the ground that Assembly

elections were on in the State.

The top court rejected his plea and said: “We cannot adjourn the hearing in this case because of the

elections.”

The bench said it needed to address the issue of 102 amendment of Constitution as it affects every State.

Senior advocate Shekhar Naphade, representing Tamil Nadu, said the court would have to see the special

circumstances in which reservation in excess of 50 per cent had been given.

Both Naphade and Gupta said reservation was a policy matter and the hearing on the issue be adjourned

due to the elections.

The bench said it was not deciding the factual aspects and would deal with the legal propositions.

On March 8, the top court had framed five questions to be taken up by the constitution bench, including

whether the ‘Mandal verdict’ require a re-look by a larger bench “in the light of subsequent Constitutional

amendments, judgments and changed social dynamics of the society”.

It had issued notices to all States on issues of “seminal importance”, including whether the 102nd

amendment deprives the State legislatures of its power to enact a law determining the socially and

economically backward classes and conferring benefits to them under its enabling power.

The 102nd Constitution inserted Articles 338B, which deals with the structure, duties and powers of the

National Commission for Backward Classes, and 342A that deals with power of the President to notify a

particular caste as Socially and Educationally Backward Class and power of Parliament to change the list.

The issue of interpretation of the amendment cropped up before the bench, which is hearing the pleas

pertaining to the 2018 Maharashtra law granting reservation to Marathas in education and jobs.– PTI

Centre declines timeline on granting ST status

Ahead of the Assembly elections in Assam, the issue of granting scheduled tribe (ST) status to six

communities of the State has been revived, with the Centre disclosing that a special committee

constituted in this regard has submitted its report that has been marked ‘secret’, but declined to

give a timeline.

“All actions have been taken with respect to the State government’s proposal for the communities

demanding scheduled tribe status as per these modalities. As such, no timeline can be specified for

inclusion of communities in the ST list,” Union Minister of Tribal Affairs Arjun Munda told the

Lok Sabha.

In reply to an unstarred question by Assam MPs Gaurav Gogoi and Abdul Khaleque, the minister

said that a proposal was received from the Government of Assam for granting of ST status to six

communities – Matak, Moran, Tai Ahom, Chutia, Koch Rajbongshi and tea community.

A special committee was constituted under the Ministry of Home Affairs (NE Division) on

February 29, 2016 to recommend the modalities for granting of scheduled tribe status to these six

communities of Assam under the chairmanship of Special Secretary (IS), Ministry of Home

Affairs.

The committee was required to suggest modalities for the required reservations, of shifting the

existing reservation for these communities from OBC to ST, protecting the interests of existing

tribes, a mechanism to ensure fairness of reservations within these six communities and related

security considerations.

The committee submitted its report on December 28, 2018, which is classified as ‘secret’.

The Government of India on June 15, 1999 (further amended on June 25, 2002), has laid down the

modalities for determining the claims for inclusion in, exclusion from and other modification in

the Orders specifying the list of scheduled tribes.

According to these modalities, only those proposals, which have been recommended and justified

by the State government and concurred by the Registrar General of India and the National

Commission for Scheduled Tribes are to be considered for amendment of legislation.

No proposal to bring petrol, diesel, ATF, gas under GST: FM

Amid record-high fuel prices, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman today said there is no proposal as of

now to bring crude oil, petrol, diesel, jet fuel (ATF) and natural gas under the goods and services tax (GST).

When the GST was introduced on July 1, 2017, amalgamating over a dozen Central and State levies, five

commodities – crude oil, natural gas, petrol, diesel, and aviation turbine fuel (ATF) – were kept out of its

purview given the revenue dependence of the Central and State governments on this sector.

This meant that the Central government continued to levy excise duty on them while State governments

charged VAT. These taxes, with excise duty in particular, have been raised periodically.

While the taxes haven’t come down, a spike in global oil prices on demand recovery has pushed petrol

and diesel to an all-time high, leading to demand for them being brought under the GST.

“At present, there is no proposal to bring petroleum crude, petrol, diesel, ATF and natural gas under GST,”

Sitharaman said in a written reply to a question in the Lok Sabha.

She said the law prescribes that the GST Council shall recommend the date on which the goods and

services tax be levied on petroleum crude, high-speed diesel, motor spirit (commonly known as petrol),

natural gas and ATF.

“So far, the GST Council, in which the States are also represented, has not made any recommendation for

inclusion of these goods under GST,” she said.

The Council may consider the issue of inclusion of these five petroleum products at a time it considers

appropriate keeping in view all the relevant factors, including revenue implication, she added.

Including oil products under GST will not just help companies set off tax that they paid on input but will

also bring about uniformity in taxation on the fuels in the country.

Sitharaman has in recent weeks talked of inclusion of fuel under GST as well as Centre and States taking a

joint call on cutting taxes to cushion consumers against the spike in retail prices. – PTI

India now has world’s 4th largest forex reserves

Indias forex reserves have now become the fourth largest in the world at $580.3 billion surpassing Russia.

Emerging markets have been building reserves to guard against volatility due to Covid aftershocks.

Reserves for India and Russia have plateaued rising for months. India pulled ahead as Russian holdings

declined at a faster rate. India’s foreign currency holdings fell by $4.3 billion to $580.3 billion as of March

5, the Reserve Bank of India said on Friday, edging out Russia’s $580.1 billion pile.

The world’s largest forex reserves league table is headed by China, followed by Japan and Switzerland.

India’s reserves, which are now worth 18 months of imports, have been boosted by massive inflows by

FIIs into the stock market and burgeoning FDI. According to a recent report by Acuite Ratings, the Indian

rupee has strengthened in 2021 so far on healthy portfolio inflows, and sharp downward adjustment in

inflation.

“We expect India to post record BoP surplus of $105 billion in FY21, followed by a healthy surplus of $55

billion in FY22. – IANS

RBI asks banks to implement CTS in all branches by Sept 30

The Reserve Bank today asked banks to implement the image-based Cheque Truncation System

(CTS) in all branches by September 30, a move aimed at faster settlement of cheques resulting in

better customer service.

There are about 18,000 bank branches that are still outside any formal clearing arrangement.

Last month, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) had announced pan-India coverage of CTS by

bringing all bank branches under the image-based clearing mechanism.

The CTS is in use since 2010 and presently covers around 1,50,000 branches. All the erstwhile

1,219 non-CTS clearing houses (ECCS centres) have been migrated to CTS effective September

2020. It is, however, seen that there are branches of banks that are outside any formal clearing

arrangement and their customers face hardships due to longer time taken and cost involved in

collection of cheques presented by them, the RBI said.

“To leverage the availability of CTS and provide uniform customer experience irrespective of

location of her/his bank branch, it has been decided to extend CTS across all bank branches in the

country,” it said in a circular.

To facilitate this, banks will have to ensure that all their branches participate in image-based CTS

under respective grids by September 30, 2021, it said. Banks are free to adopt a model of their

choice, like deploying suitable infrastructure in every branch or following a hub-and-spoke model,

and concerned banks should coordinate with the respective Regional Offices of RBI to

operationalise this, it said.

Banks have also been asked to inform the RBI the roadmap to achieve pan-India coverage of CTS

and submit a status report before April 30, 2021.

The RBI had proposed to bring all such branches under the CTS clearing mechanism by

September 2021 in order to bring operational efficiency in paper-based clearing and make the

process of collection and settlement of cheques faster resulting in better customer service. – PTI

Anjan Baskota to be presented Sahitya Akademi’s Young Writer Award

Anjan Baskota, a young and promising writer of Jamuguri area in Sonitpur district, has been

selected for Sahitya Akademi’s prestigious Young Writer Award 2020 for his collection of essays

titled Dristi penned in Nepali language and published in 2016.

The award will be presented in New Delhi shortly.

Baskota, a resident of Samar Dalani in Jamuguri area of undivided Sonitpur district, is a

multilingual writer having command over Nepali, Assamese, Hindi and English languages.

He has many books to his credit, which include Nibarita Manabota Aru Nibandha

Bichitra (Assamese, 2014), Dristi Nibandha Sangra (Nepali, 2016), Patingar Ko

Itihas (translation of poetry collection from Assamese to Nepali

2017), Atmanusandhan (collection of Nepali poems, 2020). He has edited a number books till date

and is closely associated with compilation of a trilingual dictionary (Nepali, Assamese and

English) to be published by ABILAC (Anundoram Borooah Institute of Language Art and

Culture).

The award was declared in an executive committee meeting of the institution of letters held in

New Delhi on March 12. Surya Prasad Adhikari, Nanda Hangkhim and Bijaya Bantawa were the

jury members.

Significantly, Baskota happens to be the first person from Assam to receive the prestigious award

in Nepali literature. A regular contributor to different dailies, journals and magazines, he also

serves The Assam Tribune as a correspondent from Jamugurihat.

It may perhaps not be out of place to mention here that Baskota was awarded the ‘Kabi Bhakta Rai

Smriti Sahitya Puraskar 2020’ by a Siliguri-based literary organisation named Kabi Bhakta Rai

Smriti Mandap in January last. In the mean time, many organisations of Sootea, Jamugurihat and

Biswanath have lauded Baskota’s achievement.

EDITORIALS

Zale’n-gam: The elusive Kuki homeland

Spread over at least six countries, the Kukis of the great Chin-Kuki-Mizo race have never had the

happiness of a homeland of their own, like all in the Northeast do. Even as pioneer insurgent groups in the

region like the Mizo National Front (MNF) have come to the mainstream as early as 1985, the Kukis in the

Northeast, including Manipur and Assam, are still on the run as renegades in the mountains and deep

jungle areas of Assam and the Northeast.

If many insurgent groups in the region have come back to the mainstream, the Kukis are still slogging it

out in the treacherous mountains, though some may have signed ceasefire pacts with the Centre. Armed

with high-tech weapons, the Kuki heroes of the Assam Regiment in the World War II are still on the run.

Simple and truthful kin of undivided Assam, the Kukis are the original Assamese as they claim for

themselves.

Despite considerable clout in the Manipur Assembly, the Kukis have not seen the light of the day in the

region they claim as their own. There is yet to be an autonomous council for the Kukis in Manipur or the

western part of the erstwhile North Cachar Hills. Wielding clout over the strategically key tri-junction

where Nagaland, Assam and Manipur meet in the Borail mountain range, the aspirations of the Kukis have

mostly been overlooked.

Owing allegiance to Israel, the Kukis, like the Chins and Mizos, are drawn to the holy land of Israel. Even as

Israel has the strategic game plan of a greater Israel encapsulating the Middle-east, the Israelis have long

been engaged in the creation of a Greater Israel in Southeast Asia with the Chin-Kuki-Mizo and other

allied ethnic groups. The growth of the Kuki identity, and that of the Meitei and the Naga, is a historical

process perceived in the backdrop of their social collectivity in the Northeast.

Zale’n-gam refers to the contiguous ancestral lands in present-day Northeast India, northwest Burma and

the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh. In India, Zale’n-gam includes areas in Assam, Tripura, Nagaland

and Manipur. In Myanmar, the land of the Kukis refers to the Sagaing Division where they predominate. If

Ajit Doval is the troubleshooter building bridges with Israel for the nation and Prime Minister Narendra

Modi, it’s as much incumbent on the NSA to ensure the balance among the Israeli, Chinese, Myanmarese

and Indian geostrategical interests in the backdrop of Zale’n-gam, the long-dreamt homeland of the

indomitable Kukis.

So long as the Kukis await their homeland in whatever form in Assam or Manipur, and otherwise, the

Israeli cause steps back in time. If the Kukis do not find constitutional recognition, it’s only so much of a

load on the strategic game plan of a greater Israel in Southeast Asia. A greater Israel and Zale’n-gam can

only complement each other.

Lanchanhima Sailo, founder of the Chhinlung Israel People’s Convention (CIPC), a secessionist Mizo

organization, says their goal is an independent Mizo Israelite nation inside India. He’s known for his

propagation of a campaign to change the name of Mizoram to Chhinlung-Israel. A greater Chhinlung-Israel

state that includes the Mizos of neighbouring Myanmar and Bangladesh is a proposition that wouldn’t be

warmly accepted in either Dhaka or Naypyitaw or New Delhi.

Today, there are many Bnei Menashe who live in Mizoram and Manipur with a portion settled in Assam

and Myanmar. Most of them have undergone conversion waiting to go to Israel, the land of their

forefathers. Even some devoted Christians including church leaders too have agreed to their Israel and

Jewish origin.

Disillusioned by the antipathy of the powers that be in India and Myanmar, the Kuki National Organization

(KNO) and its armed wing the Kuki National Army (KNA) have long been demanding integration of all Kuki-

dominated areas under a single unit called Zale’n-gam. In the event of a failure to create Zale’n-gam, the

KNO-KNA focus is on creating two separate States, one in Myanmar and the other in Manipur.

Ahead of the advent of the British colonialists, the Kukis were an independent people in their undivided

domain. Each of the clans was governed by its chief on the basis of its own laws, customs and traditions.

The intellectual resurgence of the Kuki-Chin groups led by people such as PS Haokip and others are indeed

remarkable.

Though the Kukis never wanted to join the Indian Union, they were compelled to concede when Manipur

acceded to India. They moved Prime Minister Nehru in 1960 and sought to be a State under the Indian

Union. Indifferent towards the Kuki people’s political aspirations, Nehru might have likely misread the

Kukis who are one of the bravest warriors in the Mongoloid race.

When three years later, Centre granted statehood to Nagaland, the Kukis were indeed upset. Ever anti-

colonial, the Kukis joined the Mizos whose Mizo National Front (MNF) had been waging a guerrilla war

against the Indian security forces. The Mizo Accord in 1986 left the Kukis out, hit below the belt. The Kuki

State Demand Committee (KSDC) was formed on November 2, 2010 to champion the political will of the

Kuki people in Manipur.

Preceding the formation of KSDC was a landmark meeting held on September 2, 2010 in New Delhi under

the aegis of the Kuki Inpi and Kuki Nampi Palai. The resolution passed was to seek statehood for the Kukis

spread over their ancestral land.

Early on, the Kuki National Volunteer (KNV) was the first political body formed in 1958-1959 for the

purpose of reuniting all the Kukis in the Indian Union and adjoining areas. Maintaining territorial integrity

of Manipur has been the aspiration of the Kukis since the beginning of their movement. Kangleipak

(Manipur) and Zale’n-gam (Kukiland) were in peaceful coexistence with mutual respect for territorial

integrity.

The Kukis were always the allies of the Manipuris, Tipperah and Burmese at all times ahead of the British

intervention. They were never the vassals of any one of them. The British sliced the northern part of their

broad territory and tagged it to Manipur kingdom without the consent of the Kukis. The Kuki-Chin tangle

has become a mess, and unless initiatives are taken, forces may go on the offensive any day, both within

India and neighburing Myanmar.

Assam polls and Clause 6 panel report

The reactions of the Government as expressed by the Minister are manifestly illogical and thus untenable.

Insertion of Clause 6 follows logically from the recognition inherent in the Accord that, in the long run, the

distinct identity of the indigenous Assamese people was not safe under the existing framework of the laws

and the Constitution.

The ongoing campaigns for the elections to the Assam Assembly present a great opportunity to propagate

and demand expeditious implementation of the special constitutional measures to safeguard the political

rights of the indigenous Assamese people. It is clear that in absence of such measures, the Assamese are

faced with the inevitable peril of losing their linguistic and socio-cultural identity in the not too distant

future. In this context the recommendations of the high-level committee on Clause 6 of the Assam Accord

assume great significance. In timely implementation of them lies the only hope of salvation of the distinct

identity of the Assamese. It is a matter of grave concern that this issue, so vital for the survival of the

Assamese identity, has not found any resonance in the ongoing election campaigns.

The three Ds under Clause 5 of the Accord, namely, detection, deletion and deportation, can be regarded

as a dead chapter beyond resurrection. The NRC process, implemented at an enormous cost and

controversy, has been reduced to a pathetic joke. The Government at the Centre has already made it

official that the illegal immigrants from Bangladesh would neither be extradited nor rendered stateless

citizens.

Thus Assam is destined to be saddled with a massive burden of immigrants, a population with abnormally

high growth rate. Therein looms large the daunting prospect of the indigenous Assamese being reduced

to an insignificant minority in the foreseeable future. Inevitable consequence is loss of political rights – a

sine qua non for the survival of the Assamese sub-nationalist identity. It was precisely to avert such a

disaster that Clause 6 was introduced in the Accord to provide effective safeguards for protecting the

distinct identity of the Assamese.

Although introduced with a clever design to quell the widespread movement against the CAA, the

Assamese people saw a light at the end of the tunnel when the Centre appointed a high-level committee

on Clause 6 of the Accord. The report of the committee containing recommendations for implementation

of Clause 6 was submitted a year ago.

It is intriguing that the BJP at the Centre was dilly-dallying and evasive in receiving the report itself and

the State Government, after receiving the report, has also been equally reticent and inactive. The

Opposition parties, dependent on the immigrant vote banks, are still flagging the issue of CAA, using it as

a red herring to divert attention from the report.

It was in this context that there was a sense of shock and awe when, on February 17 last, a Minister of the

Government of Assam had dismissed the recommendations of the committee as unfit for implementation.

As reported in the press, this was the first official reaction on the report of the committee after a lapse of

one year from the date of submission of the report.

The Minister stated categorically that the recommendations could not be implemented as they are mere

expectations and ‘far from legal reality’. He also denounced the recommendations as repugnant to ‘many

judgments and pronouncements of the Supreme Court and provisions of the Constitution’. With regard to

the recommendation on reservation of seats in Parliament, Assembly, government jobs, etc., to the

extent of 80%, he dismissed them as unacceptable, being contrary to the maximum limit of 50% as laid

down by the apex court for all reservations.

The reactions of the Government as expressed by the Minister are manifestly illogical and thus untenable.

Insertion of Clause 6 follows logically from the recognition inherent in the Accord that, in the long run, the

distinct identity of the indigenous Assamese people was not safe under the existing framework of the laws

and the Constitution. It was precisely for the purpose of saving the Assamese from this existential threat

that Clause 6 provided for special ‘constitutional, legislative and administrative safeguards as considered

necessary and appropriate’.

There cannot be any doubt whatsoever that the clause made it incumbent on the Central Government to

make all necessary amendments of the Constitution and enact laws to safeguard the interest and identity

of the Assamese people. The Committee’s recommendations are in pursuance of this directive in the

Accord, both in letter and spirit. Therefore, the Minister’s argument that the recommendations are mere

expectations and ‘far from legal reality’ and ‘tantamount to infringement of the existing provisions of the

Constitution’ cannot be sustained.

Another ground cited for the non-implementation of the recommendations is the judgment of the

Supreme Court purportedly limiting reservations to a maximum limit of 50%. This limit has been laid down

in the judgment in the case of Indra Sawhney Vs Union of India (1992). It is applicable only to government

jobs and admission to educational institutions. Since then this limit has already been exceeded in several

States on multiple grounds peculiar to the respective States.

Rather than weakening, it strengthens the case of special status and privileges to be bestowed on the

Assamese. There is no plausible reason to apprehend that reservation of 80% in government jobs

including existing reservation of 49.5% would be struck down by the apex court.

The most important amongst the recommendations is 80% reservation of seats in Parliament, State

Assembly, State Council and local bodies for the indigenous Assamese people including existing

reservations for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. The Accord makes it obligatory for the Centre to make

amendments to the Constitution and introduce new Articles/Clauses in Parts XVI, Part XXI, etc., as has

been done in the cases of special provisions for several States and communities.

Special provisions to be made for Assam are analogous to those for Scheduled Tribes and Castes and as

such, may not be assailed on the ground of inconsistency with the basic structure of the Constitution.

Laws pertaining to reservations as a special case for the Assamese may also be placed in Schedule 9 under

Article 31B of the Constitution, putting them beyond the scope of challenge before the court.

While adjudicating on the validity of these special provisions, courts are bound to keep in view the

singularly unique character of Assam’s case, its complex ethnic diversity, aggravated by ceaseless assault

on its demographic integrity by unabated large scale influx of immigrants, unlike any other State.

Notwithstanding the critical comments of the State Minister, it is abundantly clear that the

recommendations of the committee on Clause 6 of the Accord are eminently implementable, with some

give and take. The special political and economic rights as recommended by the committee are the only

saviour or the so-called protective shield that is capable of preserving the identity and heritage of the

indigenous Assamese people.

The spectre of loss of political power to immigrants is staring the Assamese in the face. They can no longer

afford to be gullible or complacent. At the time of exercising their franchise in this election, the Assamese

must make sure that they cast their votes only for party or parties that unequivocally declare their

unequivocal support for implementation of Clause 6 panel recommendations.

Good initiative

Experts have established that, if floods in the Brahmaputra Valley have intensified with the passage of

time, at least a part of the problem lies in decrease of forest cover in the Northeast States through which

the river and its numerous tributaries flow. Deforestation is particularly responsible for excessive detritus

discharge and siltation, as also erosion of riverbanks and consequent displacement of people. Thus the

obvious corollary to the issue is the undertaking of planned forestry programmes in the region, along with

other steps, so as to better manage these turbulent rivers.

It is in such a context the news that a detailed project report (DPR) on rejuvenation and management of

the Brahmaputra river system through forestry interventions has been prepared by the Rain Forest

Research Institute (RFRI) at Jorhat is so heartening. Equally heartening is the fact that the DPR, prepared

with support from forest departments of Northeast States and West Bengal, besides other stakeholders,

has been approved by the Union Ministry of Forests, Environment and Climate Change and is set to be

implemented.

That the DPR has inputs from diverse sources of expertise including IIT Guwahati, Brahmaputra Board and

individuals and organizations engaged in research on river systems of the region, enhances its credibility.

As communicated by the RFRI the DPR adopts a holistic approach while envisaging model-based

plantation activities in natural, agriculture, and urban landscapes within the Brahmaputra basin.

It incorporates a methodology which will include interventions with respect to soil and water

conservation, riparian wildlife and wetland management along with supporting activities, including

creating mass awareness and capacity building of institutions and local communities. Based on 71 forestry

models, the interventions reportedly will focus on addressing major issues related to the river, like soil

erosion and sedimentation, increasing green cover, sequestering more atmospheric carbon, supporting

livelihood issues, beautifying the river basin, augmenting biodiversity and educating the people on

environmental issues.

The DPR proposes to rejuvenate about 51,500 hectares of the Brahmaputra river-scape in the seven

States during the first phase for which Rs 1,135 crore has been proposed for carrying out the required

interventions by the respective State forest departments and other relevant stakeholders. While lauding

the preparation of the DPR, the people of this region will keep their fingers crossed that its

recommendations are actually implemented. Since independence various reports and schemes, by bodies

like the Brahmaputra Board, have been prepared, with almost all destined to gather dust.

During the tenure of the BJP State Government, for instance, there had been envisioning of grandiose

projects such as the dredging of the river and using the accumulated silt to build highways on both banks.

Given the reality that annual floods have been the bane of the Brahmaputra Valley, it would indeed be a

pity if this new initiative suffers the fate of its predecessors!

Crime in the city

A spurt in crimes in the city in general and Fancy Bazar area in particular has emerged as a disturbing

concern. The menace of petty crimes such as theft and snatching of mobile phones, jewellery, cash, etc.,

has been reported almost as a matter of routine, with the traders of greater Fancy Bazar area moving the

administration to take urgent and effective steps against the perpetrators. A spurt in illegal settlements

near railway tracks is being cited as a breeding ground for such criminal activities.

The police needs to investigate the matter immediately and take action on the criminals. Drug pedalling is

another serious concern in the area and more disturbingly, a section of local traders was also found to be

involved in the nefarious activity, as corroborated by the arrest of a couple of businessmen a few months

back. Indeed, the easy availability of contraband narcotics has assumed sinister propositions in the city

and the authorities have been found to be completely lacking in tackling the scourge.

This apart, crimes like burglary, theft, robbery, murder, rape and kidnapping have registered a rather high

incidence in the State capital. Apparently, poor policing and sloppy investigation have made criminals

shed their fear of the law and perpetrate their criminal acts with impunity. The incompetence of the

Police Department is deep-rooted, and long-term reform and planning are imperative to make the forces

respond to crimes with clinical efficiency.

As for the city, it is a fact that much of the city’s criminal and antisocial activities stems from its floating

population. Be that as it may, the police need to pull up its socks and equip itself in the best possible

manner to deal with the deteriorating situation. A thorough modernization of the men in khaki is a dire

need. Today’s criminals being a smarter lot, it is imperative that the police keep on upgrading its skills and

strategies to take them on successfully.

While constraints such as manpower crunch, dearth of required technological assistance and overall

modernization of the forces, etc., continue to hamper the functioning of the police, the low morale and

the general complacent attitude of the police has not helped matters either. While crimes of all sorts have

witnessed a spurt, equally conspicuous has been the failure of the police in putting some semblance of

check in the deteriorating situation.

The common man has little security in the city – something testified to by the spurt in crimes. Widespread

corruption among the police as also the thriving police-criminal nexus, too, is having a negative impact on

its functioning. Another imperative need is to have enhanced police-public interactions. If the public is

vigilant and cooperates with the police, many acts of crime can be pre-empted. Citizens’ committees need

to keep a close watch on the happenings in their respective localities and keep the police well-informed of

any suspicious developments.