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KKSBARCH REVIEX NS VOL.5 MO.2 1989

'MATRIMONIAL GOODS AMOMG THE M O O D S KUSASI'C0MTIM6KW PKBSTATIOHSt PART II

A.K. Awedoba

In the first part, Awedoba (1989), the discussion centred onthe primary or prime pres tat ions but reference was made also tocontingent prestations - particularly to the fact that somecontingent prestations such as cattle loans night, unlesssettled by the wife-taker, become transformed into primeprestations and thus be refundable on divorce not by thewife-giver but by the new wife-taker. Even where divorce has notintervened the wife-taker might recoup by demanding from thosewho marry his daughter excess bridewealth reflecting the valueof the loan. Excess bridewealth usually has ambivalentsignificance. In this part of the paper the discussion will beabout the other prestations which are mostly given to the wife'sparents by the husband himself or on his behalf. These includeboth material goods and services. The discussion will be againstthe background of the Fortesian definition of Contingent Presta-tions.

Fortes (1962) maintains that contingent prestations correlatewith ancillary value; for example, their transfer secures theright to remove the wife from her natal settlement to that ofher husband in some societies. Mendosa (1973) shows that this isprecisely what some of the Sisala haal a H as prestations do,although in the case of the Sisala some of the contingentprestations are made a year or so after the bride had beenremoved to the groom's compound. This does not apply in the caseof the Atoende Kusasi - except perhaps for those marriagesdescribed as infant betrothal marriages.Contingent prestations according to Fortes may be subject to

bargaining and may be reciprocated partially or wholly by thewife-giver. They are not usually refundable when the marriage isdissolved. This last characteristic is applicable to the AtoendeKusasi situations, a fact which is not surprising as mostcontingent prestations are intangibles such as services,courtesies and goods destined for immediate consumption. Innative idiom, contingent prestations come under 'respect'. Sons-in-law are enjoined to show profound respect for the wife'sparents but not necessarily to the entire wife-giving lineagesince the husband is permitted to joke and take certainliberties with some of its junior members.On the issue of ancillary value and residual rights to the

daughter, I did not get the impression that, as far as theKusasi (Atoende) case is concerned, contingent prestations made

a decisive impact. A wife-giver, it is agreed, might withdraw adaughter if the son-in-law fails to show 'respect' and Rattray(1932: p. 390) insists that in doing so the wife-giver wouldreturn the primary prestation.

Mortuary and Funeral PrestationsSome of the prestations that may be regarded as contingent

among the Atoende Kusasi have a situational character. They takeplace only on certain occasions. Among these are the mortuaryand funeral prestations. Both wife-givers and wife-takers areexpected to make certain prestations but the burden borne by thewife's parents on these occasions is in no way comparable tothat of the son-in-law. We cannot speak of balanced orequivalent exchange.

The son-in-law is expected not only to attend the burials ofthe parents-in-law and other close kinsmen of the wife's butalso to participate actively in some of the activities. Theson-in-law is expected to dig the grave of the parent-in-law.The chore is not entrusted to sons-in-law solely but they shouldlend a helping hand by digging themselves or rewarding thosedigging with beer and money gifts. Rattray's informants told himthat "A son-in-law will also assist in digging a parent-in-law'sgrave, and even sleep at his village and resume digging nextmorning and dig out all the stones", Rattray (op. cit. p.389).This is a very important service which the son-in-law shouldrender literally or metaphorically. As Rattray also shows,Kusasi Tendaanas (Earth-priests) prefer early burials so thatthe corpse 'will not be rotten and spoil the land', Rattray (op.cit. p.391). Sons-in-law should see to it that the grave is dugwith despatch. They should dig up any big stones that theyencounter rather than' allow such obstacles to lead to arelocation of the grave area. Rattray's informants also told himthat 'No one who has many brothers and sons can become rottenbefore burial", Rattray (loc. cit.), but it is the sons-in-lawwho take over as soon as they arrive on the spot. The same istrue for Tallensi, [cf. Fortes (1949)] though not for Kasena-Nankana, another Upper Eastern Ghanaian people.

The son-in-law is also expected to provide entertainment forthe occasion or to reward with beer and cash those who providemusic and drumming. The burial occasion in many parts of theUpper East is a time for mourning and celebration especiallywhen the deceased is an aged person. Among some peoples like theKasena-Nankana muskets are exploded when the burial rites of anelder are in progress and the celebration redounds to the honourof the deceased.

It is compulsory for the son-in-law to attend in person themortuary rites of the wife's parent, unless circurastnces preventhis participation; even then, a close kinsman should attend the

rites on his behalf and provide the services that the son-in-lawhimself would have provided. The contribution of the son-in-lawdraws attention to the 'filial* character of his relationshipwith the wife's parent: he is a proxy son. Like the agnatic sonhe is duty bound to bury the parent-in-law, but unlike theagnatic son he is in some ways a stranger who does notparticipate in the death of his wife's parent. While the lineageis distraught literally or metaphorically by the death of itsmember, the son-in-law as a member of another lineage retainshis sanity. He is therefore best placed to bear theresponsibility of making the grave and burying the dead. One isreminded in this respect of the Kasena-Nankana and Sisalapractice of leaving the mortuary rites to that segment of themaximal lineage that renders reciprocal funeral services to thedeceased's segment.^ The son-in-law's position among bereavedKusasi is indeed similar in some ways to the Sisala ny.lnniaa andthe Kasena-Nankana Kwo bia in being an outsider to the bereavedlineage and yet connected with it sufficiently to be entrustedwith such an important task as burial.

Though the son-in-law's attendance at the burial of the wife'sparent is compulsory burial rites are not held up if he isabsent.2 The daughter will not normally be withdrawn from herhusband when he fails to be present but it is conceivable thatthe bereaved would take offence if the daughter's husband doesnot have a plausible explanation for his absence. Failure todemonstrate concern and sympathy in this context wouldconstitute gross disrespect on the part of the son-in-law andwould be perceived as a dereliction of filial duty.

Affinal Prestations at Funeral CelebrationsAfter the burial, the final funeral obsequies are observed for

the deceased within the year in most cases. This is an occasionfor elaborate prestations involving agnates, affines and otherkin in many parts of the Upper East, the Kusasi included. Theaffines - particularly the son-in-law are called upon to make anumber of prestations beginning on the first or second day ofthe funeral when rites are held just outside the gate of thecompound at which poultry and livestock are offered to thedeceased by hitting the victims on the ground to kill them.These rites are called pngub in Kusaal. The son-in-law may offersmall livestock - sheep, goat or pig as well as fowls for thepugub. In the view of one informant these gifts are announcedpublicly and praised. The children of the deceased's daughtersmay also feature at these rites acknowledging their ties withthe deceased by offering gifts of poultry. If they are youngchildren, the son-in-law provides them with the pugub victims.

In the course of the funeral celebrations the son-in-law willbe required to provide a large basketful of thick stiff porridgeaccompanied by relish and a second basketful of guinea fowl

meat. A basketful of malt is also provided for making thefuneral beer, Some of the accounts elicited from informantsindicate that in addition to the animal or two provided at thepugub rites another is provided later on on the wife's behalf inaddition to several live fowls. There was also mention of whatis termed "waist money1 which the son-in-law should give to hismother-in-law in the course of the funeral rites. The gift issymbolic of her pain at giving birth to the wife and is probablymeant to help supplement her funeral expenses.

These presents are customary and more or less compulsory. Non-payment may not however lead to automatic withdrawal of spouse,but unless the defaulting son-in-law can demonstrate that he isreally prevented by poverty from meeting these obligations ifcould lead to his wife being recalled. An entry in the CivilRecord Book for Bawku District dated 12th April 1958 indicatesthat a father had withdrawn his daughter from her husbandbecause he had failed to assist in the performance of the wife'smother's funeral. The huband was a member of the Assembly of GodMission then residing in Tamale, more than 150 miles away. Hehad already transferred to his parent-in-law a primaryprestation comprising 3 cows, 1 donkey and 3 sheep for a girl hehad married after a seven year betrothal. The court ruled thatthe son-in-law should pacify his wife's parent by offering him asheep and a goat.-'Though the son-in-law's prestations are customary they retain

an indeterminate character, which allows the groom to give asmuch as he can afford. There are no standarised measures orquantities that are applicable. The custom lays down that themalt, stiff porridge, and guinea fowl should be brought over ina big basket; however baskets come in various sizes so that amedium-size basket might pass for a large one and vice versa. Itis also up to the individual son-in-law to decide to what levelthe basket should be filled. The same also applies to the'waist' money and the animals that are presented. No value issat for the 'waist' money just as a son-in-law may provide bighealthy animals or small emaciated ones. The recipients cannotrefuse whatever presents are given on the funeral occasion. Inthe case of the primary prestation the wife-giver has thisright.

In making these presents, unlike the primary prestation ofmatrimonial goods, the groom can apply his discretion andinitiative but how he uses the allowance might redound to hisprestige or shame. As I have indicated for the pugub rites abovestock is generally taken of who gives what and in what quantityor of what quality. The actors are keenly aware that they arebeing measured against each other and also against otherexamples set in the neighbourhood. Sons-in-law are particularlyconscious of this, a fact which appears to Influence their

behaviour. One of our informants, a settlement chief, deploredthe absurd extent to which this sort of rivalry among sons-in-law is sometimes carried. To understand this behaviour amongsons-in-law it needs to be borne in mind that display ofgenerosity enhances not only their public image but also earns acredit incremental.4 Those who score well may expect that thefemale agnates of their wives would be offered to them or totheir kin in marriage. Women are of course generally perceivedas a 'limited good1, to borrow Foster's (1965) phrase in manypolygynous societies, Kusasi included.

It is important to stress that these prestations do notrestore any rights in uxorea or genetrice* since these are onlyimplied in the acceptance of the primary prestation of cattleand other livestock. The receipt of contingent prestations doesnot require the wife-giver to cede his parental rights in thebride, for no amount of matrimonial transfers, prime orcontingent, can xeaove the bride's interest and attachment toher natal lineage or induce the wife-giving lineage torelinquish its residual rights to her as a daughter of the clan.This applies not only to Atoende Kusasi but to all other UpperEastern societies where the matrimonial transfers aresubstantial. Marriage would indeed fall under purchase if itwere possible to alienate the daughter from her natal lineagethrough such transfers.The prestation of an additional bride to the generous groom or

his kin may be perceived in terms of reciprocities. It shouldagain be pointed out that the girl who has been betrothed as a.consequence of affinal generosities will be the focus of a newand independent marriage settlement. She does not come at adiscount and a new set of matrimonial prestations must betransferred sooner or later. Informants said that sororalpolygyny contrary to expectation does not enable a man toachieve economies as far as primary and non-primary prestationsare concerned. The point was stressed that if a man is marriedto two sisters and it becomes necessary to make funeralprestations to his affines he should transfer two portions ofprestations on behalf of each of the sisters. For this reasonsome informants did not see sororal polygyny in entirelypositive terms. Marriage of two sisters to one husband is fairlycommon but perhaps only the very wealthy would contemplatemarriage to more than two sisters. Where a third sister has beenoffered, she would almost certainly be passed on to a kinsman.

Contingent Prestations and BargainingAs far as these funeral and mortuary prestations are concerned

bargaining is out of the question since what is presented cannotbe rejected on the grounds that it is unsatisfactory. It couldhowever be argued that the latitude given to sons-in-law is

purposive and aimed at taking advantage of the quandary in whichthe groom is placed. This could be an etic view point, oneunlikely to be admitted in the emic representation; nevertheless•* * »t»&««y, it might compare with similar ones often adoptedin the market place wnen kinsmen or acquaintances Meet as buyersand sellers. I refer specifically to contexts in which servicesare provided or subsistence goods marketed. An artisan dealingwith a kinsman has three options: to treat the kinsman as hewould treat any customer, to make a gift of the goods to thekinsman, or to ask the kinsmen to pay his or her own price. Theparticular strategy adopted might reflect kinship distance andthe quality and quantity of previous reciprocities. The thirdoption eschews haggling but, more importantly, the seller avoidsgiving the impression that he or she is a willing exploiter of akinsman. The participants to tnis type of transaction, by theirdeportment, seek to convert what should be 'balancedreciprocity1 into 'generalized reciprocity', to use Sahlins'terminology. Placed in this kind of quandary the buyer mightwell end up paying more for the goods in order not to appearungenerous. The son-in-law's quandary is even more obvious sincehis prestations are publicized and will inevitably be measuredagainst similar prestations provided by other sons-in-law whoare competitors for the favours of their wives' lineage. Thepressure on the son-in-law to acquit himself creditably is notonly external but also internal in these competitive situations.Among the Kasena-Nankana, I have heard villagers and clansmencomplain that their kinsman had not upheld the prestige of thevillage. The wife herself is the husband's severest critic forher honour is upheld or lost by the behaviour of the husband onthese occasions. Thus it is that a wife is sometimes lost notbecause her parents have withdrawn her but because she could notendure the disgrace brought on her by her husband's lack ofgenerosity or by his indigence.

Counter PrestationsThe parents-in-law are never called upon to contribute on the

scale expected of a son-in-law on funeral occasions. In terms ofmaterial prestations against counter prestation of similarcharacter, there is no equivalence. The Kobet prestation may bementioned as an example here. Literally this means 'funeraltrap'. It comprises a guinea fowl present sent to the wife'smother to inform her of an impending funeral obsequies that thewife-taker is about to execute. Receipt of the Kob«t compelsmorally the mother-in-law's attendance at the funeral rites anda cash donation. The present that the mother-in-law makes is nothowever induced overtly nor is its value predetermined. Thismeans she will contribute whatever amount she deems appropriateand within her means. She is certainly not under any pressure to

contribute handsomely. Other Upper-Eastern examples may serve asillustration: among the Kasena-Nankana where the mother-in-lawprepares her own food and beer for distribution at the funeralplace she is recompensed by a 'levy' on the householdsconstituting the bereaved lineage; it is possible that theAtoende Kusasi mother-in-law is handsomely recompensed for thegift she makes. I was however unable to verify this on thefield.Where the son-in-law's funeral obsequies are at issue the

wife-giver makes a contribution of guinea fowl meat, grain andsoup ingredients. These items are given to the widow as shereturns to the wife-taker after a period of temporary withdrawaland stay at her natal lineage lasting several days. The provi-sions that she brings back can only be seen as indirectprestations to the wife-giver, for they are destined to becooked and served to those of the widow's kin who had come overto sleep in her rooms and to be of general assistance to her.Against this contribution is the prestation of a dog and one orseveral fowls to the widow's agnates who had accompanied herback to her husband's home. These prestations are interesting;for the first time in the funeral context, we see hagglingreminiscent of the Frafra besengo described by Rattray (1932Vol.1: 151) or of the Kasena-Nankana gongna and kayidiri, all ofwhich involve a prestation of a dog and fowlsi In the Prafra andKasena-Nankana cases these prestations are pre-mortem mostlywhile the Kusasi equivalent is post-mortem. With the formerpeoples these gifts are part of the prime prestations ofmarriage, and this is probably what they are even in the Kusasicase - a symbolic renewal of marriage after the demise of thehusband. In making this claim one must bear in mind also that itis the agnates of the senior widow who receive the dog, those ofjunior widows receive only fowls.

Other Non-Primary PrestationsThe son-in-law is expected to provide occasional gifts of

foodstuff to the wife's parents as well as guinea fowl meat.There is also farm labour. Th« mother-in-law's groundnuts farmwas often mentioned as4 well a» the roofing of her rooms. Theson-in-law should also help the father-in-law occasionally tocultivate his farms. Whenever he provides labour the parents-in-law should reciprocate by preparing a generous meal for him. Itis therefore possible to talk of prestations and counter-prestations here, ny own impression of the Kasena-Nafnkanapractice which is similar is that the refreshment provided tothe work party of the son-in-law coupled with other gifts morethan counters the value of the labour that is provided.Rattray (1932: 389) was informed that a man is required to

provide farm labour until his wife has had a child of their ownafter which he is released from the obligation to work for the

parent-in-law, curiously "because then he will be looking outfor a new wife and have then to work for these new in-laws". Theson-in-law should also give the parents-in-law beer and guineafowl at the harvest season and five baskets of grain yearlyuntil the birth of their first child. The rationale is "... forafter that they will at once demand payment of the sul (brideprice)", Rattray (ibid.). Atoende informants did not corroboratethese remarks. The general view was that the son-in-law was notobliged to contribute labour to the wife-giver, since he had toproduce the food that would feed his own family. The wife'sparents could request the son-in-law's assistance on their farmsand it is possible that generous sons-in-law would vol-unteertheir assistance - particularly if the wife's parents were tooold to work or did not have sons who would take over the farmingchores. One informant said that in exceptional cases where thewife's parents felt that they could not fend for themselves theymight marry their daughter to a 'poor' man who would then beprepared to live in with his wife's parents and assume thefarming chores of the father-in-law. In that case the son-in-lawwould be released for the time being from the obligation toprovide primary bridewealth goods.5

The son-in-law could also assist the wife's parents withloans, as I have indicated above. Some of these loans would infact be regarded as gifts for which the wife's parents need notmake a refund but others involving cattle loans would beaccounted as part of the primary prestation of matrimonialgoods.

There are numerous occasions for affines to acknowledge theirrelationship by exchange of small gifts, be it cooked food,millet beer as when a person meets his wife's kinsman in themarket place, tobacco or kolanut. The son-in-law should visithis wife's parent to 'greet' them or enquire after their health.Though the wife's parents would visit their daughter and son-in-law less frequently they should do so when any of them isunwell. The host should provide the guest with a meal. I wasinformed that on no account should a son-in-law refuse any mealset before him nor should he fail to eat as much of the meal asis reasonably possible.6

Wherever son-in-iaw meets parent-in-law the former should showprofound respect for the latter by adopting gestures thatsymbolise self abasement. A son is always expected to def«r tothe parent but the son-in-law should show even more reverence tothe parent-in-law. A person who fails consistently to abasehimself before the wife-giver would be regarded as disrespectfuland might not gain the favour and sympathy of the wife-giv«r. It*A * c o u r s e important to have the wife-giver on th« groom's

side for when friction develops in the conjugal relationship hisrole is crucial i n bringing about a resolution. Only an unwiseman would exchange harsh words with his parent-in-law. In this

respect one of the extreme examples of negative reciprocity isto attempt to marry a woman who has once been wife to any memberof the wife-giver lineage. This would constitute gross'disrespect' of the wife-giver and would lead to a withdrawal oftheir daughter.

The Non-Collective Characterof Contingent PrestationsA comparison of primary and non-primary marriage prestations

shows that while in theory there is the possibility of refund onprimary prestations when divorce occurs non-primary prestationsof the type being discussed here are never refunded. This ispartly because the non-primary prestations are intangibles -sevices, demonstration of courtesy and consumables destined forimmediate use. These prestations are also numerous as well asmore varied in nature making it impossible to keep account ofthem. The most bulky of them are the funeral prestation oflivestock, food and grain but even these are not refunded whenthe marriage is dissolved.7 The difficulty of accounting forsuch prestations in a non-literate society is demonstrated inT.M. Aluko's One Man One Wife. In this novel (based on aKigerian society) when matrimonial cases went before the Oba'scourt for adjudication it was the practice for the husband toover-value his numerous prestations and the wife and her kin toundervalue his gifts. The court in its wisdom struck a mean. Butan important factor which should not be ignored is the fact thatthese prestations have a non-collective character. They are madeby the son-in-law or on his behalf to the parent-in-law oranybody occupying the loco* parentis. Most of them are often notwitnessed. Primary prestations by contrast, are fewer in number,though each unit is of a higher value, and they are collectivein character and therefore collectively witnessed. As I pointedout in Part I, the transactors of primary prestations are groupsrather than individuals. The animals that change hands are groupor quasi-collective goods. The wife-giver likewise is a lineageand what they receive become in some respects lineage property.Even the dead must be invoked by sacrificing some of thelivestock received to them. Because the group emerges aswife-taker it retains some residual rights in genetricm andnzorea to the wives of agnates. Though the individual groomexercises these rights the collective right is exercised whenthe lineage reallocates sexual and other rights over widows.

In the case of the contingent prestations, such as provisionof labour, these fall to the individual son-in-law and whenrequests are made they are passed directly to him without anyneed to use the offices of the marriage mediator. Likewise, whenfuneral information has to be conveyed it is sent directly toany responsible member of the son-in-law's family. Though the

son-in-law might obtain the livestock necessary for the funeralprestation from his own father the prestation is made by him andin his name or that of his wife. We should note however in thisregard that just as private resources might be redesignated asgroup goods for the purpose of primary prestations so also is itpossible for group resources to be designated as private forcontingent prestations. Information provided by Rattray (quotedabove) to the effect that the son-in-law could stop sending theannual prestation of grain to the mother-in-law as soon aschildren begin to be born, in my view, appears to portray thepersonal nature of contingent prestations. As an individualprestator the growth of his ego-centred domestic unit and itsattendant responsibilities earns for the son-in-law the sympathyof the wife's parent and an unwillingness to bother him unduly.

The Meaning of Daughter's Husband

The personal character of contingent prestations needs to beremarked particularly in relation to the notion of generalisedreciprocity. Marriage establishes personal as well as affinalties between individuals. It could be argued that far frominducing the wife-giver to transfer residual rights, the AtoendeKusasi material suggests that contingent prestations should beseen from the perspective of the duties expected of a 'son1.This term is an 'odd job' word which designates severalcategories of relationship including biological kin, spouse andother sociological kin of the male filial generation. It isgenerally extended to others by sympathetic address orreference.

The parent-child relationship in the context of Upper Easternsocieties implies reciprocities of the delayed kind. A parent isexpected to make sacrifices which may affect his own immediateneeds, and creature comforts in order that the child might beassured of the material and non-material necessities for growthand development to mature adulthood. Parents are seen as havinginvested in their children, even if all that this involves isthe initiation of the act of procreation by sexual intercourse.8

That investment would yield dividend when a person approachesold age, and though a person never retires completely unlessincapacitated by i n n e s B , the availability of children anddependents, it is expected, should permit the aged to enjoy someleisure. Own children, those of immediate kin and the spouses ofthe offspring all h a v e a contribution to make during thelife-time of the parent. After death these categories ofdependents contribute variously to the establishment of anancestral cult. Thus the investment in children does not attractonly material rewards. Children and dependents are the measureof ultimate success and even of personhood. The curtailment offuneral rites for those without offspring indicates conclusively

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the social and religious significance of children. Failure tobeget children eventually relegates the deceased to the statusof a marginal person who should not be accorded full funeralrites and honours because society should be exorcised of hisinfluence.Between parent and child there is direct exchange which is not

immediate but of the kind usually delayed over a generation. Thereciprocity involved is not a balanced one and no strictreckoning is applied. The obligations involved are moral ratherthan contractual. Thus it is that parent and child have theopportunity to be 'good' or 'bad' parent and child respectively.For example, if the offspring fail to maintain the parent forwhatever reason they might incur the censure of society;conversely, if they suffer hardships on behalf of the parentthey get the acclaim of society. Either way their filial statusdoes not usually suffer. Even the father's curse does notexpunge the filial status although it may bring mysticalretribution on the. offspring. I reiterate the nature of theparent-child reciprocities to draw attention to their similarityto contingent prestations.

Contingent prestations furnish the son-in-law with the meansfor demonstrating his filial ties with the wife's parents. Thetransfer of the prime prestation cannot do this satisfactorilysince it involves groups and not individuals and its transfer isthe occasion for the symbolisation of group exclusiveness andthe opposition of wife-giver to wife-taker groups. Contingentprestations emphasize solidarity, particularly betweendaughter's husband who by association with her becomes her maleequivalent i.e. a 'son' to the wife's parent.

As PropertyContingent prestations can be said to point to the enrichment

of family life which marriage based on exogamy brings about.Because virilocality is the rule of residence, after adolescencedaughters change place of residence and their domestic servicesare lost to their own natal domestic groups. This is howevercompensated for by the importation of a daughter-in-law, asarticulated in Levi-Strauss (1949/1969) where groups exchangewomen, the ultimate value. The notion of family life enrichmentbeing introduced here points out that the exchange goes beyondwomen and includes men, and the contingent prestations providedby the son-in-law demonstrate this fact.

The notion of exogamous marriage practice implies that thegroups exchange women but it may be asked, what benefits do thecomponent cells that constitute these groups derive fromexogamy? There can only be meaningful exchange where a wife isimported as a daughter is exported, and yet this is what doe*not often happen. The prime prestation is not usually regardedas equivalent to a woman in value, and the possession of tfeu»

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requisite matrimonial goods does not imply that a woman can beimported immediately. The benefit of exogamy to the domesticgroup lies in the fact that they are able to obtain thematrimonial goods necessary for bringing in a woman to replacethe daughter and that the daughter's husband is beholden ontothe group. Thus a domestic group which is endowed with daughtersbut deficient in sons achieves a sexual balance when its girlsare married out. Given that indigenous Upper Eastern societieswere characterised by a division of labour according to sex,marriage could be said to restore a balance. The daughter-in-lawprovides feminine services and the son-in-law's contingentprestations are linked to his sex. There is therefore a sense inwhich marriage could be said to result in the sharing of thespouses between the two natal domestic groups of the couple.

The contributions of sons and sons-in-laws at mortuary andfuneral occasions illustrate that both share in a filialrelationship to the deceased. The duty of burial falls to theson and the son-in-law shares in it - even appropriates thearduous physical chores on his wife's behalf. When the finalfuneral rites are being performed the son is expected todemonstrate his filial piety by actions which verge on selfdestruction. He is expected especially to destroy his self-acquired wealth in honour of the deceased parent. The son-in-lawis expected to match or excell the son in this demonstration. Ifthe burden of performing these services and material prestationsfalls heavily on the son-in-law it is because his contacts withthe wife's parents are sporadic and episodic whereas those ofthe son are continuous.

Daughters as women are not expected to perform the services orcontribute the material goods that count towards th« contingentprestations. Preparation of the farm through weeding and hoeingare men's chores and this applies to animal husbandry andpoultry keeping. The beginnings of private wealth stem fromthese activities. While the daughter is not expected to dig thegrave because that is a sale chore or provide livestock andmoney the son-in-law is not exempted because he has the means tomeet these prestations. In similar circumstances daughters anddaughters-in-law provide what may be regarded as complementaryservices. It falls to women to sit over the corpse between themoment of death and the time of burial. At the final funeralobsequies women as wives and daughters (pofyablls) provideculinary services. Women and men as daughters and sons and asdanghteirs-in-law and sons-in-law make a very importantcontribution to a successful funeral. After all, the context ofthe funeral lays emphasis on the prestation of exp*rienc* as atotality. The music, the dance, the rites, the various foodsthat are prepared and shared out, the jamporee of the last nightof the period etc. all have a purpose and are an attempt to

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enact the experience of the people as a final dramaticperformance in the this-is-your-life vein. For the son-in-lawthe funeral provides an opportunity to 'fuss1 over the deceased,in th« context ox the prestation of experience to the deceased,male and " female involvement completes the sexual dyad withoutwhich we could not talk of a totality.

This is not to imply that the son-in-law spends his wealth insymbolic and pragmatic prestations for the deceased parent-in-law without misgivings. Informants have lamented the burdenborne by the son-in-law in the form of the contingentprestations, especially as a man may often have to borrow frontkin to be able to meet fully the funeral prestations. However,attention has been drawn to the fact that sons-in-law sometimesexceed the customary minimum. No less a person than the chief ofBinaba himself, one of the most important chiefs in the area,had deplored the practice of carrying to the parent-in-law'sfuneral drums of local gin (Akpeteshie). informants have alsoindicated that a son-in-law who genuinely lacks the necessaryresources to make the sumptuous funeral prestation may beexcused. Fortes (1949: 121) has shown that among the Tallensithe principal contribution made on the Kogbedaar day which issimilar to some of the funeral prestations expected fromsons-in-law in Atoende becomes a debt which could be dischargedby the daughter's children if their father was unable to do sobefore his death. Even in this Tallensi case indebtednessprovides for various ways of obtaining reprieve. The Kasena-Nankana however take a position that is similar to that of theAtoende Kusasi: the indigent son-in-law, I was told, may presenta hoe and some tobacco, which is a token, as parent-in-law'sfuneral prestation instead of the customary sheep.

One distinction between 'son' and son-in-law both of whom arecalled upon to make prestations on the occasion of the parent'sdeath and the performance of the final funeral obsequies lies inthe fact that after the parent's death the son achieves social,jural and economic emancipation whereas the son-in-law'sposition might worsen as the check which the wife's father onceexercised on the wife-giving group, because of his affection forhis daughter and her children, is removed. A son-in-law may wellfind that after the death of the father-in-law the wife-givinggroup has become impatient and more intolerant of delays in thetransference of the outstanding primary matrimonial goods.Correspondingly, the contingent prestations decline in quantityafter the death of the wife's parents.It could be concluded from what has been said here that the

contingent prestations due to the parents-in-law stem largelyfrom the position of the daughter's husband as a proxy son. This

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notion may be represened as follows, using a scheme drawn fromtransformational linguistics.9

[-male ] [+male ] ] [-male ] [+male ][+lineal] - [-lineal] /marriage ] «• [+lineal] « [-lineal][+filial] [-filial] ] WP [+filial] [+filial]

ConclusionsThe use of terms such as 'prime* and 'contingent' prestations

is valuable as much as it makes the researcher to examinefurther the implications of matrimonial prestations. Howeverthey are unfortunate in seeming to allocate differential .weightand importance and even temporal precedence to the respectiveprestations. The haalakiaa prestation among Sisala, Mendosa(Mendonsa) op. cit. shows, is a set of contingent prestationswhich precede the hajarikiaa or prime prestation. The latter issometimes made post-mortem. Kusasi contingent prestations mayprecede or follow the primary prestation. In any case they are alife-long prestation but there are occasions when they peak. TheMossi case shows that there is either no 'prime' prestation orif there is any it is of negligible significance whereascontingent prestations are of more importance. Even where bothprestations exist stress is sometimes laid on contingentprestations at the expense of prime prestations. This is whatthe following Kasena-Nankana proverb seems to allude to: 'A poorman marries by means of his feet'. The proverb stresses thevalue of sociological prestations exemplified by a show ofrespect and genuine display of helpfulness and constancy on thepart of the son-in-law. Strathern (1980) raised a similarobjection to Fortes' terminology and using Wiru and Melpaprestations he sought to demonstrate that contingent prestationsare of more importance to these people. Though possession offour cattle, three or four sheep or ability to acquire them byindependent means may suggest wealth for an individual amongAtoende Kusasi, when informants were asked if personal wealth in•aterial goods determined marriage chances seven people out ofnineteen informants felt that luck and generosity were even moreimportant. The chemistry of love is at times inexplicable andcan only be accounted for by luck. A poor man without thenecessary resources or kin willing to lend to him may yet retainhis wife provided she loves him and will stick by hi».Generosity likewise establishes friendships and quasi-kinshipties and j.n the final analysis kinship morality has a compellingforce over transactors.

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Footnotes

1. Among the Sisala the two reciprocal burial groups are thevaldongo and nyinniaa, Mendosa (1973 > 43). Kasena-Nankanacall them Kwo bia. This internal or intra-clan partnershipis distinguished from extra-clan and even extra-ethnic Kwobia partnerships which involve joking relations.

2. Among some Dpper Eastern people such as the Kasena-Nankana,a parent' s burial could be delayed for a day or two inexpectation of the arrival of the eldest son or daughter.Kusasi might similarly postpone the burial ceremony but thisrequires verification. On the subject of the son-in»-lawIspersonal presence, Mr. Machinaba of the Institute of AfricanStudies (himself a Kusasi though not of the Atoendedivision) was of the view that sons-in-law arriving afterthe burial ceremony would be 'fined' and be made to offerpresents of millet beer to the bereaved lineage.

3. NAG ADM 57/4/73.4. I am aware that all this sounds like a description of

Malinowski's (1922) Melanesian Kula but this is neverthelessthe impression given me by informants including Mr.Nachinaba.

5. It might be argued that what we have here is co-habitationand not marriage. Fortes (1949: 124) discusses the prohi-bition on a married couple having sexual relations in thefather-in-law's house and explains that "If the husband did

* not abrogate his marital rights at his wife's father'shouse, an insoluble conflict would arise both on the jurallevel and in their emotional relations". I am not sure whereAtoende people stand on this issue but I was told of theprohibition on husband and wife meeting face to face on thepath as she returns to the conjugal home. Tallensi have asimilar prohibition which Fortes also associates with theprohibition on sexual relations in the father-in-law'shouse. I would however argue that marriage can exist withoutthe primary prestations having been given, as long as therelationship is sanctioned and the husband has agreed tog*ve the necessary matrimonial goods in future. Theinformant's reference to the case also supports the viewthat this is a marriage.

6. Kasena-Nankana attitudes differ somewhat. An affine isexpected to leave a fair quantity of the meal uneaten. Inexpectation of this the affine will be given a very generousserving. In Kusasi the son-in-law offends his parents-in-lawwhen he does not do justice to the meal set before him. Theexplanation lies perhaps in the feeling that a parent hasthe duty of 'feeding' the child and the latter the obliga-tion to accept nourishment from the former. Thus failure to

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eat a sufficient quantity of the parents - in - law's meal cal lsinto question these alimentary r ights and d u t i e s . Theparents-in-law are perceived to be in l o c o p a r e n t i s v i s av i s the son-in-law.

7. Some Kasena-Nankana informants said a person was e n t i t l e d toclaim back on divorce any l ives tock he may have sent to thewife-giver as a mourning present while others indicated thatth i s was not possible.

8. Sexual intercourse between husband and wife i s regarded as aduty for both spouses. This i s perhaps not surpris ing inview of the fact that t rad i t iona l ly sexual a t t rac t ion wasnot the sole foundation of marriage l i f e .

9. See Buchler and Selby <1968)s 166-174} for a Transforma-tional Analysis of Kinship data. In the scheme employed inthis ar t i c le WP means 'wi fe ' s parent 1 , ' - ' means minusvalue, ' + ' pos i t ive value, - means marriage and / - meanscontext or environment of

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Battray, R.S. 1932. The Tribes of the Aananti ffinfrwrlimfl.2 VtiLs. Oarendcn Press, Oxford.

Sahlins, H. 1972. Stone Age Wntnarioi, Tavistock Publication.Sansan, Basil 1976. 'A signal Transactiai and i t s Currency1 in

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