tensor-based models of natural language semanticsfink/tensors16/cag.pdf ·  ·...

48
Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics Dimitri Kartsaklis Joint work with M. Sadrzadeh (QMUL), B. Coecke (Oxford) and R. Piedeleu (Oxford) School of Electronic Engineering and Computer Science Workshop on Tensors, their Decomposition, and Applications QMUL, 16th August 2016 D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 1/46

Upload: nguyenxuyen

Post on 06-Mar-2018

221 views

Category:

Documents


2 download

TRANSCRIPT

Tensor-based Models ofNatural Language Semantics

Dimitri KartsaklisJoint work with M. Sadrzadeh (QMUL),

B. Coecke (Oxford) and R. Piedeleu (Oxford)

School of Electronic Engineeringand Computer Science

Workshop on Tensors, their Decomposition, and Applications

QMUL, 16th August 2016

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 1/46

In a nutshell

Tensor-based models of meaning aim to unify two orthogonalsemantic paradigms:

The type-logical compositional approach of formal semanticsThe quantitative perspective of vector space models ofmeaning

Useful in every NLP task: sentence similarity, paraphrasedetection, sentiment analysis, machine translation etc.

In this talk:

I provide an introduction to the field by presenting the mathe-matical foundations, discussing important extensions and re-cent work, and touching implementation issues and practicalapplications.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 2/46

Outline

1 Distributional Semantics

2 Categorical Compositional Distributional Semantics

3 Creating Relational Tensors

4 Dealing with Functional Words

5 A Quantum Perspective

6 Conclusions and Future Work

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 3/46

Computers and meaning

Computational linguistics is the scientific and engineeringdiscipline concerned with understanding written andspoken language from a computational perspective.

—Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy1

1http://plato.stanford.eduD. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 4/46

The meaning of words

Distributional hypothesis

Words that occur in similar contexts have similar meanings[Harris, 1958].

The functional interplay of philosophy and ? should, as a minimum, guarantee......and among works of dystopian ? fiction...

The rapid advance in ? today suggests......calculus, which are more popular in ? -oriented schools.

But because ? is based on mathematics......the value of opinions formed in ? as well as in the religions...

...if ? can discover the laws of human nature.......is an art, not an exact ? .

...factors shaping the future of our civilization: ? and religion....certainty which every new discovery in ? either replaces or reshapes.

...if the new technology of computer ? is to grow significantlyHe got a ? scholarship to Yale.

...frightened by the powers of destruction ? has given......but there is also specialization in ? and technology...

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 5/46

The meaning of words

Distributional hypothesis

Words that occur in similar contexts have similar meanings[Harris, 1958].

The functional interplay of philosophy and science should, as a minimum, guarantee......and among works of dystopian science fiction...

The rapid advance in science today suggests......calculus, which are more popular in science -oriented schools.

But because science is based on mathematics......the value of opinions formed in science as well as in the religions...

...if science can discover the laws of human nature.......is an art, not an exact science .

...factors shaping the future of our civilization: science and religion....certainty which every new discovery in science either replaces or reshapes.

...if the new technology of computer science is to grow significantlyHe got a science scholarship to Yale.

...frightened by the powers of destruction science has given......but there is also specialization in science and technology...

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 5/46

Distributional models of meaning

A word is a vector of co-occurrence statistics with every otherword in a selected subset of the vocabulary:

milk

cute

dog

bank

money

12

8

5

0

1

cat

cat

dog

account

money

pet

Semantic relatedness is usually based on cosine similarity:

sim(−→v ,−→u ) = cos θ−→v ,−→u =〈−→v · −→u 〉‖−→v ‖‖−→u ‖

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 6/46

Moving to phrases and sentences

We would like to generalize this idea to phrases and sentences

However, it’s not clear how

There are practical problems—there is not enough data:

But even if we had a very large corpus, what the context of asentence would be?

A solution:

For a sentence w1w2 . . .wn, find a function f such that:

−→s = f (−→w1,−→w2, . . . ,

−→wn)

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 7/46

Moving to phrases and sentences

We would like to generalize this idea to phrases and sentences

However, it’s not clear how

There are practical problems—there is not enough data:

But even if we had a very large corpus, what the context of asentence would be?

A solution:

For a sentence w1w2 . . .wn, find a function f such that:

−→s = f (−→w1,−→w2, . . . ,

−→wn)

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 7/46

Outline

1 Distributional Semantics

2 Categorical Compositional Distributional Semantics

3 Creating Relational Tensors

4 Dealing with Functional Words

5 A Quantum Perspective

6 Conclusions and Future Work

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 8/46

Quantizing the grammar

Coecke, Sadrzadeh and Clark (2010):

Pregroup grammars are structurally homomorphic with thecategory of finite-dimensional vector spaces and linear maps(both share compact closure)

In abstract terms, there exists a structure-preserving passagefrom grammar to meaning:

F : Grammar→ Meaning

The meaning of a sentence w1w2 . . .wn with grammaticalderivation α is defined as:

−−−−−−−→w1w2 . . .wn := F(α)(−→w1 ⊗−→w2 ⊗ . . .⊗−→wn)

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 9/46

Pregroup grammars

A pregroup grammar P(Σ,B) is a relation that assigns gram-matical types from a pregroup algebra freely generated overa set of atomic types B to words of a vocabulary Σ.

A pregroup algebra is a partially ordered monoid, where eachelement p has a left and a right adjoint such that:

p · pr ≤ 1 ≤ pr · p pl · p ≤ 1 ≤ p · pl

Elements of the pregroup are basic (atomic) grammaticaltypes, e.g. B = {n, s}.Atomic grammatical types can be combined to form types ofhigher order (e.g. n · nl or nr · s · nl )

A sentence w1w2 . . .wn (with word wi to be of type ti ) isgrammatical whenever:

t1 · t2 · . . . · tn ≤ s

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 10/46

Pregroup derivation: example

p · pr ≤ 1 ≤ pr · p pl · p ≤ 1 ≤ p · pl

S

NP

Adj

trembling

N

shadows

VP

V

play

N

hide-and-seek

trembling shadows play hide-and-seek

n nl n nr s nl n

n · nl · n · nr · s · nl · n ≤ n · 1 · nr · s · 1= n · nr · s≤ 1 · s= s

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 11/46

Compact closed categories

A monoidal category (C,⊗, I ) is compact closed when everyobject has a left and a right adjoint, for which the followingmorphisms exist:

A⊗ Ar εr

−→ Iηr

−→ Ar ⊗ A Al ⊗ Aεl

−→ Iηl

−→ A⊗ Al

Pregroup grammars are CCCs, with ε and η mapscorresponding to the partial orders

FdVect, the category of finite-dimensional vector spaces andlinear maps, is a also a (symmetric) CCC:

ε maps correspond to inner productη maps to identity maps and multiples of those

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 12/46

A functor from syntax to semantics

We define a strongly monoidal functor F such that:

F : P(Σ,B)→ FdVect

F(p) = P ∀p ∈ BF(1) = R

F(p · q) = F(p)⊗F(q)

F(pr ) = F(pl ) = F(p)

F(p ≤ q) = F(p)→ F(q)

F(εr ) = F(εl ) = inner product in FdVect

F(ηr ) = F(ηl ) = identity maps in FdVect

[Kartsaklis, Sadrzadeh, Pulman and Coecke, 2016]

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 13/46

A multi-linear model

The grammatical type of a word defines the vector spacein which the word lives:

Nouns are vectors in N;

adjectives are linear maps N → N, i.e elements inN ⊗ N;

intransitive verbs are linear maps N → S , i.e. elementsin N ⊗ S ;

transitive verbs are bi-linear maps N ⊗ N → S , i.e.elements of N ⊗ S ⊗ N;

The composition operation is tensor contraction, i.e.elimination of matching dimensions by application of innerproduct.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 14/46

Categorical composition: example

S

NP

Adj

trembling

N

shadows

VP

V

play

N

hide-and-seek

trembling shadows play hide-and-seek

n nl n nr s nl n

Type reduction morphism:

(εrn · 1s) ◦ (1n · εl

n · 1nr ·s · εln) : n · nl · n · nr · s · nl · n→ s

F[(εr

n · 1s ) ◦ (1n · εln · 1nr ·s · εl

n)] (

trembling ⊗−−−−−→shadows ⊗ play ⊗

−−−−−−−−−→hide-and-seek

)=

(εN ⊗ 1S ) ◦ (1N ⊗ εN ⊗ 1N⊗S ⊗ εN )(

trembling ⊗−−−−−→shadows ⊗ play ⊗

−−−−−−−−−→hide-and-seek

)=

trembling ×−−−−−→shadows × play ×

−−−−−−−−−→hide-and-seek

−−−−−→shadows,

−−−−−−−−−→hide-and-seek ∈ N trembling ∈ N ⊗ N play ∈ N ⊗ S ⊗ N

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 15/46

A graphical language for monoidal categories

A

f A

V V W V W ZB

morphisms tensors

Al AAl A Ar = A

A Ar

ε-map η-map (εlA ⊗ 1Ar ) ◦ (1Al ⊗ ηr

A) = 1A

Vectors and tensors are states: −→v : I → V , w : I → V ⊗ Vand so on.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 16/46

Graphical language: example

trembling shadows play hide-and-seek

N VP

Adj N V N

S

F( ) = N N l N Nr S N l N

F(α)(trembling ⊗−−−−−→shadows ⊗ play ⊗

−−−−−−−−−→hide-and-seek)

trembling shadows play hide-and-seek

N N l N Nr S N l N

⊗i

−→wi 7→

F(α) 7→

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 17/46

Outline

1 Distributional Semantics

2 Categorical Compositional Distributional Semantics

3 Creating Relational Tensors

4 Dealing with Functional Words

5 A Quantum Perspective

6 Conclusions and Future Work

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 18/46

Extensional approach

Grefenstette and Sadrzadeh (2011); Kartsaklis and Sadrzadeh(2016):

A relational word is defined as the set of its arguments:

[[red ]] = {car , door , dress, ink, · · · }

To give this linear-algebraically:

adj =∑

i

−−−→nouni ⊗−−−→nouni

When composing the adjective with a new noun n′, we get:

adj ×−→n ′ =∑

i

〈−−−→nouni ,−→n ′〉−−−→nouni

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 19/46

Statistical approach

Baroni and Zamparelli (2010):

Create holistic distributional vectors for whole compounds (asif they were words) and use them to train a linear regressionmodel.

red

× car = red car

× door = red door

× dress = red dress

× ink = red ink

ˆadj = arg minadj

[1

2m

∑i

(adj ×−−−→nouni −−−−−−−→adj nouni )

2

]

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 20/46

Decomposition of tensors

3rd-order tensors for transitive verbs (and 4th-order forditransitive verbs) pose a challenge

We can reduce the number of parameters by applyingcanonical polyadic decomposition:

verb =R∑

r=1

Pr ⊗Qr ⊗ Rr

P ∈ RR×S , Q ∈ RR×N , R ∈ RR×N

Keep R sufficiently small with regard to S and N

Learn P, Q and R by multi-linear regression

−→svo = f (−→s ,−→o ) := PT(Q−→s � R−→o )

L =1

2m

m∑i=1

||f (−→si ,−→oi )−−→ti ||2

[Fried, Polajnar, Clark (2015)]

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 21/46

Outline

1 Distributional Semantics

2 Categorical Compositional Distributional Semantics

3 Creating Relational Tensors

4 Dealing with Functional Words

5 A Quantum Perspective

6 Conclusions and Future Work

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 22/46

Functional words

Certain classes of words, such as determiners, relativepronouns, prepositions, or coordinators occur in almost everypossible context.

Thus, they are considered semantically vacuous from adistributional perspective and most often they are simplyignored.

In the tensor-based setting, these special words can be mod-elled by exploiting additional mathematical structures, suchas Frobenius algebras and bialgebras.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 23/46

Frobenius algebras in FdVect

Given a symmetric CCC (C,⊗, I ), an object X ∈ C has aFrobenius structure on it if there exist morphisms:

∆ : X → X ⊗ X , ι : X → I and µ : X ⊗ X → X , ζ : I → X

conforming to the Frobenius condition:

(µ⊗ 1X ) ◦ (1X ⊗∆) = ∆ ◦ µ = (1X ⊗ µ) ◦ (∆⊗ 1X )

In FdVect, any vector space V with a fixed basis {−→vi }i has acommutative special Frobenius algebra over it [Coecke and

Pavlovic, 2006]:

∆ : −→vi 7→ −→vi ⊗−→vi µ : −→vi ⊗−→vi 7→ −→vi

It can be seen as copying and merging of the basis.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 24/46

Graphical representation

Frobenius maps:

(∆, ι) = (µ, ζ) =

Frobenius condition:

= =

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 25/46

Merging (1/2)

In FdVect, the merging µ-map becomes element-wise vectormultiplication:

−→v1−→v2

µ(−→v1 ⊗−→v2 ) = −→v1 �−→v2 = V V

An alternative form of composition between operands of thesame order; both of them contribute equally to the final result

Different from standard ε-composition, which has atransformational effect. An intransitive verb, for example, is amap N → S that transforms a noun into a sentence:

John walks

N N r S

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 26/46

Merging (2/2)

ε-composition µ-composition(transformation) (merging)

7→ =

Applications of merging in linguistics:

Noun modification by relative clauses [Sadrzadeh et al., MoL 2013]

Modelling intonation at sentence level [Kartsaklis and Sadrzadeh,

MoL 2015]

Modelling non-compositional compounds (e.g. ‘pet-fish’)[Coecke and Lewis, QI 2015]

Modelling coordination [Kartsaklis (2016)]

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 27/46

Copying

In FdVect, the ∆-map converts vectors to diagonal matrices

It can be seen as duplication of information; a single wire issplit in two; i.e. a maximally entangled state

A form of type-raising (converts an atomic type to a function)[Kartsaklis et al., COLING 2012]:

7→

A means of syntactic movement; the same word can efficientlyinteract with different parts of the sentence [Sadrzadeh et al.,

MoL 2013]

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 28/46

Coordination and Frobenius maps

Coordination

The grammatical connection of two or more words, phrases,or clauses to give them equal emphasis and importance. Theconnected elements, or conjuncts, behave as one.

Merging and copying are the key processes of coordination:

context c1 conj c2 7→ [context c1] conj [context c2]

(1) Mary studies [philosophy] and [history] |=[Mary studies philosophy] and [Mary studies history]

(2) John [sleeps] and [snores] |=[John sleeps] and [John snores]

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 29/46

Coordinating atomic types

Coordination morphism:

conjX : Iηr

X⊗ηlX−−−−−→ X r ⊗ X ⊗ X ⊗ X l

1X r⊗µX⊗1X l−−−−−−−−−→ X r ⊗ X ⊗ X l

andapples oranges

apples oranges

N N7→N Nr N N l N

oranges

N

and

NNr

apples

N l N :=

(εrN ⊗1N ⊗ εl

N )◦ (−−−→apples⊗ conjN ⊗

−−−−→oranges) = µ(−−−→apples⊗−−−−→oranges) =

−−−→apples�−−−−→oranges

and

footballmen watch football women knit

men watch women knit

7→N Nr S N l N Sr S S l N Nr S N Nr S N l N N Nr S

(−−→menT × watch ×−−−−−→football)� (−−−−→womenT × knit)

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 30/46

Coordinating compound types

Lifting the maps to compound objects gives:

(U ⊗ V )r (U ⊗ V ) V r Ur U V

7→ 7→

V lV U lU(U ⊗ V ) (U ⊗ V )l

(U ⊗ V ) (U ⊗ V )

(U ⊗ V )

U V U V

7→

U V

For the case of a verb phrase, we get:

NrSr S lS NNrr(Nr ⊗ S)r (Nr ⊗ S) (Nr ⊗ S)l

7→

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 31/46

Coordinating verb phrases

and

John sleeps snores

7→N Nr S Nr SSr NNrr Nr S S l

SNrN

John

Nr

S

S

sleeps and snores

Nr

1 The subject of the coordinate structure (‘John’) is copied at the N r

input of the coordinator;

2 the first branch interacts with verb ‘sleeps’ and the second one withverb ‘snores’; and

3 the S wires of the two verbs that carry the individual results aremerged together with µ-composition.

−−→JohnT × (sleep � snore)

(� here denotes the Hadamard product between matrices)

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 32/46

Outline

1 Distributional Semantics

2 Categorical Compositional Distributional Semantics

3 Creating Relational Tensors

4 Dealing with Functional Words

5 A Quantum Perspective

6 Conclusions and Future Work

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 33/46

Word vectors as quantum states

We take words to be “quantum systems”, and word vectorsspecific states of these systems:

|w〉 = c1|k1〉+ c2|k2〉+ . . .+ cn|kn〉

Each element of the ONB {|ki 〉}i is essentially an atomicsymbol:

|cat〉 = 12|milk ′〉+ 8|cute ′〉+ . . .+ 0|bank ′〉

In other words, a word vector is a probability distribution overatomic symbols

|w〉 is a pure state: when word w is seen alone, it is likeco-occurring with all the basis words with strengths denotedby the various coefficients.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 34/46

Lexical ambiguity

We distinguish between two types of lexical ambiguity:

In cases of homonymy (organ, bank, vessel etc.), due to somehistorical accident the same word is used to describe two (ormore) completely unrelated concepts.

0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.80.8

0.6

0.4

0.2

0.0

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.8

donor transplantliver

transplantation

kidney

lung

organ (medicine)

accompaniment

bass

orchestra

hymn

recital

violin

concert

organ (music)

organ

Polysemy relates to subtle deviations between the differentsenses of the same word.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 35/46

Encoding homonymy with mixed states

Ideally, every disjoint meaning of a homonymous word mustbe represented by a distinct pure state:

|bankfin〉 = a1|k1〉+ a2|k2〉+ . . .+ an|kn〉|bankriv 〉 = b1|k1〉+ b2|k2〉+ . . .+ bn|kn〉

{ai}i 6= {bi}i , since the financial sense and the river sense areexpected to be seen in drastically different contexts

So we have two distinct states describing the same system

We cannot be certain under which state our system may befound – we only know that the former state is more probablethan the latter

In other words, the system is better described by aprobabilistic mixture of pure states, i.e. a mixed state.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 36/46

Density operators

Mathematically, a mixed state is represented by a densityoperator:

ρ(w) =∑

i

pi |si 〉〈si |

For example:

ρ(bank) = 0.80|bankfin〉〈bankfin|+ 0.20|bankriv 〉〈bankriv |

A density operator is a probability distribution over vectors.

Properties of a density operator ρ

Positive semi-definite: 〈v |ρ|v〉 ≥ 0 ∀v ∈ HOf trace one: Tr(ρ) = 1

Self-adjoint: ρ = ρ†

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 37/46

Complete positivity: The CPM construction

In order to apply the new formulation on the categorical model ofCoecke et al. we need:

to replace word vectors with density operators

to replace linear maps with completely positive linear maps,i.e. maps that send positive operators to positive operatorswhile respecting the monoidal structure.

Selinger (2007):

Any dagger compact closed category is associated with a cat-egory in which the objects are the objects of the original cat-egory, but the maps are completely positive maps.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 38/46

From vectors to density operators

The passage from a grammar to distributional meaning isdefined according to the following composition:

P(Σ,B)F−→ FdHilb

L−→ CPM(FdHilb)

The meaning of a sentence w1w2 . . .wn with grammaticalderivation α becomes:

L(F(α)) (ρ(w1)⊗CPM ρ(w2)⊗CPM . . .⊗CPM ρ(wn))

Composition takes this form:

Subject-intransitive verb: ρIN = TrN (ρ(v) ◦ (ρ(s)⊗ 1S ))

Adjective-noun: ρAN = TrN (ρ(adj) ◦ (1N ⊗ ρ(n)))

Subj-trans. verb-Obj: ρTS = TrN,N (ρ(v) ◦ (ρ(s)⊗ 1S ⊗ ρ(o)))

[Kartsaklis DPhil thesis (2015)]

[Piedeleu, Kartsaklis, Coecke, Sadrzadeh (2015)]

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 39/46

Entropy as degree of ambiguity

Von Neumann entropy:

For a d.m. ρ with eigen-decomposition∑

i ei |ni 〉〈ni |:

S(ρ) = −Tr(ρ ln ρ) = −∑

i

ei ln ei

Von Neumann entropy shows how ambiguity evolves fromwords to compounds

Disambiguation = purification: Entropy of ‘vessel’ is 0.25,but entropy of ‘vessel that sails’ is 0.01 (i.e. almost a purestate).

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 40/46

Outline

1 Distributional Semantics

2 Categorical Compositional Distributional Semantics

3 Creating Relational Tensors

4 Dealing with Functional Words

5 A Quantum Perspective

6 Conclusions and Future Work

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 41/46

Conclusions and future work

Main points:

Tensor-based models of meaning provide a linguisticallymotivated procedure for computing the meaning of phrasesand sentences.

Words of relational nature, such as verbs and adjectives,become (multi-)linear maps acting on noun vectors.

A test-bed for studying compositional aspects of language ata deeper level.

Future work:

The application of a logic remains an open problem.

The density-operator formulation opens various newpossibilities to be explored in the future.

A large-scale evaluation on unconstrained text is remain to bedone.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 42/46

you for

?

N S r S

N r S

N lS

Thank

N l N

listening

N

any questions...and

S S lS r

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 43/46

References I

Baroni, M. and Zamparelli, R. (2010).

Nouns are Vectors, Adjectives are Matrices.In Proceedings of Conference on Empirical Methods in Natural Language Processing (EMNLP).

Coecke, B. and Lewis, M. (2016).

Quantum Interaction: 9th International Conference, QI 2015, Filzbach, Switzerland, July 15-17, 2015,Revised Selected Papers, chapter A Compositional Explanation of the ‘Pet Fish’ Phenomenon, pages179–192.Springer International Publishing, Cham.

Coecke, B. and Pavlovic, D. (2006).

Quantum measurements without sums.arXiv preprint quant-ph/0608035.

Coecke, B., Sadrzadeh, M., and Clark, S. (2010).

Mathematical Foundations for a Compositional Distributional Model of Meaning. Lambek Festschrift.Linguistic Analysis, 36:345–384.

Fried, D., Polajnar, T., and Clark, S. (2015).

Low-rank tensors for verbs in compositional distributional semantics.In Proceedings of the 53rd Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics and the 7thInternational Joint Conference on Natural Language Processing (Volume 2: Short Papers), pages 731–736,Beijing, China. Association for Computational Linguistics.

Grefenstette, E. and Sadrzadeh, M. (2011).

Experimental support for a categorical compositional distributional model of meaning.In Proceedings of the 2011 Conference on Empirical Methods in Natural Language Processing, pages1394–1404, Edinburgh, Scotland, UK. Association for Computational Linguistics.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 44/46

References II

Kartsaklis, D. (2015).

Compositional Distributional Semantics with Compact Closed Categories and Frobenius Algebras.PhD thesis, University of Oxford.

Kartsaklis, D. (2016).

Coordination in Categorical Compositional Distributional Semantics.In Proceedings of the 2016 Workshop on Semantic Spaces at the Intersection of NLP, Physics and CognitiveScience. EPTCS.To appear.

Kartsaklis, D. and Sadrzadeh, M. (2014).

A study of entanglement in a categorical framework of natural language.In Coecke, B., Hasuo, I., and Panangaden, P., editors, Proceedings 11th workshop on QuantumPhysics and Logic, Kyoto, Japan, 4-6th June 2014, volume 172 of Electronic Proceedings inTheoretical Computer Science, pages 249–261. Open Publishing Association.

Kartsaklis, D. and Sadrzadeh, M. (2016).

A compositional distributional inclusion hypothesis.Submitted.

Kartsaklis, D., Sadrzadeh, M., and Pulman, S. (2012).

A unified sentence space for categorical distributional-compositional semantics: Theory and experiments.In Proceedings of 24th International Conference on Computational Linguistics (COLING 2012): Posters,pages 549–558, Mumbai, India. The COLING 2012 Organizing Committee.

Kartsaklis, D., Sadrzadeh, M., Pulman, S., and Coecke, B. (2015).

Reasoning about meaning in natural language with compact closed categories and Frobenius algebras.In Chubb, J., Eskandarian, A., and Harizanov, V., editors, Logic and Algebraic Structures in QuantumComputing and Information, Association for Symbolic Logic Lecture Notes in Logic. Cambridge UniversityPress.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 45/46

References III

Piedeleu, R., Kartsaklis, D., Coecke, B., and Sadrzadeh, M. (2015).

Open system categorical quantum semantics in natural language processing.In Proceedings of the 6th Confenrence on Algebra and Coalgebra in Computer Science (CALCO), Nijmegen,Netherlands.

Sadrzadeh, M., Clark, S., and Coecke, B. (2013).

The Frobenius anatomy of word meanings I: subject and object relative pronouns.Journal of Logic and Computation, Advance Access.

Sadrzadeh, M., Clark, S., and Coecke, B. (2014).

The Frobenius anatomy of word meanings II: Possessive relative pronouns.Journal of Logic and Computation.

Selinger, P. (2007).

Dagger compact closed categories and completely positive maps.Electronic Notes in Theoretical Computer Science, 170:139–163.

D. Kartsaklis Tensor-based Models of Natural Language Semantics 46/46