#166 17 - 23 October 2003 16 pages Rs 25

ww

w.n

epal

itim

es.c

om

Weekly Internet Poll # 107. To vote go to: www.nepalitimes.comQ. Should overseas Nepalis be given extra incentives toinvest in Nepal?

Total votes:1,315

Weekly Internet Poll # 106

Q. Who bears more responsibility to break the currentpolitical impasse?

ENJOYEvery Friday

The Sumptuous Barbecue Dinnerat our illuminated Courtyard and Garden

For VegetariansSpecial Sish Kebabs and many more.

For Reservation: 552 1810

Nepali Times : Is it true that the government is preparing for elections?Kamal Thapa: Yes, the government is trying to create the basic environmentof security and hold the elections to local bodies.

How can elections be held when there is an insurgency going on?It won’t take place right away. We certainly don’t claim that the environment isconducive to elections. But, we believe with adequate security, free and fairpolls can be held as early as possible.

How early would that be?I can’t say, we may have to wait some time. Because of the constitutionalvacuum, we need to hold elections at the earliest. If everyone cooperates, wewill be able to hold it.

But everyone is not cooperating.No democratic political party ever refuses to go to elections. We will try toconvince the parties that we are trying to create conditions for polls to be held.Reinstatement of the house is not constitutionally possible, so the onlyalternative is elections.

But you have made the parties more defiant by making appointments tolocal governments.It was the parties themselves who complained that the government should nothave allowed bureaucrats to run local bodies. There was a political vacuum atthe local level, so we requested political parties and previous officials toresume duties. This is only a temporary measure till we hold elections.

How can you win the support of the parties when you don’t even have thebacking of your own RPP?I am also the general secretary of the RPP, I can assure you the party doessupport the government.

How do you assess the counter-insurgency operations of thesecurity forces?The army has not gone all out against the insurgents. But the security forcesincluding the army have been significantly upgraded in terms of training, weapons,institutional strength and efficiency. The army will be more aggressive andeffective in the days to come to control Maoist violence, murder and terrorism.We will not work in a half-hearted manner, we will make security more effective.

Yet increased militarisation has brought complaints of human rightsviolations.The security personnel have been working within the framework of theconstitution. Even if there is no state of emergency, the anti-terrorism act is inforce and the security apparatus is working within that legal framework. Thegovernment is committed to respect human rights and the rights of citizens. Wewill also take action if violations occur deliberately. But we must understand thatthe country is going through an extraordinary situation, and in such conditionsabnormal things happen.

The government is criticised for not being able to use the executivepowers it claims it has.There is no truth in this charge. The government has been using all theexecutive powers enshrined in the constitution. There is no need to drag themonarchy into controversy. The government bears full moral responsibilityfor both good and bad.

But the appointments to constitutional bodies has not been made by theking, and many people take this as proof that the king still calls the shots.The appointments will take place in line with the constitution. Even if there hasbeen any delay, it is not in defiance of the constitution. It must be due to sometechnical reason.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

MANJUSHREE THAPA

hutani civil rights activist Tek NathRizal arrived in Kathmandu thisweek just as preparations got

underway for the 15th round of bilateralministerial talks to end the refugee crisis.The talks start next week in Thimpu.

Rizal is highly regarded in liberaldemocratic circles for his struggle on behalfof 100,000 Bhutani refugees who have beenliving in camps in eastern Nepal for the past12 years. Rizal was a National Assemblymember for 17 years, and in Bhutan�s RoyalAdvisory Council where he was known forhis stand against corruption.

Rizal�s travails began in 1988, when he,along with DP Bhandari, petitioned KingJigmi Singye Wangchuk about thediscrimination against ethnic NepaliLhotsampas in the census which was seenthen as an attempt to curb the Lhotsampawho made up 40-50 percent of thepopulation. The Sharchops constitutedsome 40 percent and the Ngalops 20percent. The Lhotsampas had been grantedcitizenship in a 1958 royal edict, butThimpu considered them dangerous notjust for their numbers, but also for theirincreasingly democratic politics, and theirimagined or real affiliation with the

Gorkhaland movement.Rizal was briefly jailed for submitting

the petition, which was deemed seditious.Upon release he came to Nepal to head thePeople�s Forum for Human Rights, but inNovember 1989 the Panchayat governmentextradicted him to Bhutan. He was jailedunder inhumane conditions for over adecade under a National Security Actpromulgated three years after his arrest. In1993, a royal edict stated that Rizal wouldbe released only once the refugee crisis wassolved. Yet, for reasons that remain unclear,he was released in 1999.

�I was really very hopeful when thegovernment released me from jail,� Rizaltold Nepali Times in an exclusive interview.

Government spokesmanKamal Thapa is

confident he can fulfilthe cabinet�s three

immediate priorities:security, elections, andwinning over parties.Excerpts of interview.

Mission impossible?

Tek Nath takes on Thimpu

Nepal extraditedBhutani political activistTek Nath Rizal to Thimpu

in 1989, but he is backin Kathmandu to lobby

for the return offellow-refugees to

their homeland.

�I thought the government would also freethe Lhotsampas from the refugee camps.�

But 14 rounds of talks later, there hasbeen no workable solution to the refugeecrisis. The classification of refugees into

four groups, in particular, dashed hopes thatthey might all someday return to theirhomeland. The four classes are: bonafideBhutani who may have been forcefullyevicted, Bhutani who emigrated, non-Bhutani, and Bhutani who have committedcriminal acts.

continued p6ð

B

MIN

BA

JRA

CH

AR

YA

2 EDITORIAL 17 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166

Nepali Times is published by Himalmedia Pvt Ltd,Chief Editor: Kunda DixitDesk Editor: Trishna Gurung , Design: Kiran MaharjanWebmaster: Bhushan Shilpakareditors@nepalitimes.com, www.nepalitimes.comAdvertising: Sunaina Shah advertising@himalmedia.comSubscription: Anil Karki subscription@himalmedia.comSales: Sudan Bista sales@himalmedia.comSanchaya Kosh Building, Block A-4th Floor, LalitpurGPO Box 7251, Kathmandu, NepalTel: 01-5543333/ 5523845 Fax: 01-5521013Printed at Jagadamba Press, Hattiban: 01-5547018/17

L L E T T E R S

GLOBAL NEPALISCK Lal bemoans the exodus ofNepalis who go to foreign lands toseek fame and fortune and thenexpect their homeland towelcome them as conqueringheroes (‘Homecoming’, #165).This is the wrong attitude. Lalnotes that “there is no altruism inbusiness. In the globalisedeconomy, investors go wherevermoney is safe and gives thehighest return.” Lal types thecorrect words, but implies anincorrect interpretation. GlobalNepalis are not a liability forNepal, but an opportunity. I aman American business studentand consultant who had thepleasure to spend time in youramazing land. Nepal is wonderfulcountry brimming with potential,but dearly suffering under theeffects of grinding povertyexacerbated by a deadly politicalinsurgency and depressed touristeconomy. Global Nepalis are alifeline out of this quagmire, butit is up to the powers that be inNepal to enable this lifeline. Iurge His Majesty King Gyanendrato take the bold leadership steps

needed to empower the governmentto take extraordinary measures toentice domestic investment fromGlobal Nepalis and inspire confi-dence by offering guarantees ofprotection of these investmentsonce they are made.

Joshua Gitlitz,Lincoln, Nebraska, USA

l Only CK Lal has seen throughall the hoopla about the overseasNepali conference, and put theevent in its proper perspective. Mostof these Nepalis left Nepal of theirown free will to seek fortunes abroad.Now, instead of giving back toNepali society what they took from it,they want more from themotherland. They want specialtreatment and profit repatriation forinvestments, and they want doublecitizenship so they don’t have to payvisa fees. If foreign Nepalis want tohelp, why don’t they help set upchildrens’ welfare schemes, girl-childscholarships, relief for victims of theinsurgency, village water supply?

Nilam Ghimire, Putali Sadak

l It is indeed a matter of pridethat overseas Nepalis are showing a

STATE OF THE STATE by CK LAL

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

IB

CORRECTIONSl In ‘Storm over Doramba’,the last paragraph inManjushree Thapa’s interviewwith Brig-Gen BA KumarSharma (beginning ‘KrishnaJung Rayamajhi, a member…’)was not a part of the interview,but a section of the articleitself.l Due to a calendar-conversion error, theintroduction of the interviewwith Bhim Udas (#165) referredwrongly to the dates of the NRNconference, it should havebeen 11-14 October.

keen interest in bringing the socio-economic transformation of ourcountry. Even though they arethousands of miles away theirNepali heart still beats. Thegovernment should give allcooperation.

Dr Eli Pradhan, KMC

l It almost seems like NepaliTimes has ODed on the NRNconference.

Overseas Nepalis are guidedmore by self-interest than byaltruism or duty towardsmotherland. It is about getting thecomforts and dual citizenship andrepatriation of profits. One needs toevaluate their real contribution toNepal prior to handing outfreebees. Instead of wasting time onNRNs, the government needs toconcentrate on the actualcontributors to the Nepalieconomy—the blue collar workers inthe Gulf, Malyasia, Korea, Japanand the US. Providing these blueworkers with proper vocationaltraining, job orientation, workers’rights, and consular services willfurther enhance the contributions ofpeople who are already keeping the

Nepali economy afloat. It is time torecognise the real contributors tothe Nepali economy by those whotoil 80+ hours/week or sometimes 2jobs to make ends meet and helptheir family at home. Nepal shouldhave convert the VVIP lounge atthe airport to the real NRN loungeto welcome and say thank you, orsay good luck and good byededicated to these hard workingneo-lahures.

SN Singh, by email

DORAMBAIt sounds very strange that the armyresponsible for the Dorambamassacre should examine this case(‘Sotrm over Dormaba’, #165). In ademocracy this should be the dutyof an independent commission. TheNHRC was on location to examinethe case, but it seems impossible forthe army to go back to the spot. Thearmy is playing for time and hopesthat in two or three months nobodywill talk about this cruel assault onbasic human rights. Every party whoabuses power, either the Maoists orthe army violates human rights andfor this violation those who foundguilty must be appear in front of an

independent court and not amilitary tribunal.

Leopold Höglinger, Nussdorf,Austria

CENTRE-STAGERe: ‘Centre to centrestage’ (#165). Iagree with your editorial that we area critical juncture in our nation’shistory. There is a futile conflictbetween the government and theMaoists, and on the other there is aneedless polarisation between theparties and the palace. Peaceneeds to be restored sodevelopment work andreconstruction can start. We shouldnot have to wait till everything isdestroyed to save what is left of ournationality and dignity. The ball ison the king’s court.

Bhanu B Parajuli,Kamal Pokhari

l One may be tempted to agreewith the bottomline of your editorial(#165): ‘the middle way is the onlyway’. But you seem to be ignoringground realities. when ‘democraticnorms’ prevalent before 4, October2002 did not change the minds of‘men with guns’, it will be naive to

The wobbly groupIt is easier to instigate the masses against something than topersuade them to follow somebody.

Totalitarian groups do not regard themasses as self-determining human beings. It�snot just the Old Regime of active monarchiststhat treats its subjects as objects of royalmunificence. Even the pioneers of the NewRegime don�t believe that we-the-people arecapable of rationally deciding our own fate. Forthe top guns of the Maoists, the masses aresubjects in a war that have to be taught to toethe party line, or else.

The threat is rarely so explicit, but themessage is seldom lost. It is like the Maoistwith a grenade dangling from his belt whocomes into the trekking lodge in Birethanti toask tourists to �donate� Rs 1,000 each.Ironically, the Maoists seems to haveperfected these techniques from CIA-backedrightwing militias like the FreedomCommandos in Nicaragua.

In a widely-circulated letter to Americanambassador Michael Malinowski, Maoistideologue Baburam Bhattarai claims there was�unprecedented and overwhelming supportenjoyed by us among the masses both in ruraland urban areas, intelligentsia, media and theinternational community during our seven-month overground period�. But this assertionundermines Comrade baburam�s own politicalposition. After all, it was the Old Regime thatshowed tolerance of dissent by allowing themeetings to take place.

If Baburam, Badal, Matrika and theircomrades could openly address mass meetingin Kathmandu, Dhangadi, Janakpur, Dang,Gorkha earlier this year then why was there aneed to go back to their violent path? Perhapsthere is more than a grain of truth inAmbassador Malinowsky�s allegation thatMaoists were forced to resort to arms becausethey didn�t succeed in convincing the publicthat the constituent assembly was a direnecccessity of the country at this moment.

An insurgency of this intensity andmagnitude can�t survive on the basis ofenforced support. A swamp isn�t enough,mosquitos also need rotting leaves to breed.Poverty and ignorance are the root causes ofinsurgency, but the backbone of Maoistsupport isn�t the Nepali underclass. Maobadisderive their physical as well intellectualsustenance from what Bukharin dismissed asthe �wobbly group��the urban pettybourgeoisie, the salariat, and the ruralpeasantry. �Every one of them,� observes

Bukharin, �at the bottom of his heart,cherishes the hope of getting on, of growingrich.� A pressure-cooker bomb is a shortcutto everything.

To ensure the acquiescence of othergroups, the Maoists have adopted methods arebased on another axiom of political science:it�s much easier to instigate the massesagainst something or someone than topersuade them to follow some ideology orsomebody. The Maoists have intentionallyleft the outline of their New Regime vague,but they have very concrete plans aboutoverthrowing the Old Regime.

Like the sorcerer hawking a singlemedication for all ills�buy one vial of fox�sintestine or some equally revolting concoction,and it will release you from evil spirits, cureyour baldness, and make you popular with the

ladies. The Maoists have a readymadeanswer for every political question: aconstituent assembly. It�s a failsafe trick, onethat has managed to fool everyone nursing agrudge against the political leaders of the LastTwelve Years. Since all questions over thepotency of the constituent assembly potion areanswered with socket-bombs, silence reignssupreme all over the country.

In A View on The People�s War in Nepalfrom somewhere in western rural Nepal(�location cannot be disclosed for securityreasons�) for the anarchist internet site,Infoshop News (www.infoshop.org) SageRadachowsky observes that ground realitieshave changed since the Spring of 1999 whenLi Onesto of the Revolutionary Workerproduced two propaganda pieces for herNepali comrades. Support for the Maoists hasdwindled even in their base area, Radachowskywrites, saying villagers are so scared that when�Maoists come to their door, they are obligedto provide food for them, and to agree withthem when they are asked their politicalopinions�. Those with guns, it seems, seldomhave time or patience for political arguments.

Now that we know that Maoists aren�t whatthey pretend to be, the riddle still remains:what do these armed insurgents seek to achieveby causing even more mayhem and bloodshed?If the militarisation of Nepali society continuesat this rate, even a new constitution will haveno meaning. Guns will rule, and as far as theinternational media is concerend, we will beeven closer to Rwandans. t

believe that resurrection ofparliament or all-party govern-ment will ‘prove to the Maoists thefutility of their violent path’.Thirteen years of ‘bullheadedness'by political leaders is responsiblefor the present state of affairs, andnot the one year of ‘king’s directrule’. There can be only two waysout: let the ‘short-sighted andnarrow-minded’ leaders of NC andUML rule the country once again,or give the king time to solvecountry’s problems.

Sugat Ratna Kansakar,Kamaladi

DAUGHTER SLAUGHTERarely a month after children all over the country rang peace bells, a weekafter they celebrated a subdued Dasai with families, and just beforesisters and brothers were getting ready to celebrate Tihar came the

horrific story of four school children killed in a Maoist-Army firefight in Doti.What happened at the Sharada Higher Secondary School in Mudbhara on

Tuesday afternoon is symbolic of the utter waste of this conflict. No war issane, but even by the senseless standards of these mad times, Mudhbara wasa descent into hell. How many Doramabas, Mudbaras, Jogimaras do we needbefore we regain our senses? How many more Dipak Gurungs, Sushila Joshis,Harina Bhandaris, Yadunath Joshis, and Mandari BKs need to be killed beforethey end this lunacy?

A human rights organisation has already returned from an on-site inspectionin Doti, the army’s Human rights Cell will no doubt conduct its own investigationinto this ‘collateral damage’, and the two sides bearing arms will predictablyblame each other for provoking the firefight. The parents, brothers, sisters andrelatives of Sushila, Harina, Yadunath and Mandira will not really care about thetechnical details. Their loved ones are dead. They will be grieving just ashundreds of relatives of the more than 168 Nepaliswho have been killed at the hands of fellow Nepalisin this blood-soaked week of human sacrifices.

Nepal stopped being a zone of peace long ago.That is why we implored that at least schools andchildren be left alone. But that was obviously toomuch to ask. What were the Maoists doing inMudbhara forcing grade 5-10 students to watch theircultural revolution entertainment, anyway? Is thathow you build support for your movement: by goinghouse to house with socket bombs in your shoulderbag, forcing students to sit through your song-and-dance routine?

The army’s intelligence is obviously improving: atleast they can now tell that the Maoists are holdingcultural programmes in high schools. But why werethey so easily provoked to go in with their gunsblazing into classrooms when it would have beenobvious to anyone that the rebels would slip inamong the students? We're not military types, butwasn't there a way to keep the school undersurveillance, wait till the Maoists left and followthem to their lairs? Why this trigger happiness?

Children have a right to education. But first theyhave a right to life. The state has a responsibility toprotect them, not just by ensuring they are not caughtin the crossfire, but also by abandoning militarisationand working towards a negotiated solution.

And do the Maoists need any more proof that arevolution devours children? Do they still need to beconvinced that there are avenues other than deaths,threats, and terror to achieve the same ends? Thereis no need to destroy Nepal in order to save it.

Whatever their excuses, it doesn’t really matternow who fired first at Mudbhara. All we ask is: ifyou have to kill each other please don't kill thechildren and the innocents.

n reporting human casualties, mainstreamAnglo-Saxon journalism has a rule ofthumb: �one American equals 10 Europeans

equals 1,000 Chileans equals 100,000Rwandans�. Judging from the coverage Nepalhas started getting in the western press, we mustfall somewhere between the Chileans andRwandans. After eight years of insurgency andover 8,000 lives lost, we have now beenofficially �discovered� by the internationalmedia.

And their correspondents all have onestandard query: �What proportion of Nepal�sland area do the Maoists control?�, or �Howmuch support do the Maoists have in thecountryside?� Both questions are too complex tohave black-and-white answers. For one thing,

the Maoists regard �publicsupport� is a bourgeiousconcept, and believepolitical power comes out

of the barrel of a gun.

NA

RE

ND

RA

SH

RE

ST

HA

317 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166NATION

he past eight years have broughtnothing but violence and ruin to thecountry. It is a no-win situation for

both sides. Even the Maoists admit that thereis no military solution to the war that they haveset in motion.

Just as the insurgency was gatheringintensity, the royal massacre in June 2001brought another dimension to the crisis.Today, the Nepali people do not have full faithany more in the crown, they have lost theirtrust in parliamentary parties and the presentroyal-appointed government does not representthe people and doesn�t have their mandate.This is an unprecedented national crisis ofconfidence in our institutions.

Despite the dire situation, there is stillsome expectations. The Nepali peopleoverwhelmingly desire an immediaterestoration of peace. Nepal�s monarchy hasseen ups and downs before, and it may get outof this difficulty too. Almost all parliamentaryparties have, at some point in history, takenup arms against the state, so it is notinconceivable that the Maoists too will oneday give up their arms.

Nepal�s communist movement is 60 yearsold. After 1960, the Nepal Communist Party

split and split again into many factions.Although they took part in the first generalelections, a small group of comrades were notsatisfied with the democratic gains of the 1990Peoples� Movement. They had a good presencein parliament, but dissatisfaction with the lackof good governance and transparency,unemployment and corruption grew.

Their rationale for a Maoist-style armedstruggle was rooted in the ultra-left thinkingthat there can be a shortcut to power when thestate is fractious and weak. It was a consciousdecision of the leadership to begin an armedmovement. What allowed it to grow andspread so rapidly was the power struggleamong political parties, and between the partiesand the king. The traditional exclusion ofNepal�s ethnic, caste and religious minoritiesfrom the political process was also a factor.

The first round of peace talks in 2001 wasused by both the government and the Maoistsas an experiment. For the Maoists, it was anopportunity to test the public mood. Theywere more serious about the second round oftalks this year, and appear to have been hopefulthat there would be a breakthrough. Theydeputed a higher level team with a balance ofracial and geographical representation that

could even lead a coalition government if needbe. Overtly, the talks broke down because thegovernment refused to budge on the issue ofconstituent assembly. But there were otherfactors:l The timing of both peace talks were wrong.During the first one, the mainstream NepaliCongress had been ousted by a rival faction.In the second round, the palace and thepolitical parties were at loggerheads. The factthat the political parties were kept outside thepeace process guaranteed its failure.l Lack of political will. The first peace talkscouldn�t even come up with a code of conduct.The second round had guidelines, but neitherside really adhered to its spirit.l No significant role for the facilitators. In2001, the Maoists proposed facilitators, butthe government did not take them seriously.The second time, both sides nominatedfacilitators, but their roles were minimised.l Lack of trust. In both rounds ofnegotiations, neither side tried to understandthe other's fears and interests. All three forces(palace, parties and Maoists) had their ownconcerns about a post-peace scenario. Theroyalists fear the parties and Maoists wouldunite. The Maoists feared the parties and palacegetting together. The parliamentary partieswere afraid the palace and the Maoists wouldget together to quash them. It is now clear thatfuture talks should be tripartite.l No role for victims of the insurgency.There are hundreds of thousands of peoplewho have suffered bereavement anddisplacement because of the �peoples' war�.They were kept out of both peace talks.l No role for civil society and grassroots

people. The peace process lacked a foundationbecause civil society and local communitieswere excluded.l No role for political parties. The partiesalways had misgivings about talks. They feltthey had been deliberately sidelined. Thisundermined popular pressure for thetalks to succeed.l Lack of faith in the peace process. TheMaoists felt the real power was with the kingand wanted to talk to him directly. Thegovernment negotiators were suspiciousall along that the Maoists were not reallyserious about talks, and were just buying timeto restore military power.l No timetable for the peace process. Theceasefire gave the government legitimacy, and itwanted to extend the process. Minutes aboutagreements were not taken, there was nopolitical agenda. This made the Maoistssuspicious that the government was not seriousabout implementing any agreements.l Absence of a point of convergence. In thistripartite conflict, there was no agreement onwhat a consensus agreement could be. Itrequired compromise and a fully constitutionalmultiparty system could have been a meetingpoint.l Lack of political clarity. The governmentwas unclear throughout about its politicalagenda. The Maoists insisted on a roundtableconference, an interim governmentand a constituent assembly. The politicalparties never showed any interest in this issueand were sidetracked by their confrontationwith the government.l Negative role of some external forces. TheAmericans made it clear soon after the ceasefire

that they would not accept a Maoist-ledgovernment. This affected the king�s decision-making. Then the Americans threatened toput the Maoists on their terrorist list. TheUS-Nepal terrorism agreement and militaryassistance to the army raised hackles. As thepeace talks were deadlocked, in late August,came news of the arrest of CP Gajurel inChennai.

When negotiations resume, all partiesmust keep the above shortcomings inmind. A constituent assembly was notacceptable to the royalists who suspect it isa ploy to get rid of the monarchy. Inaddition, the ambition of the king to beactive in politics has become a challenge tothe democratisation process. This willcomplicate a future peace process. The firststep should be to arrange a dialoguebetween the Maoists and political parties sothat there will be popular pressure on theking to agree on their common agenda.

After the collapse of the ceasefire, somecommentators have suggested that the kingand the parties should make common causeto suppress the Maoists. They forget thatthis has been tried in the past, and it hasn�tworked. Starting a constitutional processwithout the Maoists in the picture would befutile. A democratic practice cannot go hand-in-hand with armed struggle. Theparliamentary democracy and the peaceprocess must safeguard each other. Thealternative to talks is talks. t

Shanker Pokharel is a member of the UMLCentral Committee, and an ex-MP from Dang.

No-win warby SHANKER POKHARELOPINION

The only alternative to talks is talks.

T

4 17 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166NATION

by DANIEL LAKHERE AND THERE

O

MAARTEN POSTou couldn�t invest in asimpler, more naturaltechnology. Dung goes in,

gas comes out. You don�t need toput anything else in: even thebacteria that break down thedroppings are already present inthe cow�s stomach.

�It�s a great investment,� saysKamal Prasad Gautam fromKabhre. He built a biogas plantthree months ago, and had to payjust Rs 14,000 because more thanhalf the costs were subsidised.

�Here I put in the dung of mytwo buffaloes and some water,�Kamal Prasad shows us, turningthe stirrer over the inlet. He walks

Nepal�s future is in the dung heapWith its 100,000th biogas plantcommissioned, Nepal is now theworld�s number one in alternativefarm energy systems.

to the other side of the plant.�And here slurry comes out. I�lluse it after the monsoon tomanure my land. It is very fertile.�

Between the inlet and theoutlet, a metal pipe sticks out ofthe ground and runs to thekitchen. Kamal Prasad�s wife,Radha, shows us how it works,turning the valve and striking amatch to the cooking stove. Aclear blue flame lights up the darkroom. �We have enough gas forfive hours of cooking every day,�Radha says. �I cook rice,vegetables, milk and food for theanimals. We even have gas left fortea. It�s nice. I don�t have to sit inthe smoke anymore.�

In a country where indoorpollution from smoky fires is amajor cause of acute respiratoryinfections among children andwomen, biogas does not justconserve firewood, it is also amajor leap forward in publichealth.

Gautam sums up some moreadvantages of his purchase.�Previously, it took us at least twohours per day to collectfirewood,� he says. �Now we usethat time to do other work, or wejust relax. Also, we no longer haveto go into the field to go to thetoilet.� The DDC sponsored theconstruction of a toilet, which isconnected to the biogas plant,

which now runs on acombination of effluent from thegoth and the toilet. The bonus isthe spent slurry which is anodourless and potent fertiliser.

The first experiments withbiogas in Nepal took place in the1950s, using the Indian drumdesign. But the rusty drumsneeded expensive maintenanceand the above-ground design wasalso unsuitable for Nepal�s colderclimate. In 1979, Nepali scientistsmodified the Chineseunderground design with an air-tight dome and produced a cheapand easy-to-make prototype thatworked beautifully. There arevirtually no moving parts, and the

underground digester keeps theslurry insulated from the cold.

Nepal�s biogas campaign reallytook off after 1992, when theBiogas Support Program (BSP)began to subsidise farmers whohad to take out a soft loan tofinance the construction of theplants. The amount of subsidydepends on the remoteness of thearea and the size of the plant. It isabout Rs 6,000 in the tarai, Rs9,000 in the hills and Rs 11,000in the remote hills.

�We also select and trainconstruction companies,� saysRoop Singh Thapa, a BSP qualitymanagement officer. �We carryout random checks of the workthey do. If a company fails tomeet the standards, it is bannedfrom the program.� In 1992,there was only one biogascompany. At present, there aremore than 40 private companiesinvolved, with branches in 65districts.

Of the 20,000 plants thathave been tested, 98 percent arefunctioning well. �In comparisonto other countries, the success ratein Nepal is very high,� saysThapa. There are no officialfigures for the success rates ofbiogas plants in India, but Thapasays Indian visitors who haveinspected Nepal�s program saythey have a below 60 percent

success rate. In China, where theemphasis is less on gas than onfertiliser, the figure is even worse.It�s probably also because donorsabroad often build large plants tosupport a whole community.Explains Thapa: �In Nepalindividual farmers actually buyplants. As a result they feelresponsible and make sure it iswell maintained.�

BSP engineers are currentlyexperimenting with biogasplants that can work in evencolder regions in high altitudevillages where deforestation isrampant. Biogas could be asolution for both cooking andheating. Above 2,500m it is toocold for microogranisms tobreak down slurry intomethane. In 2001, BSP builttwo plants in Solukhumbu,with a greenhouse on top of thedigester. This year moreexperiments will be carried outto integrate solar panels to heatunderground digesters.

BSP program managerSundar Bajgain explains: �It is afine balance between trying outnew ideas and keeping costsdown.� Whether or not BSPwill be able to come up with anaffordable high altitude plant,the potential for biogas in Nepalis still huge. Our total cattle andbuffalo population is at least an

utside the airport, in this village with a runway, a member of theArmed Police Force is beating a Tamang porter with a bamboo rod.�Move on,� he commands and the porter, hungry enough to try to

ignore the cop, stands his ground. The police officer, younger than theman he�s hitting, winds up like a professional tennis player and wallops hisvictim on the back of the neck. The stick breaks from the force of theblow.

That decides the contest and the porter picks up his load of goat meatand moves away from the airport, muttering to himself. I suggest to theAPF man that he�s just helped recruit another Maoist and he laughs andushers me past, politely, the broken stick still in his hand. On my way tothe airport to catch the Kathmandu flight�at $182, not far from theaverage annual income of rural Nepal�another APF man was stoppingNepalis unescorted by foreigners or Sherpas from going to the airport,cursing them and waving his rifle. Ethnic criteria seemed to apply. That is,janjatis need not apply.

Lukla closes early these days. By 7PM, the streets are deserted exceptfor APF patrols. (See also: �Sagarmatha�s buffer zone is vanishing�, NepaliTimes, #164.) There�s a curfew of sorts but it doesn�t apply to foreignersor people known to the police�only to those same porters who crowd thetown in search of a little work. Again, I suggest, discrimination that lendsitself to Maoist recruitment better than any hoary ideology from the past.

Much that seems inexplicable is going on here. The evening before, Istopped at my hotel bar for a can of Tuborg. I proposed a game of billiardsto my companion. No, no, the bartender says, the security forces haveasked me to close the pool table. Close the pool table? That�s right, hesays, a senior policeman in plain clothes, dropped by for a drink in mid-afternoon and said no one should be playing pool after 5PM. Er, I said,um, yes, at a loss for words just that once. A pool hall down the street

Our columnist finds that policemistreatment of janjatis lends itselfto Maoist recruitment better thanany bygone ideology.

Lak in Lukla

frequented by those porters had a similar edict imposed by the police. Notthat denying people the right to play billiards would drive them into thearms of a rebel group, but as an example of the growing and unaccountablepower of the security forces, it�s an interesting thing to contemplate.

And why, I wonder, is there a curfew in a tourist town like Lukla? Upthe trail in Namche Bazar, the music never stops and I�ve got the bagsunder my eyes to prove it. Namche brims with energy and money with narya Maoist in sight. No security forces to speak of either, unless you countthe desultory backpack check on the outskirts from a mixed army andpolice brigade, more interested in chatting up female trekkers thaninterdicting rebel arms shipments in porters� loads.

The curfew, it seems to me, is to make things easier for the police, notto keep the people safe. First of all, there is no active Maoist presence in

Lukla itself, although from time to time, reports trickle in of rebel activityfour days walk south towards Okhaldhunga. The APF is garrisoned thereto protect Lukla airport, which has admittedly, been attacked in the past.But by simply being there, doesn�t the APF make Lukla an even moretempting rebel target? Not to mention, the way that some officers at leastseem to view some local people of certain ethnic groups. Can you notargue that such casual brutalities are a form of discrimination againsthonest men who are looking for honest work, driving them towardsinsurgency by treating them with disrespect?

On the good side, after watching the private airlines in action at Luklaairport, I now know that Nepalis are capable of running anything. Theplanes wheel up to the apron, disgorge hard currency, er, trekkers, thentake on a load of the same before heading back to base in Kathmandu. Afew minutes is all that�s needed and only weather or mechanical problemsslow things down. It all proceeds with cheery efficiency. The Twin Ottersand Dorniers thunder up and down the ridiculously angled runwayand keep the local and national economy afloat, at least for now.

It all works wonderfully for the local elite and the foreigntrekkers. It�s a different story if you�re a porter from another districtor ethnic group. t

MA

AR

TE

N P

OS

T

Y

517 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166NATION

DOMESTIC BRIEFS

estimated 9.3 million, and theytheoretically produce enoughdung for 1.4 million biogasplants. BSP aims to construct200,000 new plants in thecoming six years. �We�ve set up aloan and micro finance structurein order to reach poor people inmore remote areas,� says Bajgain.

All in all, biogas proves that adevelopment effort based on asimple, practical idea, can yieldexcellent results. BSP recentlyobtained ISO certification, and byDecember, it will be legallyindependent from the Dutch aidgroup, SNV/Nepal whichsupported it. In the future, BSP

Made in NepalThe Nepali biogas plant design uses an air-tightunderground digester where bacteria breaksdown the raw material in the farm waste toproduce methane (see drawing below). Thereaction has to take place in the absence ofoxygen, and these bacteria occur naturally in thecow’s stomach. The gas contains up to 70percent methane and 30 percent carbon dioxide.

A biogas plant consists of five maincomponents. The required quantity of dung andwater is mixed in the inlet tank (left) and digestedin the digester. The gas produced in the digesteris collected in the dome. The digested slurryflows to the outlet tank and ends up in thecompost pit as the gas pressure in the domeforces the effluent out. The gas is tapped fromthe top of the dome with a pipe that goes to thekitchen.

probably will not need thefinancial support of Westerndonors anymore. And with theKyoto Protocol, it is possible forNepal to actually trade CO

2emission. Western countries thatcontaminate the environment waytoo much and have difficulty tokeep within the limits set inKyoto, can buy reduction ofCO

2 emission from countries

that don�t produce CO2.

Even though biogas plantsproduce methane, which is amore powerful greenhouse gas,most of it is burnt and itsvolume is negligible comparedto emmisions from fossile-fuel

burning cars. One biogas plantreduces CO

2 emission by 4.7

tons per year, and the Kyototrade-in for one ton ofreduction can be up to $10.�Considering the increasingnumber of plants, we�re talkingabout a lot of money,� Bajgainsays with a big smile. �Thebeautiful part is the money hasto go back to the programwhich generated the reduction.The government can�t buyguns with revenues. It wouldbe enough to finance ourwhole program. The ball isnow in the government�scourt.� t

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Global Nepalis go localThe four-day global Nepali extravaganza inKathmandu has ended with the organisersecstatic about the outcome. The First Non-Resident Nepali Conference managed to get agovernment commitment on treating overseasNepali investment as foreign direct investment, anagreement on a legal framework for futureprojects and even issuance of a special ID cardfor people of Nepali origin. Although dualcitizenship got a lot of media attention, it wasn’tpursued with too much vigour by delegates.

“We are overwhelmed by the response andby the cooperation and help shown by thegovernment,” said Bhim Udas of the internationalcoordination committee. “It was much better thanwe expected.”

The conference has already announcedprojects funded by NRNs including a 200-room oldpeoples’ home in Bharatpur, an ICT venture andpossibly a hydropower investment.

The government has promised the delegatesto instate a separate law for NRNs. “An officialcommittee is being formed to look after therecommendations made by the conference,” saidYogendra Shakya, conference moderator . “But,the ball is in the NRN’s court to prove that theywill do what they say.”

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

More mouthsUNFPA’s State of World Population Report 2003,released last week, shows that Nepal’spopulation more than doubled from 9.4 million in1960, to 23.2 million in 2001. Nepal’s currentpopulation of 25.2 million will double to 50.8 millionby 2050, with an average growth rate of 2.2percent. Forty-two percent of Nepalis are below15 years, and nearly half the female population iswithin reproductive age. These are ominousstatistics for the country’s future demographictrends. UNFPA says adolescents between 10-19years of age make up about 1.2 billion around theworld. The world’s population estimated at 6.3billion will grow to 8.9 billion by 2050, with a spikein the developing countries of Africa, Asia andLatin America.

AN

DR

EA

S B

AC

HM

AN

VACANCYNOTICE

Himal South Asian

needs a

MANAGING EDITOR

to join its team.

for detailsvisit our website

www.himalmag.com

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Dead childrenFour children were killed and five injured in an armyattack on a school where Maoists had forcedstudents to watch a cultural program. Rebelsdragged children back to the Shradha SecondarySchool in Doti from their homes to force them towatch their cultural program. Fifteen minutes into theshow, about 75 army personnel in civvies arrived.“We raised our hands and told the army we are juststudents, but they started firing,” says DharmaKumari Bhutyal, one of the injured students now atBheri Anchal Hospital in Nepalganj where he isundergoing treatment. “If the Maoists had not forcedus to attend the program, my friends would be alivetoday,” Bhutyal told the human rights group INSEC.One of the children is in critical condition. Adelegation from the Human Rights Commission andCoalition for Children as Zones of Peace are on theirway to Doti to investigate the incident this weekend.The army says it killed 17 armed Maoists in the incident.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Making connectionsLast week the Dutch airline Martinair began direct airservice between Kathmandu and Amsterdam everyWednesday. The flight will be operated with astopover in Sharjah and offers connections throughSchipol airport to 75 destinations worldwide.Martinair replaced the service previously operated bythe KLM charter subsidiary, Transavia.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Food dayFood-for-work programs in Nepal are running intoproblems because of the security situation. GTZ, theGerman aid group, and the UN’s World Food Programare involved in food aid. Ulf Wernicke of GTZ,however, says no programs have been withdrawnso far although a rural development program inBhojpur was suspended after its building was burntby unknown attackers. On World Food DayThursday, WFP warned it would considersuspending its aid if it was threatened or harmed.Maoists have resorted to occasional looting of foodconvoys in the midwest and blockaded others fromreaching certain district headquarters.

6 NATION 17 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166

OPINION by SUDHINDRA SHARMA

King Gyanendra says he wants to be an �active constitutional monarch�.We take a look at the Thai monarchy for clues about what it could mean.

The Thai model

here may be lessons for Nepalfrom the manner with whichThailand�s much-revered King

Bhumibol has historically usedconstitutional powers to intervene onmatters of the state. Over his 57-yearreign, he has stepped in only a fewtimes. Had he intervened morefrequently, he would perhaps not haveremained a constitutional monarch. Theinterventions have been aimed atdefusing crises, restoring stability andconsolidating democracy. As soon asthings have gone back on track, hewithdrew from the scene.

The most recent was during theMay 1992 military coup attemptwhen violence spread in Bangkok. Itlooked as if the power struggle wouldbe long-drawn with many casualties.The king summoned Prime MinisterGen Suchinda and coup leader ColChamlong and they were shownon Thai television kneeling infront of the king, who admonished

both (pic, top).The effect of the broadcast was

electric. Chamlong surrendered andSuchinda resigned. Interventions likethese have given King Bhumibol thelabel of an �active constitutionalmonarch�. Had he been just a literalWestminster-style constitutionalmonarch, perhaps he would not haveintervened in 1992.

The monarchy has not alwaysbeen a central institution in Thailand.It was largely eclipsed for over 25years from 1932 to 1957, when themilitary marginalised the monarchy.It was primarily the present monarchwho, by playing his role creatively,has brought the institution to center-stage. But he did this withoutexercising military or administrativecontrol, just by using the moralauthority derived from his personalcharisma and popular respect.

The 1932 coup by a group ofmid-level military and civilian officialsforced King Prajadhipok to relinquishpower, transforming absolutemonarchy into a constitutional one.The coup leaders, who had studied inFrance, called themselves �promoters�and viewed the monarchy as beingbackward and a hindrance toprogress. After taking power, thejunta forbade the king frominteracting with the public and

discontinued royal ceremonies inwhich the king participated. It evenprohibited home display of portraitsof the king and queen.

For the next 25 years, the royaltywas present in Thailand only in name.The 1932 coup group envisioned athree-phase process of politicaldevelopment. First, a provisionalconstitution establishing an assembly of70 coup-makers was to be enacted. Sixmonths later, a new constitution wouldbe drafted for a half-appointed and halfindirectly elected National Assembly.Finally, a full representationalgovernment was to be instituted tenyears later, or once half the populationhad primary level education, whicheverhappened first. In practice things didnot move much beyond the first phaseand the coup-makers kept control of thestate apparatus.

Once King Bhumibol returned toThailand 1951, after his studies inSwitzerland, he aspired to becomecloser to the people. He even became adisc jockey on a private AM radiostation within the palace premises. Hestarted visiting remote parts of thecountry and interacting with neglectedcommunities, and launcheddevelopment projects for their welfare.Scholars have put forth his ruraldevelopment programs as one of thereasons why Thailand�s Maoistmovement in the 1960-70s couldnot take root in those regions.Military crackdowns alone would nothave eradicated the insurgency.

The king began to appear morefrequently in public as a part of themilitary�s strategy to strengthen its ownfledging legitimacy. Little did theyrealise that through small gestures, themonarchy was moving back to centre-stage of Thai life.

The king�s role in the crisis of1973 and 1976 stands out asimportant landmarks in the evolution

of Thailand�s active constitutionalmonarchy. There were massive studentdemonstrations against military rule in1973, and for a new constitution. Thejunta cracked down on the students,and King Bhumibol intervened,forcing the generals to resign and leavethe country. The king then emerged asthe patron of democratic reforms.

However, Thailand�s newdemocracy was regarded withconsiderable suspicion by both theright (military interests) and the left(the student movement). Communistsinfiltrated the students and theirradicalism grew with increasingly-violent street protests. Warning thatthe situation was getting out of control,the military demanded the declarationof a state of emergency. Dismayed bythe turbulent trend of democracy, theking consented, and in the public eye,he was seen as a restorer of stability.

On 20 May 1992, as the countrydescended into anarchy, KingBhumibol made an address to thenation watched by 50 million Thais.He said: �The confrontation has takena dangerous turn, it has taken aconsiderable human toll and causedtremendous damage to public andprivate property. Should theconfrontation prolong, the countrycould be wrecked. Each side wants toemerge victorious. Who wins? No one.All become losers, those in theconfrontation, and worst of all, thecommunity, the country, the people.What is the benefit of a victory on topof ruins?�

Lately, not having to look afterthe day-to-day affairs of state meansthat King Bhumibol is able toconcentrate his energies with evenmore vigour in rural development.He has projected himself not as aBuddhist king, but as a protector ofall faiths. It has been mainly due tohis efforts that the cultural andreligious minorities of Thailandhave come to identify themselveswith the Thai nation and participatein its development. t

Sudhindra Sharma is a visiting scholarat The Institute of Asian Studies,Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok.sudhindrarajsharma@hotmail.com

T

Says Rizal, �There was no need to divide theBhutani people into four classes. There should haveonly been two classes: Bhutani and non-Bhutani.�Rizal also objects to the stringent conditions theBhutani government would placeeven on those who would qualifyto return. �Even those who goback stand to suffer,� he says.

Living precariously in exile,Rizal is cautious about notblaming any other country buthis own. �Nepal didn�t invite therefugees,� he insists. �TheBhutani government chasedthem away. It is flatly to blamefor this.� It is critical, he says,for third countries to becomemore active in resolving the crisis:�India is our nearest neighbour,and is so generous in giving aid toBhutan. India must speak out in aneutral way.�

He also says it is time forBhutan�s donors to be more vocal.�It was after the UNDP came toBhutan in the 1970s, and it wasafter they began rural developmentwork that the Bhutani government chased away theLhotsampas, calling them foreigners,� he argues.�The UNDP knows how many houses there were inevery village. Now those Lhotsampa families aren�tthere any more.�

Governments providing aid to Bhutan must play arole in mediating the crisis, says Rizal. �Theinternational community knows what happened.Donor countries have to pressure the Bhutani

government.� Besides India,donors include Denmark, theNetherlands, Sweden, Austria andJapan. �There will be no solutionuntil the international communitybecomes involved,� says Rizal.�They are the center of our hopesright now.�

The Nepali delegationheading for Thimpu next weekincludes Foreign SecretaryMadhuram Acharya, AssistantSecretary Madan KumarBhattarai, Home AssistantSecretary Sushil Jung Rana and isheaded by Ambassador-at-LargeBhekh Bahadur Thapa. In anunprecedented move, the Nepaligovernment has invited refugeeleader SB Subba and a team fromthe refugee camps forconsultations in Kathmandu.

Rizal, who now heads theexiled Human Rights Commission of Bhutan, sees therepatriation of the refugees as a crucial step inestablishing civil rights in his country. He told us:�This is not a personal matter anymore, it concerns100,000 people living in utter frustration.� t

from p1ð

�Bhutan�s donors have a role�

717 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166ECONOMY

Nepali Times : Are Nepali consumers consuming?Shekhar Golchha: Right now the overall business issuffering and there is noexcitement in the market. The breakdown of theceasefire has spoilt the consumers’ mood. For example,people postpone buying decisions because electronicgoods and automobiles are not basic necessities.During tough times, like at present, they are notpsychologically comfortable.

But then, I also see this as an opportunity forpeople who can sustain and keep a positive attitudetowards business. We will probably become strongerbecause when there is a market shakedown. Those whoare not focused and cannot sustain their ventures willfold up. It leaves great opportunities for establishedbusinesses. This is the time to really grow for those whocan take risks. I will not roll back any of my expansionprograms. In fact, we just launched a big consumerscheme.

Which of your businesses is in best shape?Motorcycle sales are still holding. There is no problemwith that segment although the overall market hasfallen, we have significantly improved our market share.Last month was very good for us. Even our consumerelectronic business is sustaining, but the growth that isgenerally expected during this season is missing.

Should customers postpone buying decisions at thistime?During tough times, people tend to save more, thinkingthat if the situation deteriorates they will need theirsavings. Businessmen postpone their investment plans.

Cash flow becomes sluggish.

But there is huge liquidity in the market and sharesare being snapped up.Shares are a different story. Bank shares are doingwell, but I don’t think it’s the same for others. Theremay be liquidity but people are not willing to spend.Cash is not moving the way it should.

Is the growth of the middle class making adifference on volume?Definitely. Consumer electronics, even motorcyclesales, are on the rise despite the overall dip in themarket. Goods that were deemed luxuries in the pasthave now become essentials. The moment peoplehave some disposable income, consumer electronicsis one sector that benefits the most.

But isn’t unbridled consumerism bad for theenvironment?All right, let’s talk about, say, motorcycles. The totalannual revenue the government gets out of thisbusiness is Rs 1.4 billion. Should we limit the numberof motorbikes or do we start building infrastructures likeflyovers and new roads? Only rich countries can thinkin terms of stopping vehicle growth. Can we think interms ending a source of such profitable revenue?What are you going to offer as a substitute to themiddle class when there isn’t a mass transportionsystem?

How do you view Nepal’s entry into WTO?I feel it happened at the wrong time. The WTO couldbe great for Nepal because we want to attract foreigninvestment. But, in today’s law and order situation, doyou think any foreign investment is going to come intothe country? Even the existing foreign investors arepacking up. Now, with WTO you are also removingprotection for domestic industryies. We need to becompetitive both domestically and internationally.Why should we make our consumers suffer? The wholereason we signed on is for foreign investment. But ifthat’s not going to come, then what is the point? Weare heading towards disaster.

How will consumers suffer with the WTO?We are neither as competitive nor as progressive asindustries elsewhere. We are probably makingconsumers pay for our inefficiency. Since our cost ofproduction is higher and the economy of scale is less,consumers pay for the deficit. The industries runbecause the government protects them. The WTO willremove those barriers. We will be forced to becomemore competitive. Our cost of production will have tomatch international rates if we are to survive.

But isn’t being competitive better for industry andbetter for consumers?I would not say that we know all the tricks of the trade.The WTO is a huge thing to study. Principally, weneed to be watchful and so does the government. Inthe broader view, if the law and order situation getsbetter, consumers and the country are going to benefitfrom the WTO.

�No excitement in the market.�

Keeping ahead of the competition,Shekhar Golchha has his eye on thebigger, longterm prize for the GolchhaOrganisation. Nepali Times caught upwith this busy managing director to talkabout Dasai-Tihar consumerism,corporate responsibility, his views onNepal signing up with the WTO andsurvival of the fittest.

MIN

BA

JRA

CH

AR

YA

by ASHUTOSH TIWARISTRICTLY BUSINESS

ne of the most memorabledocumentary films shown atthe recently concluded Film

South Asia �03 in Kathmandu was�History For Winners� by thefirst-time documentary-makerPranay Limbu.

The film profiles two singersimpartially: Kuber Rai and DhirajRai, both of whom talk aboutachieving success as singers. In thelate 1980s and the early 90s, whileKuber was being hailed as asuccessor to Narayan Gopal andfeted in Kathmandu�s �modern�music competitions, Dhiraj fromKhotang was eking out anexistence as a struggling artist,something he did for 12 long years.These days, however, Kuber bideshis time, taking care of his farm inhis village in Ilam (pic, top), withalmost no hope of re-launching hismusical career, while Dhiraj hasestablished himself as a nationallyrecognised commercially successfulpop icon.

Talking with some members ofthe audience after the show, Ifound that most were sympatheticto Kuber, and were quitedismissive of Dhiraj�s success. Tosome extent, this wasunderstandable. With an earnestface and early-morning practicesessions with his son at theharmonium, Kuber comes across as

Wanted: Talent AgentsThe best way to navigate the market for success.

a hardworking, poor and serioussinger, somehow deserving ofcommercial success. This imagecontrasts sharply with Dhiraj�swho, with his hip-swaying song-and-dance routines, cheerfulpersonality and willingness to talkto the press at all times, strikes anyrelatively elite documentaryaudience as, well, just foolingaround and not making seriousmusic. Even his success is somehowsuspect. Yet I found Dhiraj quiteintriguing for two business reasons.

First, his success says that goneare the days when raw talentalone�as in the case of lateNarayan Gopal�carried an artistto the top of his profession inNepal. With competitioneverywhere and the music industrycoming up as a profitable business,success today needs talent to bepackaged, managed, branded andsold to the marketplace, in thesame way that a firm markets, say,detergent to customers. In thisrespect, Dhiraj�s success provides awindow to see the nature ofrapidly changing, financially drivenyet mutually lucrative intersectionsbetween commerce and the artsin Nepal.

And second, most of the times,Nepali artists themselves�nomatter how supremely talented�are simply not able to play the

marketing game. Their talent liesin singing and composing musicin isolation, and not inmarketing. They should not evenhave to play the managementgame anymore, as Kuber�s failedattempts in the course of thefilm demonstrate. In today�schanged times, Kuber and hiscohorts now require the servicesof a new breed of opportunity-seeking professionals who, asagents, can help, for a fee, suchtalents to make strategic careerdecisions that have higherchances of leading to bothcritical and commercial success.

Else, in the absence of suchagents, singers such as Kuber inspite of their stunning talent, aredestined to slide into obscurityand despair, always blamingothers of �unhealthycompetition� and so on. But themain reason why Dhiraj�s careeris doing well is that he exhibitsan uncanny ability to double upas his own agent, always pushinghimself and his music in themarketplace. Yes, one may arguethat Dhiraj is a better salesmanthan a singer, but that point ismoot in front of his ragingcommercial success inKathmandu, while his potentialrival Kuber is back to herdinggoats in Ilam.

Many years ago, poet LaxmiPrasad Devkota wrotesomething to the effect that onlyin Nepal might Byron remain afarmer, while Shakespeare doesmanual labour and Shellybecomes a shopkeeper. WhatDevkota could not have foreseenwas that to succeedcommercially in 2003, evenByron, Shakespeare and Shelly,not to mention Kuber Rai, needagents who value their talentenough to help them navigatethe channels of business so thatthey can be pushed to themarketplace for success. t

OP

RA

NA

Y L

IMB

U

8 RESOURCES

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

BIKASH PANDEY

ast month, three Nepali powerprojects with substantial localrupee investments were tested

and commissioned: Chilime(20MW) in Rasuwa, Piluwa (3MW)in Sankhuwasabha and Jhimruk(12MW) in Pyuthan.

Nepal�s hydropowerdevelopment took a wrong turn 25years ago, and it has finally comeback on track. Individual aid-fundedprojects are now being replaced byprojects that enhance our owntechnical and financial capacity tomeet energy needs. From the late1970s onwards, foreign aidcompletely dominated the powersector. High-budget, glamorous,aid-funded projects like Kulekhani Iand II, Marsyangdi, Kali Gandakiand even the ill-fated Arun IIIbecame much more attractive topoliticians and policy makers thanbuilding smaller projects using localresources.

These mega-schemes werefunded by multilateral banks orbilateral donors, and the NepalElectricity Authority (NEA)effectively lost control over itshydropower strategy. The strictconditions of these donors meantthat projects had to be designed andmanaged by internationalconsultants and built by outside

contractors. Not even Indian orChinese companies, which werebuilding much larger projects intheir own countries, could pre-qualify for construction contracts inNepal.

Unfortunately, these externallyfunded, designed and constructedprojects did little to enhancenational capacity. The projectswere expensive, and the countrywas forced on a path of longtermdependency and unaffordableenergy costs. People began toquestion whether hydropower waseven an asset. The irony of one ofthe poorest countries in the worldbuilding some of the mostexpensive projects was lost on ourpolicy makers and civil society.

It took 15 years and therestoration of democracy, whenArun III exposed the contradictionbetween the Nepalis� need forcheap electricity and the high costof production of foreign-builtmega-projects. Nepali engineers,economists and civil society finallystarted looking at cheaper,indigenous projects. Althoughinitially met with skepticism, it hasnow become clear that onlythrough locally-financed, locally-built and locally-managed smallerprojects would the price ofelectricity in Nepal come down to

affordable levels. Outsideinvestment, it became clear, shouldsupplement national expertise andresources. Not substitute for them.

Today, projects like Piluwaand Chilime are living proof thatthe paradigm shift in Nepalihydropower planning have broughtreal change. These and otherprojects have extensive involvementof both in-country financialinstitutions and technicalmanpower. And the beauty is theircost of electricity generation is$1,500 per kW, less than half thatof larger aid-funded projects.

The success of the Chilimemodel is largely due to one man,Dambar Nepali (see interview). Andit is such a success story that themanagement is already thinking ofstarting on the 26MW UpperChilime next, and in future it wantsto take on the 250MW UpperTama Kosi for less than the perkilowatt cost of Chilime.

The Butwal Power Company(BPC), newly privatised in January

2003, is a consortium of Nepali andNorwegian investors who haveinvested Rs 952 million for 75percent share of the company. Thecompany owns Andhi Khola(5.1MW) and Jhimruk (12MW).BPC has rebuilt Jhimruk, and isselling energy to NEA at Rs 3.67per kWh. The construction ofPiluwa (3MW in Sankhuwasabha)and Syange (183 KW in Lamjung),undertaken largely by investorsfrom the districts they are based in,were made possible under NEA�spolicy announced in 1998 topurchase energy from below-5MWhydro producers under a standardcontract. The credit for this goes toShailaja Acharya when she wasMinister of Water Resources.

It is clear that the cost ofconstruction of hydropowerprojects in Nepal depends stronglyon the financing modality. The perkW construction costs of locallyfinanced projects are lower thaneither large donor-funded projectsor the International Independent

People powerPower Producers (IPPs).

Interestingly, the mode offinancing and the contracting thatgoes with it has a much strongerimpact on project costs thaneconomies of scale. Larger projectsfinanced through aid are the mostexpensive, followed by medium scaleprojects built by the internationalprivate sector and the leastexpensive are the smaller, locallyfinanced projects.

One possible reason for therelative high cost of aid fundedprojects is that they are generallydesigned for storage (Kulekhani) orfor daily pondage (Marsyangdi andKali Gandaki), and in the case ofArun III there would have been a120 km access road whose cost wasalso included in the project. Suchprojects incur higher civilconstruction and land compensationcosts compared to run-of-the-riverprojects. However, it still does notexplain the two-and-a-half timeshigher cost compared to the rupeefinanced projects.

Large aid-funded projects arevery expensive partly because of therigid conditions of competitivebidding to the highest internationalstandards. These standards are sohigh that only a handful ofcompanies in Europe, the US andEast Asia even pre-qualify. Many arealso bound by tied-aid rules underwhich equipment purchases have tobe made from the donor country.With international IPPs, the costcomes from dollar loan financing atinterest rates ranging from 8-13%,which is higher than Nepali rupeeloans and have to factor in rupeedepreciation, and their perceptionof the risks in investing in Nepal.

There are, therefore, three mainreasons why locally designedprojects are less expensive:l The cost of capital borrowed

from local banks is at its lowestpoint in many years.

l Developers had completeflexibility in where they sourcetheir equipment and how theypick contractors, and they canget the best prices.

l Smaller projects mean fewertechnical complications and theability to breakdown contractsinto small components thatcould be bid out among a largenumber of competitive Nepali,Indian and Chinese companies.

Besides being cheaper, localinvestments also benefit the nationaleconomy through much strongerbackward linkages in constructionand manufacturing. Usually, it is

only the equipment (25-40 percentof total cost) which has to beimported from overseas.

There is now plenty of evidencethat Nepal�s hydropower sector canattract substantial local investmentboth in equity and debt. Nineprominent Nepali business housesinvested in the BPC, by far thelargest privatisation so far in thecountry. Nepal is earning over $1billion every year in remittancesfrom overseas workers. Channelingjust 10 percent of this will meetmost of our hydropower needs.

Nepali consumers suffer amongthe highest electricity prices in theregion. The cost to the consumersis ultimately dependent on thePower Purchase Agreements (PPA)signed by independent powerproducers with NEA. PPAs signedin dollars will cost the Nepaliconsumer around Rs 25 per kWh in2010, while local rupee based PPAswould cost less than half because ofcontractual escalation in tariffs andrupee depreciation.

There are some things thatneed to be ironed out. At present,there is a large difference betweenthe PPAs signed between NEA andvarious private producers, eventhose with full local investment.For instance, with escalation by2012, the PPA tariff for Chilimewill be Rs 7.55, for Piluwa Rs 4.35and for Jhimruk Rs 6.57. There isno longer any justification fornegotiating different prices forenergy from each supplier for futurerun-of-the-river schemes under25MW.

One of the big changes in thelast 10 years is that Nepal�s donorshave finally realised that largeprojects have diseconomies thatmake them expensive for Nepal.The World Bank�s recentlyapproved Power DevelopmentFund will be financing smallerprojects in the under-30MW range.

Future support from theinternational community to Nepal�spower sector will be most effectiveif it is used to support both NEA inthe public sector, and privateNepali sector companies to increasetheir capability to build low cost,high quality projects. Thehydropower sector in Nepal needstechnical support and financing tocarry out projects of the size that itcan manage itself. t

Bikash Pandey is anenergy specialist

and countryrepresentative of

WinrockInternational.

Nepal can nowgeneratecheap electricitywith locally-builtand locally-financedhydropowerschemes likethis one on theChilime.

L

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

NAVIN SINGH KHADKAnder pressure to get the Kali Gandaki hydroelectric plantinaugurated by King Gyanendra by next month, Nepal ElectricityAuthority (NEA) is trying to hush up controversy over a shady

transfer of cost overruns in Nepal’s biggest power project.The NEA board initially wanted an explanation about the

hurry to close the project. “We are supposed to close the loan file betweenthree to six months after the project is completed,” says ADB’s PeterLogan. “We have been reminding the government about the difficulties ofkeeping the project file open indefinitely.”

NEA had approved a $130 million bid by the Italian Impregilo SpAfor an open-ended bill of quantities contract. By the end of the project,Impregilo and the American engineering consultant Morrison KnudsenInternational Inc (MKI) racked up a total of $180 million. The extra $50million was paid by NEA officials over a period of five years, between1997-2002, without informing the board. NEA’s Managing Director wasallowed to hand out only up to 20 percent ($26 million) in excess of theagreed $130 million cost on his own discretion. “The consultant supportedthe contractor and the bank backed the consultant,” recalls an NEAofficial.

The ADB believes the $180 million amount spent on civil works wasstill below the initial estimate of $236 million. “That overestimation wasthe excuse the contractor used to escalate costs,” says the NEA official whorequested anonymity in an extensive interview. The $428 million KaliGandaki A has already begun generation from its three units, butImpreglio is still pressing for another $5 million it says NEA owes it fordelays in the project. t

Big hydro, big hanky-panky ?

Officials approved $30 million in extrapayments to contractors of the Kali Gandakiproject without the board�s approval.

unauthorised payment of $30 million to the project’s Italian civilcontractor without its approval. But management has watered down theinquiry, and only asked for reasons for the cost overrun.

“The entire issue has been hushed up,” a senior NEA official told us.“The board did discuss whether action should be initiated against theculprits, but management is helping them get away.” NEA has maintainedthe overruns were legitimate billings due to delays caused by politicalupheavals and geological complications during construction, but declinedto comment on allegations that it is trying to sweep the matter under thecarpet. Independent analysts see the Kali Gandaki controversy as a text-book case of why large foreign-funded and foreign-built projects turn outto be so expensive.

NEA insiders say both the government and the authorities are underpressure from the project’s major creditor, the Asian Development Bank(ADB), to have the 144MW plant inaugurated by King Gyanendra as soonas possible.

“NEA and the Water Resources Ministry are already working for theinauguration and we are in regular consultation with the ADB over theissue of Kali Gandaki and other projects,” says Finance Secretary BhanuPrasad Acharya. ADB itself has refused to get involved in the dispute,saying it is a matter between the contractor and NEA, but it is also in a

U

How do they compare?Capacity Cost Cost per unit

Chilime 20MW $31m $1,550/kWPiluwa 3MW $4m $1,450/kWKali Gandaki 144MW $450m $3,125/kW

917 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166

Rajendra Dahal: Why Chilime, and why you?Damber Nepali: I had just returned from the US to join the ArunIII project. We were asked to look at thermal power until Aruncame onstream. But we started surveying rivers that couldgenerate upwards of five megawatt, and went from Ilam toDarchula. We came across Chilime, a tributary of the Trisuli. Itlooked ideal, lots of water, a good head and we were happy.But we didn’t tell anyone except the NEA’s managing director.We’d learnt this the hard way: the best project gets hijackedby higher-ups.

We proposed that Chilime should be developed by aseparate private venture and to invest the pension of NEAemployees. Managing director Shanta Bahadur Pun encouragedus and got the board to approve the proposal.

Who did the design and financing?We, the NEA engineers, did everything ourselves. We evenattempted something never tried before: digging a 6m diametertunnel that was 195m long. This boosted our self-confidence.We’d initially estimated the project would cost Rs 1.2 billion, butthere were over-runs. The Chinese contractor couldn’t do thejob, so we replaced them with India’s Larsen and Turbo. Thedelay pushed the cost up to Rs 2.32 billion. We financed it withequity and loan. NEA has 51 percent share, 25 percent is ownedby NEA employees and 24 percent will be allocated for sale tothe public.

Will people buy Chilime shares in these uncertain times?We need to raise Rs 479 million from the public and employees,but no worries. We will be giving 10 percent dividends in the firstyear, and we can pay back all loans and investment in four to fiveyears by selling electricity. Chilime generates 137 million unitsof electricity a year, each unit costs Rs 2.19 to produce, and ouragreement with the NEA was to sell each unit at Rs 3 beginningin 1996, escalating by eight percent every year for 12 years. The

costs aren’t going up much, and we can already sell each unitfor Rs 5. The figures look good.

Did everything turn out as expected?We said we will build it with Nepali money, we did it. We saidwe will design it ourselves, we did that, too. We said we will sellcheap electricity, and it is relatively cheap.

We said Chilime will be the beginning of a process, and weare already looking at building Upper Chilime next. Yes, thepower is not as cheap as we planned. The delays put costs up.

Would you say Chilime is a model project for Nepal?It can be, but we can’t say that just on the basis of one project.After Upper Chilime, I think we can be certain. We have theexpertise, the experience, the financing and we have theconfidence. Money is the least of our problems—banks arelining up for financing, the pension fund is ready. We’vestopped worrying about money.

What are the lessons of Chilime, then?Those who used to say there is no money in Nepal, we need toborrow from abroad, have been proved wrong. If we needforeign engineers, we’ll get them, otherwise we’ll do itourselves. We must now scale up, and go for Chilime’s elderbrother: Upper Tama Kosi. The geology is good, and it’s just aquestion of whether we can raise up to Rs 22 billion locally. Ithink with the success of Chilime we can convince Nepalis toinvest in hydropower projects. After all, Nepali workersoverseas are sending home Rs 700 billion every year, we justneed to divert Rs 5 billion every year. With rupee financing, wealso obviate the danger of rupee depreciation for dollardenominated loans.

What were the main difficulties you faced with Chilime?They tried to get me out of the project many times because the

Yes, the Nepali canDamber Nepali was born in Jagate inBhaktapur, and was educated in anorphanage. Excelling in his studies, he wenton to do his PhD in the United States inhydropower development. Today, at age 52,Nepali has shown what Nepalis can do whenthey have vision, drive, integrity andwillpower.

Six years after launching the Chilimehydropower project, this indigenously-

higher-ups wanted to give the project to the private sector.They hassled me over the license, and they dropped a lot ofhints. But I am the type that doesn’t understand hints. Maybejust as well. Anyway, Bhola Chalise was the MD, and he helpedme out.

So how did you save the project?The biggest force were NEA employees. We were honest, soour morale was high, and we were proud that we hadembarked on a project that would benefit the nation. I found thispatriotism in the contractors, too, they didn’t try to compromiseon quality. As much as possible we employed local people, wedidn’t displace anyone and today every VDC in the area haselectricity.

And personally?This isn’t just another job for me. I grew up in an orphanage,and I can’t bring myself to work solely for personal benefit. I didit for my organisation and my country. And I will continue to doso. If I had become corrupt, this project wouldn’t have beencompleted.

Have you met anyone else like you, ones who see beyondpersonal gain?The NEA MD, Bhola Chalise, was one. Shailaja Acharya, wholaid the foundation stone of Chilime, she was very positiveabout projects like these. Shanta Bahadur Pun was also a verypositive director, but they didn’t let him survive in NEA.

designed, locally-built and Nepali-financedpowerplant has started supplying electricityto the national grid. The road to Chilimewasn�t easy, but Nepali�s patience andperseverance paid off. A few more peoplelike Damber Nepali in every arena ofnational life, and we are sure, Nepal wouldbe a different place. Rajendra Dahal spoketo Damber Nepali recently. Translatedexcerpts:

MIN

BA

JRA

CH

AR

YA

10 17 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166WORLD

by RALF DAHRENDORFCOMMENT

hen I hear Americans such as USNational Security Adviser CondoleezaRice compare the occupation of Iraq

with that of Germany (and sometimes Japan)after WWII, distant memories flood in, for Iam a child of that experience. Indeed, in thetwelve months following the unconditionalsurrender of Hitler�s Nazi regime in May1945, I lived under serial Russian,American and British occupation.Sometimes I think of myself as an expert incomparative occupation studies.

The first conclusion I draw from suchexperience is this: everything depends on whothe occupying power is. When Soviet troopsinvaded Berlin at the end of April 1945, manyof us went into the streets to welcome them.Such enthusiasm did not last long.

One day, Red Army tanks turned from the

Living under occupation

main street in our quarter towards the crowd.When the crowd dispersed, the soldiers startedlooting, raping and pillaging. This continuedfor only a few days, but fear of the occupyingSoviets never left even as they began todistribute food and set up a rudimentaryadministration. It soon became clear that theywere in fact creating another dictatorship inplace of the one they had removed.

In July, when Americans replaced theSoviets in our Berlin district, this changed.True, my beloved wristwatch (which I hadmiraculously saved throughout the weeks ofSoviet occupation) was taken from me by anAmerican soldier on my way home fromschool. But it soon became clear that thisoccupation held out hope of a better future.

This was even more evident when a fewmonths later my family moved from Berlin to

Hamburg, then under British occupation.Suddenly, non-fraternisation with Germans�the American rule�was replaced by frequentcontacts aimed at re-education, especially of theyoung. In those months, the seeds of myconversion to all things British were planted,which flowered decades later in my becoming aBritish citizen.

Such differences matter no less in Iraqtoday, and have done so from the first days ofthe occupation, when the British took Basraand the Americans Baghdad. But anotherdifference is even more important.

When Germany was occupied, the oldregime�s defeat was total, utterly beyonddispute. After five-and-a-half years of war noone doubted the inevitability of occupation.That was different after Germany�s Blitzkriegagainst Poland. When my school was sent to

the Polish spa in the town of Zakopane, wewere obviously enemies, unwanted in everyrespect. Soon a quarantine was imposed toprevent us from misbehaving towards the localpeople and, above all, to protect us from theirwrath. I can still feel, with shame, the sense ofbeing not only unwanted but of being anillegitimate invader in a proud country.

It could be argued that the Iraq war wastoo short, certainly too short for Iraqis to feel,as we Germans did, that the occupation wasinevitable and bound to last for a long time.While Iraqis may be pleased to be rid of amurderous regime, they had little time to getaccustomed to the notion of being an occupiedcountry. In Germany, we thought for a whilethat the occupation would last forever, and thatwe perhaps deserved no better. I doubtwhether many Iraqis share that feeling.

But the most important aspect of theGerman experience was the sense of where theoccupation would lead. In the old Soviet zone,it soon became clear that it would lead to atotalitarian satellite regime. Those who could,left the Soviet zone and settled in the West;those who could not, faced the sullen existenceof subjects rather than citizens. In the Westernzones, a different set of expectations soonprevailed. As the occupying armies werereplaced by civilian officials as administrators,and Germans were recruited to help them, thesilver lining of Western democracy becamemore and more noticeable.

Again, differences mattered. In theFrench zone (so I learned later), the signswere less hopeful. More than that, therewere hints of a desire for annexation, with

Iraq had little time to get accustomed tothe notion of being an occupied country.

Carlsberg

the Saar region actually separated fromGermany for a time. In the American zone theprocess was slower and controls were stricterthan in the British zone, where local politicianswere soon entrusted with power. On the otherhand, economic life flourished earlier in theAmerican zone, whereas the British tried toextract direct benefits by, for example,dismantling steel works and bringing theparts to Britain.

In retrospect, that turned out to be ablessing for Germany. A reviving Germanybuilt modern factories, whereas the occupierswere saddled with old ones. But Germanyrevived because the Western occupation forcesmade clear their intention to let it do so, andhelped indigenous forces on their way. Afterinitial uncertainties, there was soon a clearand widely recognised vision of where thecountry should go.

Western Germany�s occupation forces notonly set an example of how this vision couldbe achieved, but found the right people andthe right institutions to bring aboutreconstruction and progress. In principle, thiscan be accomplished elsewhere. In practicehowever, one cannot help wondering whetherthe German experience resulted from a uniqueset of circumstances, or at any rate, one noteasily reproduced under the vastly differentconditions of today�s Iraq. t(© Project Syndicate)

Ralf Dahrendorf, the author of numerousacclaimed books, is a member of the BritishHouse of Lords and a former Rector of theLondon School of Economics.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

W

An American soldier stands guardin an Iraqi market.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Aid threatenedLONDON – New proposals over aid presented to the EuropeanUnion come as a further threat to developing countries, twogroups of leading NGOs in Britain and Germany said earlier thisweek. The new dangers come from supposedly legalamendments to an earlier draft for a pan-European constitution.BOND, a network of 280 British NGOs, expressed concernearlier over proposals that would subordinate development aidto a collective foreign policy. At the heart of the BOND objectionlies the third broad section of the proposed constitution thatdeals with development cooperation, humanitarian aid andeconomic, financial and technical assistance. Similarreservations were articulated by German VENRO, the umbrellaorganisation of 100 independent and church related NGOsworking in the fields of development cooperation, emergencyassistance, development education and advocacy. Accordingto VENRO and BOND, EU Treaty proposals on foreign andsecurity policy imply that development and humanitarian aidwill become a resource for the new EU Foreign AffairsMinister. (IPS)

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Biotech and hungerWASHINGTON – The development community is divided overthe best course of action to fight malnutrition and hunger, theleading causes of death and sickness worldwide. On Tuesday,activists celebrated a $25 million grant from the Bill and MelindaGates Foundation to HarvestPlus, a global research project tobreed and disseminate crops for better nutrition. HarvestPlus isspearheaded by the International Centre for TropicalAgriculture (CIAT) and the International Food Policy ResearchInstitute (IFPRI).

The new grant, in addition to $3 million from the World Bankand $2 million from USAID, will allow HarvestPlus to greatlyexpand its activities, including research into biotechnologicallyimproved crops. HarvestPlus’ work on bio fortification willfocus on six staple crops that are consumed by the majority ofthe world’s poor: rice, wheat, maize, cassava, sweet potatoand common beans.

Critics in the development community say the money spenton technology would be more useful elsewhere. AnuradhaMittal, director of the Institute for Food and Development Policy(Food First) believes “hunger cannot be fought bytechnological means alone,” adding that it must be accompaniedby “social change, such as access to markets, fair wages,water and land rights.” (IPS)

1117 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166

r Mahathir Mohamad isstepping down after servingmore than 22 years as the

leader of Malaysia and its rulingUnited Malay NationalOrganisation (UMNO). Today�sgleaming, modern Malaysia isunimaginable without Mahathirand UMNO.

Mahathir began his career as aMalay nationalist who sought topromote the rights of the Malaymajority after the British left. Buthe also recognised that thecountry�s sizable, andeconomically powerful, Chineseand Indian minorities, amongother groups, were critical to thecountry�s development and shouldbe persuaded to accept the newMalay-led state as their own.

He became prime minister in1981, following the end of theVietnam War and Indonesia�sstabilisation following the bloodycivil strife of the 1960s. Theglobal economic system wasbuoyant and East Asia, not leastMao�s China, was more deeplycommitted than anyoneexpected to support that system.

This encouraged Mahathir tomake a clean break with theBritish colonial heritage. His callto �look East� marked thebeginning of an ambitious

by WANG GUNGWUCOMMENT

industrialisation policy thatculminated, during his tenth yearin power, with the Vision 2020plan to catch up with Westernlevels of development. By 1997,Mahathir was at the pinnacle of hispower, inspiring the country tobelieve all of the country�scommunities would see themselvesas sharing a common Malaynationality.

The Asian financial crisis thatstruck later that year halted theregion�s trajectory. Against mostinternational advice, Mahathirimposed capital controls and afixed exchange rate for the ringgit

to buy time for recovery. Heshifted the sense of crisis awayfrom economics to politics (wherehe retained an iron grip) byremoving his designated heir,Anwar Ibrahim, who was DeputyPrime Minister and Minister ofFinance. Mahathir restored hisauthority so thoroughlyfollowing the crisis that he wasable to handpick AbdullahBadawi as his successor.

The launch of the �war onterror� provided him with anotheropportunity to recover politically.In the face of a world frightenedby Islam, Mahathir repeatedly

The man who made Malaysia

reminded the world that hepresided over the one country inthe world where a Muslim majorityand large non-Muslim minoritieslive in peace.

Initially, his ambitious plans tomake Malaysia an economic modelfor developing nations exposed himto both ridicule and admiration.But he was determined to break thetraditional Malay mold, spurred onby the successes of neighbouringSingapore. In many ways, he hassuceeded. t (© Project Syndicate)

Wang Gungwu is Director of the EastAsia Institute, University of Singapore.

Looking backon the legacyof MahathirMohamad.

D

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

JIM LOBE in WASHINGTON

he more commercialtelevision news you watch,the more wrong you are likely

to be about key elements of theIraq War and its aftermath,according to a major new study lastweek. The University of Maryland�sProgram on International PolicyAttitudes (PIPA) study is based onseveral nationwide surveys itconducted with California-basedKnowledge Networks since June.PIPA found that 48 percent of thepublic believe that US troops foundevidence of close pre-war linksbetween Iraq and the al-Qaedaterrorist group, 22 percent thoughttroops found weapons of massdestruction in Iraq and 25 percentbelieved that world public opinionfavoured Washington�s going to warwith Iraq. All three aremisperceptions.

The report, �Misperceptions,the Media and the Iraq War�, alsofound that the more misperceptionsheld by respondents, the morelikely it was they supported the warand depended on commercialtelevision for news about it. Thestudy is likely to stoke a growingpublic and professional debate overwhy mainstream news media�especially the broadcast media�were not more sceptical about theBush administration�s pre-warclaims, particularly regardingSaddam Hussein�s weaponstockpiles and ties with al-Qaeda.

PIPA found high correlationsbetween respondents with themost misperceptions and theirsupport for the decision to go towar. Of those who believe thatboth WMDs and evidence of al-

Qaeda ties have been found inIraq and that world opinionbacked the United States, awhopping 86 percent said theysupported war.

More specifically, among thosewho believed that Washington hadfound clear evidence of close tiesbetween Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda, two-thirds held the viewthat going to war was the best thingto do. Only 29 percent felt thatway among those who did notbelieve that such evidence hadbeen found.

News sources also accountedfor major differences inmisperceptions, according to PIPA,which asked more than 3,300respondents since May where they�tended to get most of (their)news�. Eighty percent identifiedbroadcast media, while 19 percentcited print media.

Among those who saidbroadcast media, 30 percent saidtwo or more networks; 18 percent,Fox News; 16 percent, CNN; 24percent, the three big networks�NBC (14 percent), ABC (11

percent), CBS (9 percent) andthree percent, the two publicnetworks, National Public Radio(NPR) and Public BroadcastingService (PBS).

For each of the threemisperceptions, the study foundenormous differences between theviewers of Fox, who held the mostmisperceptions, and NPR/PBS,who held the fewest by far.

Eighty percent of Fox viewerswere found to hold at least onemisperception, compared to 23percent of NPR/PBS consumers.All the other media fell inbetween.

CBS ranked right behind Foxwith a 71 percent score, whileCNN and NBC tied as the best-performing commercial broadcastaudience at 55 percent. Forty-sevenpercent of print media readers heldat least one misperception.

PIPA found that politicalaffiliation and news source alsocompound one another. Thus, 78percent of Bush supporters whowatch Fox News said they thoughtthe United States had foundevidence of a direct link to al-Qaeda, while 50 percent of Bushsupporters who rely on NPR/PBSthought so.

The study also debunked thenotion that misperceptions weredue mainly to the lack of exposureto news. Among Bush supporters,those who said they follow thenews �very closely�, were foundmore likely to hold misperceptions.Those Bush supporters, on theother hand, who say they followthe news �somewhat closely� or�not closely at all� held fewermisperceptions. t (IPS)

TV news is bad for truthThe more television you watchabout Iraq, the less you know.T

Remote controlPercent of US public which believes US troops found evidenceof close pre-war links between Iraq and the al-Qaeda

Percent which believes US troops found weapons of massdestruction in Iraq

Percent of Americans who believe world public opinion favoursBush’s war in Iraq

48%22%25%

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Spaced outBEIJING – China laid its claim to being a growing technology giant bylaunching its first man in space Wednesday, breaking over 40 yearsof galactic domination by theUnited States and Russia. Ataround 9AM local time, a singleastronaut, or ‘taikonaut’ asknown to the Chinese, lifted off inthe Shenzhou V (meaning DivineVessel) from the space launchcentre in Jiuquan, near the Gobidesert. Lt Col Yang Liwei, 38, andmember of the military-trained Chinese Astronaut Team, became thefirst Chinese astronaut in outer space.

China’s space program is one of the few successful parts ofthe vast and costly military industrial complex which Chairman MaoZedong created from the early 1960s and which at its Cold Warpeak employed 16 million people, including two million scientists.After the successful launch of Shenzhou V, Beijing is also planningto send a human being to the moon by 2010 and to establish aspace station of its own. It also wants its own Hubble telescopeand a sky laboratory. Chinese officials have emphasisedthat everything sent in space aboard Shenzhou V wasmade in China. (IPS)

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Tougher actionCANBERRA – Community groups are celebrating their success inpersuading the Australian government this week to boost efforts tocounter the trafficking of women, mostly from South-east Asia, tothis country for sexual slavery. A fortnight ago, Project Respect, theleading support and advocacy group for women trafficked toAustralia, released its submission to a government inquiry on thetrafficking of women and outlined a ‘10-point plan’ to effectivelycounter the trade which is estimated to be worth tens of millions ofdollars annually.

To the project coordinator Kathleen Malzhen’s amazement, theAustralian government announced that it would provide anadditional $14 million to an expanded program incorporating most ofProject Respect’s key points on countering the trafficking of womento Australia. As part of the additional efforts, the federalgovernment will expand to 13 the existing 10-person AustralianFederal Police Transnational Sexual Exploitation and TraffickingTeam. Malzhen is optimistic that ‘Stop the Traffic’, a nationalconference to be held in Melbourne next week, will hasten thedevelopment of detailed plans to counter the problem. (IPS)

12 17 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166FROM THE NEPALI PRESS THIS PAGE CONTAINS MATERIAL SELECTED FROM THE NEPALI PRESS

The steps taken by the King are patriotic acts.- Manisha Koirala in Spacetime, 13 October

QUOTE OF THE WEEK

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Maoists on airBabita Basnet in DangGhatna Ra Bichar, 15 October

Locals in Rukum, Salyan andJajarkot are tuning into the�people�s radio station�, launchedby the Maoists. On air everydayfrom 6-8PM, the program beginswith an innocuous �This is thepeople�s radio, regional broadcastcentre, 95.1 MHz. Greetings toour listeners.� After 10 minutes ofMaoist songs, the news bulletinstarts with an overview of Maoistactivities around the country.The army and the police arelabeled �royal plunderers�, andtheir casualties are described withlively enthusiasm. The reportsection usually focuses on thefuture of the �people�s war�,justifies Prachanda breaking theceasefire and discusses the failure

of some Maoist missions. Thepeople are not the only oneslistening. The state security forcesnever miss a single roadcast. Asenior army officer says theprogram helps the army gleaninformation about Maoist activity,although the whereabouts of thestation itself remains a mystery.The locals, however, confess themain draw are the catchy songs ofthe revolution.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

MalpracticeBheshraj Ghimire inSamacharpatra, 14 October

Sixty-five-year old Tara PrasadPoudel and his family fromSindhupalchok district wassuffering from severe ear infectionand came to Kathmandu formedical help.

Two pathologists, from two

different private hospitals,diagnosed Poudel with cancer.They told his son, Bimal, therewas no need for a second opinion.So the family made an expensivejourney to the All India Instituteof Medical Sciences in NewDelhi, where they learned thatPoudel did not have cancer. �Ifwe had believed the Nepalidoctors, my father would havedied,� says Bimal. Hari GovindaShrestha, president of Associationof Clinical Pathologists, Nepal sayshe sympathises and suggests thefamily take their case to theMedical Council for compensation.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

KidnappedRameshwor Bohara inRajdhani, 13 October

Maoist rebels took some youthfrom Kusum in Banke district

Annapurna Post, 11 October

Employers in India have laid off hundreds of Nepali employees suspected of being Maoists.The only way to get back their jobs is to produce papers verifying their innocence. Even thoseemployed for decades in India have been targeted. Since the breakdown of peace talks on27 August, fear of Maoist attacks has forced many Nepalis to emigrate in search of jobs.Now even that avenue seems to be closed to them. “If we stay at home, we live in fear of aMaoist attack. If we don’t go abroad, there is no way to earn a livelihood,” says Ramji Sigdelfrom Tanahu who just returned from Allahabad. Deepak Thapa from Gulmi says that Nepalisworking in various companies were asked to bring documents from police authoritiesconfirming their status. Those employed as factory workers and household servants bearthe brunt of this new directive from the Indian government that authorises the investigation of“suspicious” Nepalis.

Meanwhile, young Nepalisat home are being told byMaoist workers not to attemptto leave for foreignemployment. This is the firsttime that the Maoists havemade such threats. At Bodhein Dharan they threatened ayoung villager on his way toMalaysia that they would killhis family if he left. “There arenot many young men left in thevillage and the Maoists havebeen forcing the remainingfew to join the People’s Army,”says the villager.

Nepalis lose employment

Bamdev Gautam, CPN UML standing committeemember, in Kantipur, 12 October

This is not the first time I received tika from the king. Itshould not be something that needs to be debated.This is not against the political agitation. This issomething I’ve done ever since I became a minister.Since my childhood, respected seniors would put tikafor me. I put tika for others too. Dasai is a Nepalicultural festival that is not limited to certain castes andtribes, or even to Hindus exclusively.

I have not committed any crime by receiving tikafrom the king. As usual, he asked me how I was and Ireplied that I was fine. We obviously could not discussnational issues in half a minute. As long as we acceptthe king as the head of the state, there is nothingwrong with receiving tika from him.

Sometimes I ignore the party’s actions. No onefrom the party has contacted me as yet. If the king isaccepted as head of the state, what logic is there inarguing that you must not take tika from him? Are wesaying that we do not need the king? While it is truethat there is a movement against his regressive move,it aims at reaching an agreement. Our fight is not fora republic neither are we moving towards discardingthe monarchy.

If the movement is about bringing the king back onthe constitutional track, then we must think of ways of

reaching an understanding. The Dasai tika hashelped root out bitter feelings, which is why I believethe tika I received will help our movement. Leadersfrom all the political parties should have done so too.Maybe we would have better results. Remember,it was ping-pong diplomacy that brought the US andChina closer.

The good news is that we have created awarenessamong our political workers about regression. Eventhe people comprehend it better now. The partieshave been able to foil the efforts of the king and theMaoists to isolate and eliminate our existence. Thereinstatement of the parliament was initially only theNepali Congress’ demand. Later, all five politicalparties adopted it, which is why the UML began todemand reinstatement.

I have been against the idea from the start,although I would be happy to see our generalsecretary become prime minister. Should the kinggive someone else the post, we will not derail themovement. I believe our general secretary is the manfor the job. He deserves the king’s nominationbecause he has the support of all the parties. TheSurya Bahadur Thapa government is unsuccessful, Idelivered this message to the king.

There is no chance of my becoming primeminister and it doesn’t interest me either. Neither thefive parties nor my party will agree on the

nomination.It is untrue to say the movement lost momentum

because of us. The government’s undemocratic andinhumane attitude that banned public meetings inthe capital and imposed curfews in many districts isalso to blame. It became a problem to even travelon the highways. This was then the Maoists broke theceasefire. We had no choice but to change thedirection of our movement. It didn’t have anythingto do with ambition or greed for power.

We have tried to let the public know that we areattempting to reach an understanding with the king.If he ignores us, he will be the loser. If the kingsupports multiparty democracy, he ultimately has tocoexist with the political parties. He cannot afford toignore the political parties because we are thepeople. If he chooses to do so, he will have to adopttyranny and ban us. How can the king ensure hisfuture without the people?

The politics of boycott [of functions attended bygovernment officials] has failed many times. If thisidea is adopted, you run the risk of being boycottedyourself. Although I repeatedly opposed the idea,the five parties stuck to the strategy. Even the peopledo not endorse it. The politics of harmony is theculture of multiparty democracy. The partiesshould not adopt boycott politics. If we do, it willbackfire on us.

�We are the people.�

Headline: Prime minister at Nepali Congress tea partyMadhab Nepal (left): What�s this? Have you forgotten everything?Girija P Koirala (right): Of course not, I remember everything. A warm welcome...firm handshakes... and enjoyable tea together.

Rajdhani, 12 October

with them to attack the ArmedPolice Force training camp lastFriday. None of them havereturned home and their parentsare worried.

�A few hours before theylaunched that attack, they camehome and demanded that my sonjoin them,� says Chaudhary, whochose to identify himself only bysurname. �I refused but theyforced my son to get dressed andleave with them. He hasn�t comeback.� They kick-opened closeddoors, dragging out those whohid inside their houses.

�They kicked my door downtoo,� says a septuagenarian. �But,how could I meet their demand? Ihave no son.� Those who didn�thave sons were made to pay cashor kind. �They took my clothes,Rs 26,000 cash and someornaments,� said Bhadra BahadurThapa, a supervisor at the local

Road Department office. Thelocals are not worried about themoney or possessions beingsnatched, but they fear theirchildren were used as humansheilds in the attacks.

Hundreds of reported rebelstook part in the unsucessfulKusum attack, in which at leastthree dozen Maoists werereported killed. It isn�t clear howmany young men were taken fromthe village but now their familiesfear their sons are among thefallen.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

DisappearedRajdhani, 16 October

Amnesty International has heldthe security forces responsible forthe disappearance of 250 Maoistsand their supporters, most whichtook place during army

operations between November2001 and October 2003.According to an AI report,people have been randomlyarrested, imprisoned andtortured. It also states thatMaoists are equally responsiblefor the abduction anddisappearances of many citizens.AI has asked the Maoists torespect the Geneva Conventionand make public thewhereabouts of those abductedand give compensation to theirrelatives. The group says that theHuman Rights Commissionshould have more resources andhas asked for help in establishingfive monitoring regional offices.It has recommended that thegovernment scrap the Terroristand Disruptive Activities(Control and Punishment) Act2002 after the reinstatement ofparliament.

1317 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166HISTORY AND CULTURE

ablo Neruda (1904–1973) wasfamously called ‘the Picasso of poetry’for his prodigious body of work and

his constant search for freshrepresentations. Born Neftalí Ricardo ReyesBasoalto in central Chile, he adopted the penname of Pablo Neruda, in memory of theCzechoslovak poet Jan Neruda (1834-1891),when he began contributing to Selva Austral,a literary journal. Neruda was a Chileandiplomat who held posts in Europe andvarious Asian countries including Burma andCeylon. A staunch communist, Neruda’s faithwas not shaken, even in exile from Chile,except when he heard of Stalin’s pogroms.

Although he may be most stronglyremembered in the popular imagination for hisromantic poetry, Neruda is much more thanjust a poet of love. His oeuvre was variedand plentiful—from the yearning cosmic love

Neruda and Nepalpoetry of Twenty Love Poems and a Song ofDespair to the visceral and politically chargedResidence on Earth or the delectably simpleElemental Odes—he was a poet of constantself-awareness and redefinition.

On the 30th anniversary of his death,Nepali Times finds that Pablo Neruda’s poetrystrikes a chord in present-day Nepal as muchas it did in Spain when he wrote "I Explain aFew Things" after his experiences in theSpanish Civil War.

I Explain a Few ThingsYou will ask: But where are the lilacs?And the metaphysics covered with poppies?And the rain that often struckhis words, filling themwith holes and birds?

Let me tell you what’s happening with me.

I lived in a barrio of Madrid, with bells,with clocks, with trees.

From there you could seethe parched face of Castilelike an ocean of leather.

My house was calledthe house of flowers, because from

everywheregeraniums burst: it wasa beautiful house,with dogs and children.

Raul, do you remember?Do you remember, Rafael?Federico, do you rememberunder the ground,

do you remember my house with balconies

where the June light drowned the flowers in yourmouth?

Brother, brother!Everything

was loud voices, salt of goods,crowds of pulsating bread,marketplaces in my barrio of Arguelles with itsstatuelike a pale inkwell set down among the hake:

oil flowed into spoons,a deep throbbingof feet and hands filled the streets,meters, liters, the hardedges of life,

heaps of fish,geometry of roof under a cold sun in which

the weathervane grew tired,delirious fine ivory of potatoes,tomatoes, more tomatoes, all the way to the sea.

And one morning it all was burning,and one morning bonfiressprang out of the earthdevouring humans,and from then on fire,gunpowder from then on,

The retreat from BurmaMan Bahadur Rai

hen we retreated, wefound that everyonehad converged at the

place allotted to our unit. TheBritish escaped at night by plane,leaving the ration godown openwith no one to control it. Theyleft us a signboard sayingsurviving troops were to report atPantola near Dumdum airport inCalcutta. The difficult task wasgetting there across Burma.

The number of retreatingforces swelled from 10, 12, 25to 275. We followed the routesused by the Nagas.Occasionally, we had chancemeetings with Japanese troops.We left quietly, often at night.Many were killed and we lostcount of the dead. If someonewere to retrace our route, theywill surely find it marked bypiles of human bones.

A new regiment, the FourthGurkha Rifles, was raised atIndaugyi in Burma. A regimentnormally has four companiesand when auxiliary personnel likeorderlies are included, it numbersfive. Each company had 128heads, a regiment, therefore,would have 640 people. Only

five men survived from that entireregiment. The Japanese knewwhere the Fourth Gurkha Rifleswere going so they hid in theforest and lay in wait. As soon asthe troops got there they openedfire and killed everyone. SubedarMitra Bahadur was among thosekilled in that action.

In order to get rid off thestench, the Japanese dug a ditchon a mound and buried them.Perhaps the weight of the bodieswas too much because when wegot there the mound had givenway. The human skulls, ribs,shinbones looked like a riverbank.It still smelled of the dead.

On our retreat we saw corpsesof army personnel and civilians allover the route, on the road, manymore lay inside the jungle. Deadchildren were propped undertress by those who fled thecarnage. We became like chickswithout the protection of a hen.On our departure from Burma wewere 375 soldiers, not allGurkhas. There wereMaharastrian, Sikh, Garhwali andMadras regiments. We were thelast of our regiments, never morethan 10 from a single one.

When we reached Bhamofrom Towdi our numbers swelledto form a battalion. The colonel

commanding the regiment wasJocket. He was of Italian originand had joined the British armymerely to earn his bread andbutter. There we were, fleeingfrom the Japanese and thecolonel wanted ceremonialparades with music. About adozen of us joined his regiment.He asked where we came fromand we told him our story. Thecolonel assured us that wewould be safe and then asked usto take part in the parade fromthe following day.

We were in a fix. Had weknown he was of Italian origin,we would have cut him to pieces

and devoured him, but a colonelis the boss of the regiment. Thenext morning we foundourselves in the parade. By thatevening we decided to leave.Our decision was supported byothers' suspicion.

We concluded it would befolly to stay there any longer anddecided to run away afterdinner. The problem lay inpicking a route. The Irrawady isa large river, one that we had toford in any case, so we chose togo through Katha where acompany of our regiment wasstationed.

The only way to get therewas by boat. The captain of thesteamer was a Burmese whosided with the Japanese. All 375of us approached the captainwho flatly refused to operate hissteamer under our command.We could not trust this Burmese,and being Gurkhas, it did nottake long for us to reach aconsensus. We decided to killthe captain and then order hisassistant to take the steamer out.The boldest among the group,myself included, went to thecaptain and told him it was a

Lahurey ko Katha from Himal Books is acollection of memoirs based on oral testimoniesof 13 retired Gurkha soldiers, all but one above75 years. Translated from Nepali by DebBahadur Thapa for Nepali Times, this fortnightlycolumn continues with Man Bahadur Rai�snarration of fighting the Japanese in Burmaduring World War II. In the first excerpt, theBritish Gurkhas were attacked by Japaneseforces on the Setang river in Burma.Casualties are very high and the Gurkhas areforced into retreat.

choice between conceding toour demand or forfeiting hislife. We had our weapons on us:a Tommy gun can fire 22rounds at a time.

We saw no reason to sparethis rascal when so many hadmet with their end. He becamescared when he realised that wewere very serious. The captainpromised to start the steamer at9 in the evening, which wouldget us to our destination thenext afternoon. Meanwhile wekept our weapons primed tomeet any eventuality.(To be continued)

W

Man Bahadur Rai

and from then on blood.

Bandidos with planes and Moors,bandidos with rings, and duchesses,bandidos with black friars signing the crosscoming down from the sky to kill children,and in the streets the blood of the childrenran simple, like blood of children.

Jackals the jackals would despise,stones the dry thistle would bite on and spit out,vipers the vipers would abominate.

Facing you I have seen the bloodof Spain rise upto drown you in a single waveof pride and knives.

Traitors,generals:look at my dead house,look at Spain broken:from every house burning metal comes outinstead of flowers,from every crater of Spaincomes Spainfrom every dead child comes a rifle with eyes,from every crime bullets are bornthat one day will find out in youthe site of the heart.

You will ask: why doesn’t his poetryspeak to us of dreams, of leavesof the great volcanoes of his native land?

Come and see the blood in the streets,come and seethe blood in the streets,come and see the bloodin the streets!

Connectingpoetry withplaces to markthe 30th deathanniversary ofPablo Neruda.

P

14 CITY 17 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166

KATHMANDU VALLEY

Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue

27-14 26-13 26-12 26-13 26-13

There is a large high pressure area over northern India that isbringing glorious autumn weather for Tihar. There are remnants ofsome troughs in the Bay but they are too far away to make too muchof a difference to us. The balmy sunshine will keep maximumtemperatures at highs of 26-27 degrees, but the clear nights willbring down the minimum in Kathmandu to 12-13 over the weekendand into next week. These are ideal conditions for morning mist,which will burn off by about 9AM.

FESTIVALS AND EXHIBITIONSv Personal Encounters on the Journey of Life Paintings by Prakaash Chandwadkar till 31 October at

Siddhartha Art Gallery. Baber Mahal Revisited. 4218048v Exploration of the Magical Realm etchings by Seema Sharma at Café Mitra, Thamel. 4259015v From the lens of the father, from the lens of the son Photographs by Narendra and Birendra Pradhan

from 18 October at Gallery Nine, Lazimpat. 4428694v Glimpses Travel photographs by Francesca Fittipaldi till 23 October at Arts Council, Baber Mahal.

4220735

EVENTSv Bideshiya A Bhojpuri play by Nirman Kala Manch of Patna, Bihar. 3.30 PM on 19 October at the

Royal Nepal Academy, Kamaladi. Passes available at Indian Embassy and the Nepal-BharatSanskritik Kendra Library, RNAC Building.

v The God’s Dance of Kathmandu Valley 7PM on Tuesdays. Tea+Ticket: Rs 400 at Hotel Vajra.v Lazimpat Film Shows: Red Firecracker, Green Firecracker 21 October; Trainspotting 23 October;

7.30 PM at the Lazimpat Gallery Café. 4428549v Cine-Club: Everyone says I love you 19 October. 2PM at Auditorium Molière at Alliance Française,

Thapathali. 4241163v Inter-Cultural Film Society: Numafung (Navin Subba) 5.30 PM on 19 October at NTB, Bhrikuti

Mandap. Email: icfs@wlink.com.np

MUSICv Jazz Vocal Encounters featuring Bobby Kapp and Cadenza at the Shangri-La Hotel, 7.30 PM on

22 October.v Fusion music by Bobbin and friends 6PM onwards 17 October at Jatra restaurant & bar, Thamel.v Deepak Bajracharya Live in Pokhara 17 October at Dipendra City Hall, Entry Rs 200, 18 October at

The Bluebird Hotel, Entry Rs 555.v Never too old for music and dance at The Club BhatBhateni from 6PM on 24 October. 4416430,

4426238

DRINKv Winter Warmers at the Sumeru Bar with 25 percent discount between 6-8PM at Godavari Village

Resort. 5560675v Festival of tropical black rum drinks and great steaks at K-too! Beer & Steakhouse, Thamel.

4433043v Cosmic Cocktails and chic home furnishings at Mitra Lounge Bar and Mausam homestyle boutique.

Above Cafe Mitra, Thamel. 4259015

FOODv Dasai and Tihar Bonanza 50 percent off food at The Fun Café and Splash Bar & Grill. Buy one

service and get another for free at Radisson Beauty Saloon. Radisson Hotel Kathmandu. 4423888v Café U Japanese home-cooking, cakes and coffee. Opp British School, Sanepa. 5523263v Roadhouse Cafe for wood fired piazzas and more. Opp St Mary’s School, Pulchowk. 5521755v Momos & More the finest momos in town now at Dhobighat. 5520692v Chimney Refreshed Fine continental cuisine at The Chimney Restaurant, Hotel Yak & Yeti. 4248999v Traditional Nepali Thali lunch at Patan Museum Café inside Patan Museum. 11AM-2.30 PM.

Cocktails and snacks 2-7.30 PM. 5526271v Saturday BBQ Lunch at Club Himalaya Nagarkot. Rs 500 per person. 468008v Malay, Singapore food at Singma, Jawlakhel, Lalitpur. 552004v Traditional Newari Thali at Kathmandu Guest House, Thamel. 4431632v BBQ in the Shambala Garden 7PM Fridays and Saturdays. 4412999v Weekend Ban Bhoj at the Godavari Village Resort. 5560675.v Krishnarpan ceremonial Nepali cuisine fit for a king. Reservation recommended. 4479488v Smoked salmon soufflé , Crispy Duck Breast, Shrimp Newburg and fine wines at Kilroy’s of

Kathmandu, Thamel. 4250440

GETAWAYSv Microlight flying adventures with the Avia Club, Pokhara.v Shivapuri Heights Cottage 30 minutes from Kathmandu, at the edge of the Shivapuri Reserve.

Email: info@escape2nepal.comv Weekend Special for Rs 3000 per couple, Park Village Resort, Budhanilkantha. 4375280v TGIF overnight package at Dwarika’s Hotel. 4479488v Bardia tiger madness Jungle Base camp has extra special deals 061-32112 Email:

junglebasecamp@yahoo.comv Tiger Mountain Pokhara Lodge special offers for Nepalis and expats. 4361500v Weekend yoga retreat with Carolyn from 17-19 October at the Retreat in Palanchowk. Email:

carolynboch.com.np Phone: 555l455v Back to Nature overnight package for resident expatriates at Godavari Village Resort. 5560675

The air quality in Kathmandu last week was surprisingly good for this time of theyear. All six of the monitoring stations in Kathmandu, including the ones locatedalong roadsides, recorded PM10 values that were below the national standard of120 micrograms per cubic meter—a direct correlation with the fewer vehicles onthe roads because of post-Dasain slowdown. Kathmandu is returning to normalthis week, and we can expect the pollution levels to rise.

Good < 60

Ok 61 to 120

Unhealthy 121 to 350

Harmful 351 to 425

Hazardous >425

VIS -16-10-2003 05:00 GMT

What you burn iswhat you breathe.

Courtesy: Mandala Book Point, Kantipath, 4227711, mandala@ccsl.com.np

Kathmandu

Putalisadak Matsyagaun TU Bhaktapur Patan H Thamel

Average PM10 levels at selectedpoints in Kathmandu 21-28September in micrograms percubic meter.Source: www. mope.gov.np

91.2

ABOUT TOWN BOOKWORM

KATHMANDU AIR QUALITY

by MAUSAM BEEDNEPALI WEATHER

CLASSIFIED

For insertions ring NTMarketing at 5543333-36.

Visit Ground Zero Fine wines,designer candles, cards, gifts,stationery, wooden items, perfumesand more. Darbar Marg, oppositeHotel de l’Annapurna

Visit Femilines, the ExclusiveLingerie Store for ladiesundergarments, nightwear,bathrobes and more. Ladies staff.Opposite Sajha Yatayat, HariharBhawan, Pulchowk. Tel: 547428

To Let : Rabibhawan area twostorey house 4 bedrooms 2bathrooms large kitchen dining livingterrace lobby and porch andtelephone. Contact: Roshani4275180

LIVE IN STYLE! Arcadia Apartmentsin the heart of Thamel. Centrallylocated, fully furnished apartmentsat unbelievable rates. For details:981026903, 4260187

Renting made easy :www.2letonline.com- Looking for aplace to stay- Log on to find theperfect house, apartment or even aretail space that meets all yourneeds. Make an easy 1000 bucksby reporting a vacant property tous. Find out how-www.21etonline.com

To Let: Pleasant room (withprivate, ensuite bathroom) in a quietbungalow in Lazimpat. Share kitchenand large lounge. Perhaps suitablefor visiting professional orvolunteer. Tel 4428549

Middle East Illusions: Peace, Security and Terror Naom ChomskyPenguin, 2003Rs 472This latest work includes chapters written by Chomsky just before the 2000 Intifada and upthrough October 2002. As 9-11 and the US campaign against Iraq have added newpressures to long-standing conflicts, Chomsky�s voice should be heard now more than ever.

For Reasons of State Naom ChomskyPenguin, 2003

Rs 632An essential record of Chomsky�s political and social thought as it was sharpened on the

upheavals in domestic and international affairs of the early 1970s, this is a major addition tothe intellectual history of the Vietnam era. It includes the now classic introduction to

anarchism.

Call 4442220 for bookings. www.jainepal.com

Chutki (Antara Mali) wants to be Madhuri Dixit, Raja (Rajpal Yadav)wants to be with Chutki. This is not a formula triangle, but a bitter-sweettale of Bollywood clichés. It’s a no-frills story told without any gimmicks.First-time director, Chandan Arora, tells it like it is, without much songand dance. Short and slick, the film has a simple narrative and veryconvincing reality about it. Anjana does a decent job of a Madhuri hopeful,but Rajpal as the artless villager, sparkles. Star-maker andproducer, Ram Gopal Varma, has just made his latest hero—the editor-turned-director Chandan Arora. His hero, Rajpal Yadav, is already a star.

Mein Madhuri Banna Chahti Hoon : 12PM, 3PM JAI NEPAL CINEMA

Wake Up !

on FM 102.4Radio Sagarmatha

P.O. Box 6958, Bakhundole, Lalitpur, NepalTel: ++977-1-545680, 545681, Fax: ++ 977-1- 530227

E-mail: radio@radiosagarmatha.org, www.radiosagarmatha.org

Get ready for a brand new day withBBC World Today.Every morning on 102.4 FM from 5:45-6:15 AM

/]l8of] ;u/dfyf

Wake Up !

1517 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166FOOD

by BHATMARA BHAIEATING MY WORDS

have always held firm to theview that in the distant landthat is Baneswor, one can,

without difficulty, meander fromend to end without ever stimulating asolitary taste bud. So one Saturday,while dipping into my favouriteexpat magazine, ECS, there Ifound, nestling up to an intriguingarticle on bead collecting, a reviewof the Beijing Duck Restaurant,located in New Baneswor on theside of the InternationalConference Centre. Such was thearticle�s lavish and oozing praise forthe restaurant, Bhatmara Bhaidecided to risk the river crossing.

The restaurant, though on apoorly lit street, is hard to misswith a large gaudy red signfacilitating a safe mooring. Thistheme is continued in the décorchoices inside. All is well thoughtthrough: draughty, overlit,impersonal and a large room ratheradventurously bedecked in redlanterns and Chinese calligraphy.The owner has sought and achievedthat classic icon: the 1970s Chineserestaurant look, familiar to Chineserestaurant goers worldwide.Nothing is spared in the detail,from the red wall-to- wall

If it quacks�carpeting, right down to the largetelevision that sits in the cornerenthusiastically pumping out popmusic that competes for ear spacewith the Chinese elevator musicof the restaurant�s sound system.

My partner for the evening, adelicious vegetarian, opted for therecommendations of the waiters: awell executed deep fried tofu insweet chilli sauce that, if eaten asit hits the table, combines theChinese culinary ideal of contrast,in this case, crunchy and goopy atthe same time. The mushroomwith coriander, another Chineseclassic, in theory, strives for thatsame ideal. The platter thatarrived under Bhatmara Bhai�sgaze played a strong suit in sloppyying but foolishly discardedcrunchy yang. Messy.

Bhatmara Bhai went for thesignature dish of the restaurant:The Duck. The menu, and indeedthe review that stimulated thiswhole adventure, went intoelaborate detail, labouring overthe minutiae of the preparationand proper serving of this classicChinese dish. The theory startswith air being pumped between aduck�s skin and flesh. The duck is

then scalded repeatedly withboiling water and then coated witha honey mixture and hung until theskin is dry and hard. After theduck is roasted the skin becomesgolden and intensely crisp. Whilehot, the skin is served with thinpancakes and steamed buns,accompanied by spring onions,cucumber and hoisin sauce. Themeat is considered a dullsecondary attraction and is usuallyserved after the skin.

Mystifyingly, the end resultplaced before Bhatmara Bhaisuggested that the scripture on themenu was taken by the denizens ofthe kitchen�perhaps a little inthe manner of the relationshipbetween car and traffic light in thegreater Kathmandu area�merelyas gentle guidance. The cookclearly had strong ideas: perhapsan attempt at a more innovativeinterpretation, an interpretationthat didn�t work. The duck wasclosing on cold and dry. The skinrather than crisp, was inexplicably,but not unpleasantly, soft. Themeat that should have beenremoved, for that traditionalsecond course (which nevermaterialised), remained firmlywedded to the skin.

The final twist was thedecision of the cook to opt for arustic hand torn look rather thanthe thin precise slicing normallyfavoured by the orthodox. Theresult, a very small, very nouvelle

cuisine sized Rs 3,200 duck. Atprices that match London,Bhatmara Bhai did feel justified ininquiring after the reasons for thisschismatic interpretation. Apologieswere readily proffered and, to befair, a substantial discount offered.The supply of duck, it turned out,flown from China for that evening hadrun out and a number of skinnierNepali ducks had found themselvesthe victims of this Himalayan Rimneo-Beijing treatment.

However, in fairness, BhatmaraBhai has been assured by others thathave dared the wilds of Banesworthat Chinese duck has been served(and indeed its greater fat contentimproves the eating experience),even if the manner of serving steersfirmly away from the description inthe menu. The process of makingBeijing duck is extremely timeconsuming (at least some 24 hours),and for success, requires theguarantee of a large turnover, whichin these troubled times and therestaurants locale, presentssignificant obstacles to perfection.So, if compromise is your thing andthe edible river life of the Bagmati,rather than that of Beijing, isacceptable, then come on down toBaneswor! t

Starting with this issue, Nepali Timesbegins a fortnightly restaurant reviewby Bhatmara Bhai, which is thepseudonym of a Kathmandu-basedculinary nomad. –Editor

Sample theHimalayan Rimneo-Beijing Duckin Baneswor.○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

I

Like father, like sons a young boy, Narendra Pradhan (pic, left) had a way with thesketchpad, spending hours drawing. It was his love for art that ledhim to photography and eventually cinematography, devoting much

of his time to film making. Yet time and again, Narendra always came backto his camera.

Whenever he got a chance, Narendra enjoyed shooting Nepal’s variedlandscape and people. Portraits became his forté but photography was anexpensive hobby. To keep doing what he loved best, Narendra tooksnapshots of friends and neighbours, offering to photograph weddings andother ceremonies. He developed black and white film at home, where helater opened a studio to support his family. Anything left over wasploughed back into buying film and funding trips around the country.Initially Narendra’s family was concerned. “They could not understand why Iwould go around taking photos of strangers and scenery for free,” he says.All except for little Birendra who, while watching his father work, wascultivating his own passion for the camera.

Birendra (pic, right) says his father has been his sole inspiration. Unlikehis self-taught dad, Birendra got a diploma in photography and went on tocomplete an advanced course in TV and film production at AVAS inTripureswor. Father and son also share an interest in cinematography andBirendra assisted his father on several shoots.

Like his father, Birendra too enjoys taking pictures that show Nepali lifeand culture, and especially typical Nepali expressions. His best momentsare those when he captures a moment the way he wanted. Now, for the firsttime, father and son are teaming up for an exhibition and rediscoveringthe joy of working together. Birendra, 30, and Narendra, 59, hope thosewho see their pictures get a feel for what lies behind: “Nepalis are poorand have a hard life, but we still enjoy life, carrying on with our culture.” t(Sraddha Basnyat)

From the lens of the father, from the lens of the son, an exhibition of photographsby Narendra and Birendra Pradhan, opens 18 October at Gallery Nine, Lazimpat.4428694

Lenscraft runs in the Pradhan family.○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

MIN

BA

JRA

CH

AR

YA

A

NEPALI SOCIETY

16 17 - 23 OCTOBER 2003 NEPALI TIMES #166

by Kunda Dixit

Under My Hat

CDO Regd No. 194/056/57 Lalitpur, Central Region Postal Regd. No. 04/058/59

o it looks like His Majesty�s Government isfinally giving in to the 15-point demand ofNon-resident Nepalis, and allowing them to

have dual citizenship.Good move. Although one wonders, if a Nepali

passport was such a sought after item, why did theyleave Nepal in the first place?

Then comes news that just this month twomembers of a government delegation in Oslo havevanished without trace, and three members of theNepali Asian World Cup Qualifier football team havedecided to stay on in Seoul. Put these two items ofnews together, we have to conclude that if presenttrends continue, in the not too distant future, therewill be only two kinds of Nepalis left:

a. Non-resident Nepalis who want to permanentlyreside in Nepal, and

b. Nepalis who want to permanently reside in a non-Nepali country.

After the grand success of the first Non-ResidualNepali Conference, and seeing how smoothly it wasconducted, it is pretty clear what we have to do: letNRNs run this country on a Build Own OperateTransfer (BOOT) scheme for 25 years. A NRN worldheadquarters is now being set up in Kathmandu, andthe terms of reference for overseas Nepali subcontrac-tors to govern this country has been drawn up.

The idea is to leapfrog the current generation ofNepali leaders who have messed things up, turn thiscountry around in the forthcoming two decades andhand it back to the next generation of Nepalis in anas-where-is condition. Fine print: conditions apply,overseas relatives of current rulers not eligible.

But till then, HMG has shown that it is deadlyserious about providing incentives to NRNs who wantto invest in their ancestral domain. After all, there isan ancient Vedic saying: �NRN is God�. (We checkedwith God, and he has no objections to the slogan.) Asa first step, and in response to widespread complaintsfrom overseas Nepalis, the Department ofImmigration has decided to open a special fast-trackNRN immigration desk at TIA so foreign Nepaliinvestors don�t have to queue up like ordinary Nepalis

People of Non-Resident Nepali Origin

just returning from four years of hard labour in theGulf.

�This is a major concession, we haven�t extendedthis courtesy to anyone else, not even NRN ex-primeministers,� said one official.

However, in the national interest, a word ofcaution here. There are certain sensitive sectors likeDefence, Aerospace and Breweries in which HisMajesty�s Government cannot have foreigners (even ifthey are of Nepali origin) investing. Other domesticsectors which need protection and should be kept outof bounds for NRN investment are strategic industrieslike instant noodles, brick kilns, cabin restaurants,packaging clinker and calling it cement and Rs 99shops. These are industries where resident Nepalishave already staked their claim, and any furthercompetition would benefit consumers and thereforecannot be allowed.

But certain exceptions can be made, and thegovernment is now set to approve NRN applicationsto set up the following industries, and will assist inlining up venture capital soft-credit financing forthem:

l White Elephant Technical University forOverseers and Civil Contractors,Rato Pool, Kathmandu�Make others drool by learning to build your ownwhite elephant�

l Fly By Night Airlines, Pvt. Ltd.,Sat Dobato, Kathmandu�Bhadrapur or Bust. Fly Nepal�s First Night Vision-Equipped Domestic Airline�

l Kinky Cheese Curl Industries, Banepa�Nepal�s Most-Nutritious Junk Food Manufacturedin Technical Cooperation with Second-generationPeople of Non-Resident Nepali Origin�

l Monkey Business Export-Import, Inc., Swayambhuand Pashupati�We provide one-way tickets and US business visasfor all rhesus monkeys and their spouses for researchpurposes in Texas�

S