t3 b5 pres bush-vp cheney fdr- sticky notes and 4-19-04 email re libby interview w attached excerpts...

8/14/2019 T3 B5 Pres Bush-VP Cheney Fdr- Sticky Notes and 4-19-04 Email Re Libby Interview w Attached Excerpts From 19

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Mike HurleyFrom: Warren BassSent: Monday, April 19, 2004 4:19 PMTo: Philip Zelikow; Mike Hurley; Dan MarcusSubject: Libby interview

Philip, you asked me to tool around a little looking for Libbystatements onterrorism. If he everpublicly spoke or wrote about UBL, al Qaeda, the Taliban, or terrorism before 9/11,1 haven't beenable to find i tafter some pretty persistent Nexis and Google searches.Libby did talk publicly pre-g/n about China, Iraq,and other national security issues. He alsospent some embarrassing time explaining his time as Marc Rich's lawyer (remember that one?).For his part, Vice President Cheney does seem to have caused a mildkerfuffle in summer 2001 byseeming to endorse Israeli hits on Palestinian terrorist leaders and then backing off abit. Healsohad some thoughtful comments on attacks athome in early May2001 in TheNew Yorker, (They'reincluded below; DanLeopoldhas more Cheney speeches.)One possible tidbit for the Libby interview: the following is the famous statement founding BillKristoPs Project for the New American Century. Plenty of mention here of Clinton-era fumbles; nomention at all of terrorism. Signatories include Libby, Cheney, Rumsfeld,Wolfowitz, Khalilzad,andAbrams.On weightier matters, the "I" stands for "Irv," and he got the nickname when his father noticedhimbeetling around in his crib.Warren

The Project for the New American CenturyStatement of PrinciplesJune3,1997American foreign and defense policy is adrift. Conservatives have criticized the incoherent policies of the ClintonAdministration. They have also resisted isolationist impulses from within their own ranks. But conservatives havenot confidently advanced a strategic vision of America's role in the world. They have not set forth guidingprinciples for American foreign policy. They have allowed differences over tactics to obscure potential agreementon strategic objectives. And they have not fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security andadvance American interests in the new century.We aim to change this. We aim to make the case and rally support for American global leadership.As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the world's preeminent power. Having led theWest to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have thevision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United States have the resolve to shape a newcentury favorable to American principles and interests?We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing the challenge. We are living off the capital -- both themilitary investments and the foreign policy achievements -- built up by past administrations. Cuts in foreign affairsand defense spending, inattention to the tools of statecraft, and inconstant leadership are making it increasingly

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difficult to sustain American influence around the world. And the promise of short-term commercial benefitsthreatens to override strategic considerations. As a consequence, we are jeopardizing the nation's ability to meetpresent threats and to deal with potentially greater challenges that lie ahead.We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan Administration's success: a military that isstrong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefullypromotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States' globalresponsibilities.Of course, the United States must be prudent in how it exercises its power. But we cannot safely avoid theresponsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise. America has a vital role inmaintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If we shirk our responsibilities, we invitechallenges to our fundamental interests. The history of the 20th century should have taught us that it is importantto shape circumstances before crises emerge, and to meet threats before^hey become dire. The history of thiscentury should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership.Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Here are fourconsequences: we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our globalresponsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future; we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values;we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad; we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international orderfriendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles.Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity may not be fashionable today. But it is necessary ifthe United States is to build on the successes of this past century and to ensure our security and our greatness inthe next.

Elliott Abrams Gary Bauer William J. Bennett Jeb BushDick Cheney Eliot A. Cohen Midge Decter Paula Dobriansky Steve Forbes

Aaron Friedberg Francis Fukuyama Frank Gaffney Fred C. IkleDonald Kagan Zalmay Khalilzad I. Lewis Libby Norman PodhoretzDan Quayle Peter W. Rodman Stephen P. Rosen Henry S. Rowen

Donald Rumsfeld Vin Weber George Weigel Paul Wolfowitz

Th e New Yorker, May 7, 2001same time as the WM D consequence management roll-outSECTION: LETTER FROM WASHINGTON; Pg. 56HEADLINE: THE QUIET MAN; Dick Cheney's discreet rise to unprecedented power.BYLINE: NICHOLAS LEMANN[Cheney:] "Well, in terms of the United States, the fact is that there are still regions of the worldthat are strategically vital to the U.S., where we care very much about whether or not they're

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dominated by a power hostile to our interests. . . . And anything that would threaten theirindependence or their relationships with the United States would be a threat to us. Also, you've stillgot to worry a bit about North Korea. You've got to worry about the Iraqis, what ultimatelydevelops in Iran. But beyond that, in terms of a threat to the U.S., and our security, I think wehave to be more concerned than we ever have about so-called homeland defense, the vulnerabilityof our system to different kinds of attacks. Some of it homegrown, like Oklahoma City. Someinspired by terrorists external to the United States-the World Trade towers bombing, in New York.The threat of terrorist attack against the U.S., eventually, potentially, with weapons of massdestruction-bugs or gas, biological, or chemical agents, potentially even, someday, nuclearweapons. The threat of so-called cyberterrorism attacks on our infrastructure, obviously verysophisticated in terms of being based on our intelligence infrastructure."What can we do to reduce those threats?"In terms of the threats to the United States, the terrorism of various kinds, probably intelligence isyour first line of defense," Cheney said. "You need to have very robust intelligence capability ifyou're going to uncover threats to the U.S., and hopefully thwart them before they can belaunched."

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Mike HurleyFrom: Dan LeopoldSent: Monday, April 19,2004 10:10 AMTo: Philip Zelikow; Steve Dunne; Nora Coulter; Mike Hurley; Dana HydeCc: Chris KojmSubject: Libby meeting

All:I have the comm ission attendees for the Libby meeting as follows:Commissioner HamiltonPhilipSteveMikeDanaI will pass clearances for all of these people this morning. The meeting will be held in Room 276 of the OE OB,which is Scooter's office. His assistant suggested that everyone enter through the Pennsylvania Street entrance,which is at 17th and Pennsylvania. Again, the meeting will last from 1-3 p.m. Accom panying Scooter Libby willbe:David Addington, Counsel to the VPCourtney Elwood, Deputy Counsel to the VPNeil Patel, A ssistant to the VP for Special Projects

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t3 b5 pres bush-vp cheney fdr- sticky notes and 4-19-04 email re libby interview w attached excerpts...

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