syntax 6 - brown university€¢ who did john give the book to? cp 2 c ... syntax: control (1) ......

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11- 20- 03 Brown University - - CG41 Svetlana Godjevac - - Syntax 6

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Syntax 6

More wh-movementConditions on movement

(Textbook: 294-319; some of the material is not in the textbook)


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More wh-movement – direct object• What did John buy?

CP2

C’2C TP

2DP T’

John 2T VP

did 2V DP

buy 4what

CP2

DP C’whatj 2

C TPdidi 2

DP T’John 2

T VPti 2

V DPbuy 4

tj


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More wh-movement – indirect object• Who did John give the book to?

CP2

C’2C TP

2DP T’

John 2T VP

did 9V DP PP

give 4 2the book P DP

to who

CP2

DP C’whoj 2

C TPdidi 2

DP T’John 2

T VPti 9

V DP PPgive 4 2the book P DP

to tj


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Subject wh-questions

• John gave the book to Sue• Who gave the book to Sue?

• Subject wh-questions do not show inversion

• So, what is the analysis of subject wh-questions?


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More wh-movement – subject• Who gave the book to Sue?

CP2

C’2C TP

2DP T’

who 2T VP

past 9V DP PP

gave 4 2the book P DP

to Sue

CP2

DP C’whoj 2

C TPpasti 2

DP T’tj 2

T VPti 9

V DP PPgave 4 2the book P DP

to Sue


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TP2DP T’

g 2I T VP

pres 2V CP

wonder 2DP C’

whoj 2C TP

2DP T’

John 2T VP

past 9V DP PP


to ti

More wh- movement – embedded wh- questions

• I wonder [ who John gave the book to ___? ]

TP2DP T’

g 2I T VP

pres 2V CP

wonder 2C’

2C TP

2DP T’

John 2T VP

past 9V DP PP


to who

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Multiple wh-questions

• Who gave what to whom?

Wh-in-situ Wh-in-situ

In English, only one wh-word has to move to spec of CP, other wh-words are required to stay in-situ

In Japanese, all wh-words are in-situ

In Slavic languages, all wh-words must move to spec of CP


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Long distance wh-movement

Who did Bill say [ John gave the book to __? ]

CP2

DP C’4 2whoi C TP

g 2didj DP T’

4 2Bill T VP

tj 2V CP g 2

say C’2C TP

2DP T’4 3

John T VPpast 9

V DP PPgave the book 2

to ti


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Wh-movement: more data• Who came?• Who did you see?• Where did you see them?• Whose parents did you meet?• Which do you prefer?

• The people [who came ]• The people [who you saw ]• The place [where you saw them ]• The student [whose parents you met ]• The book [which you prefer ]

Relative clauses

Relative clauses also involve wh-movement operation


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More wh-movement: relative clause• the people who you saw

DP2

D NPg g

the N’2

N CPg 2

people C’2

C TP2

DP T’4 2you T VP

g 2past V DP

g 4saw who

DP2

D NPg g

the N’2

N CPg 2

people DP C’4 2whoi C TP

2DP T’4 2you T VP

g 2past V DP

g 4saw ti


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Complement clauses

I deny [ that Mary won an award ]I wonder [ whether Mary won an award ]

deny, V, [DP, CP]wonder, V, [DP, CP]

*I deny [ whether Mary won an award ]*I wonder [ that Mary won an award ]


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Selection• Selection: we say that heads select their complements

• Heads select complement’s syntactic properties, i.e., what syntactic category they belong to (DP, PP, or CP), and their semantic properties (which are dependent on the theta roles that the head (i.e., verb) assigns

• Given our X-bar theory, the properties of a phrase are the ones inherited from its head

• So, when we say that a head selects for a complement we are in effect saying that the head is selecting for another head and its properties

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Properties of a head/phrase

• The properties we’ve been talking about are ‘grammatical features’, such as: – gender,– person,– number,– tense,

Properties of heads such as N, V, ADJ, D,

Properties of heads such as V


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Features of C

• In order to solve our problem about complement clause selection we will propose that a head such as C also projects certain features. We will call one of them [Q] – for ‘question’

• So, we are proposing that C comes in two flavors:– C [+Q] (for questions)– C [- Q ] (for declarative statements)


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Complement clausesI deny [ that Mary won an award ]

[ embedded declarative clause ]I wonder [ whether Mary won an award ]

[ embedded question ]

*I deny [ whether Mary won an award ][ embedded declarative clause ]

*I wonder [ that Mary won an award ][ embedded question ]

deny, V, [DP, CP [-Q] ]wonder, V, [DP, CP [+Q] ]


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Feature checking

• Head features must be checked or instantiated

• There are two ways to instantiate/check a feature on a head:– An element can move and adjoin to the head– An element can move to the specifier of the

head


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Feature checkingTP

2DP T’| 2I T VP

pres 2V CP [- Q]

deny 2C’

3C TP

2 2that [- Q] DP T’

4 2Mary T VP

past 2V DP

won 2D NP| 4

an award

TP2

DP T’| 2I T VP

pres 2V CP

deny 2C’

3C TP

2 2whether [-Q] DP T’

4 2Mary T VP

past 2V DP

won 2D NP| 4

an award

selection

selection

Feature checking

Feature checking

√


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Feature checking

TP2

DP T’| 2I T VP

pres 2V CP [+Q]

wonder 2C’

3C TP

2 2whether [+Q] DP T’

4 2Mary T VP

past 2V DP

won 2D NP| 4

an award

TP2

DP T’| 2I T VP

pres 2V CP

wonder 2C’

3C TP

2 2t hat [+Q] DP T’

4 2Mary T VP

past 2V DP

won 2D NP| 4

an award

selection selection

Feature checking Feature

checking

√

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Properties of C

• C [+Q] – Must be checked by some overt material in C

• Complementizers: whether, if

• C [-Q]– Must be checked

• Complementizers: that, silence ( ø )


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Motivations for wh-movement

• In addition to [+Q], C has another feature, [+wh] which needs to be satisfied

• Wh-words in the specifier of C instantiate this feature

• So, wh-movement is motivated by another feature checking request

• If C also has [+wh] feature, a wh-word must move to the specifier position of C to instantiate the feature


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Motivations for T-movement• We saw that in English matrix questions

auxiliaries invert with the subject • We said that AUX, which is in T, moves to C• Why?

• We’ll assume that the answer to this question is the following: – in matrix questions, C has the feature [+Q] and T

(aux) instantiates that feature– So, T moves to C to instantiate [+Q] on C


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• Why does that not happen in embedded questions?

I wonder what John bought*I wonder what did John buy

I wonder whether John bought the book*I wonder whether did John buy the book


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Why ‘things’ move?

• DP movement:– subject- to- subject raising– passive– …

• Wh-movement:– wh- words– …

• Aux-movement

to get CASEto get CASE

To check off wh-feaure on C

To check off Q-feaure on C


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Passive and raising

• It seems that Bush stole the election• Bush seems to have stolen the election

• It seems that the election was stolen by Bush• The election seems to have been stolen by Bush

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Raising

• It seems to be certain that John is here

• It seems that John is certain to be here

• John seems to be certain to be here


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Conditions on traces

• Movement is always upward• Traces must be c-commanded by their

antecedents


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Preview of the next course in syntax:more Raising

• Gore believes that Bush stole the election

• Gore believes Bush to have stolen the elelction

• Gore believes the election to have been stolen by Bush

• The elections was believed (by Gore) to have been stolen by Bush

This phenomenon is known as:• subject-to-object-raising• exceptional case marking (ECM) verb• ACI verb (accusative cum infinitivum)


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Preview of the next course in syntax: Control

(1) Mary seems to be winning all the time(2) Mary wants to be winning all the time

(1) Is a raising structure, but what about (2)?

want assigns an experiencer theta role to Maryleave assigns an agent theta role to Mary

So, Mary gets two theta roles – violation of the Theta Criterion


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Preview of the next course in syntax:Islands

(3) You heard the rumor that the prince will marry Margaret

(4) *Who did [ you hear the rumor [ that the prince will marry ___? ] ]

(1) You heard the queen say that the prince will marry Margaret

(2) Who did [ you hear [ the queen say [the prince will marry ___? ] ] ]

Why is (2) good, but (4) not?

syntax 6 - brown university€¢ who did john give the book to? cp 2 c ... syntax: control (1) ......

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