Suzanne M. Hall Narrating the city: diverse spaces of urban change, South London Article (Accepted version) (Refereed)

Original citation: Hall, Suzanne (2008) Narrating the city: diverse spaces of urban change, South London. Open house international, 33 (2). pp. 10-17. ISSN 0168-2601 © 2008 www.openhouse-int.com This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/41643/ Available in LSE Research Online: January 2012 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final manuscript accepted version of the journal article, incorporating any revisions agreed during the peer review process. Some differences between this version and the published version may remain. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it.

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"If indeed every society produces a space, itsown space[…]any 'social existence' aspiring orclaiming to be 'real', but failing to produce itsown space, would be a strange entity, a verypeculiar kind of abstraction unable to escapefrom the ideological or even 'cultural' realm. Itwould fall to the level of folklore and sooner orlater disappear altogether, thereby immediatelylosing its identity, its denomination and its feebledegree of reality (Lefebvre, 1991[1974]:53).

Millennium London is epitomised as a Global City:simultaneously a destination and gateway for theworld's privileged the world's dispossessed.London's spaces are saturated with these polarities;branded by its icons and drenched with the expres-sions of everyday life. Here is a City undergoingprofound social and spatial change; one not onlyregulated by official policies and plans, but alsotransformed by individuals through the experienceand tactics of daily life (de Certeau, M. 1984). IfLondon is a place for opportunity and refuge, it isalso a place of inequalities and frictions (Hamnett,

C. 2003). The City is constituted by an increasing-ly diverse array of competing cultures shaping andoccupying limited urban space. The concern for thispaper is how the social and spatial dimensions ofdiversity have been experienced and representedover time. To rephrase Lefebvre's statement as aquestion for London: how is contemporary urbansociety shaped by the inheritance of city space andhow does a diverse urban society produce its ownspace?

This paper explores ways of researching thespaces of the city, and focuses on how narrativemediates between the official documentation andlived experiences of change. I review narratives orcollections of stories from both historic and con-temporary accounts of the Walworth, SouthLondon. As a contemporary Inner City area,Walworth offers various frames through which toresearch the persistent and transient features ofspatial and social change:

- Its physical proximity to the City and its per-ceptual separation from it raises the question ofhow people have conceptualised the series ofborders within London; from the first borderestablished by the river between north and

Suzanne M. HallAbs t rac t

This paper explores the documentation of social and spatial transformation in the Walworth area, South London.Spatial narratives are the entry point for my exploration, where official and 'unofficial' representations of history arealigned to capture the nature of urban change. Looking at the city from street level provides a worldly view of socialencounter and spaces that are expressive of how citizens experience and shape the city. A more distanced view of thecity accessed from official data reveals different constructs. In overlaying near and far views and data and experience,correlations and contestations emerge. As a method of research, the narrative is the potential palimpsest, incorporat-ing fragments of the immediate and historic without representing a comprehensive whole. In this paper Walworth isdocumented as a local and Inner City context where remnants and insertions are juxtaposed, where white working classculture and diverse ethnicities experience difference and change. A primary aim is to consider the diverse experiencesof groups and individuals over time, through their relationship with their street, neighbourhood and city. In relating theWalworth area to London I use three spatial narratives to articulate the contemporary and historic relationship of peo-ple to place: the other side examines the physical discrimination between north and south London, the other half looksat distinctions of class and race and other histories explores the histories displaced from official accounts.

Keywords: City, Change, Narrative, South London.

NARRATING TTHE CCITY: SSPACES OOF UURBAN CCHANGE,SOUTH LLONDON

south London, to the economic borders ofclass, to those of local mindsets and individualperceptions.- As a transitional area, Walworth represents azone between city and suburb, as well as anarea to which newcomers arrive and fromwhich many established residents subsequentlymove on.- As an area with few formal public institutionsand incorporating extensive housing estates,diverse experiences of public and social lifeemerge in apparently ordinary settings; placessuch as the local 'caffs', barbers shops and tai-lors shops offer different opportunities for socia-bility.

The review of historic material is framed by per-spectives located from 'the other side'; both in termsof the physical location of Walworth to CentralLondon as the other side of the River, and from theposition of other multiple realities that prevail underthe layer of a more dominant history or officialrecord of London. More conventional referencesthat provide a particular view of chronological timesuch as maps, census data and surveys are sourcedalongside varied accounts including individual sto-ries and oral histories. Much like Simmel's 'snap-shots' these fragments are useful because theyreveal the overlap of place, time and experience;"The paradox of the snapshot is that although it isliterally like a fleeting image, it is also one that canbe made to endure." (Frisby, 1981:103). I use thenarrative to construct a relationship between con-temporary and historic accounts, and to raise ques-tions around how official and unofficial urban his-tory is represented. Specifically I address the core

question;- How can the diverse experiences and histo-ries of the Walworth area be narrated?

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Lefebvre contends that society and space reverber-ate, space producing society and society producingspace. There are two prevalent methodologicalalternatives for exploring this social and spatialoverlap. The first involves working with a physical orspatial genealogy to see what persists and whatshifts over time including spaces and activities. Thesecond involves working with social dimensionssuch as the formation of groups or modes ofexpression to understand spatial ones such aspropinquity or exclusion. While these methodologi-cal distinctions are not entirely artificial, they tend tosuit the emphasis shaped by professional concernsand boundaries. One way of exploring the trans-formation of an area like Walworth is through thenarratives that reveal the relationship of space andsociety through representations of power, knowl-edge and experience. In this paper spatial narra-tives are used to combine 'spatial' and 'social' meth-ods, as a way of understanding and ultimately doc-umenting how individuals and communities trans-form and are transformed by their urban spaces.

Carter (1985:preface) writes on the history ofWalworth that, "Much passes quickly beyondrecall….So, with the passage of time one tends towrite with a fuller "official" knowledge and a muchdepleted store of first-hand recollections of real lifeand actual daily events". The issue at stake then ishow to document and interpret the kind of placethat Walworth is today through overlaying historicproducts and human practice. The idea of thepalimpsest accommodates a methodologicalstance that acknowledges the layers of past andpresent as concurrent. This layered view reveals theoverlapping of time and place more through itswrangled complexities than a chronological or cat-egorical order. For this reason this paper is brokeninto three spatial narratives rather than time peri-ods; the 'other side' reviews the implications of thephysical emergence of Walworth south of the

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Fig 1. Walworth/London location, author's drawing2006

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Thames, as distinct from the city north of the river.The 'other half' deals with the scale of industrialgrowth and the emergence of the 'other' defined ini-tially through poverty and class and subsequentlythrough ethnicity, while 'other histories' looks at theabsence of other voices from official records. Theinterconnections between people and placeexplored in this paper require three aspects ofmethodology to be developed:

i) Place and time are represented through link-ing past and present. Partial views rather thancomplete pictures are developed.ii) The multiple, sometimes competing charac-teristics of different types of representation arealigned, colliding "everyday practices" (DeCerteau M. 1984) with official records. iii) The powers behind types of representationare explored through the understanding thatrecords are shaped by values and reflect howmeanings are constructed and preserved.

Diverse experiences and official records arealigned to narrate what this juxtapositionreveals.

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Peter Ackroyd describes historic Southwark, theBorough in which Walworth is located, as thatwhich is physically and perceptually distinct from thecentre. He articulates an "urban discrimination"(2001:692) as the marked divisions between cen-tre and hinterland and North and South Londonrespectively. He attributes to the South the notentirely illustrious historic functions of are marsh-land, disreputable entertainment ground andindustrial area containing the 'stink industries'.These distinctions are not confined to official histo-ry. In the London of the 1970's Raban describes his

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Fig 2. Hogenberg's map, 1553 - 1559 (By kind permission of the Southwark Local History Library)

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experience of the river as a border, "I have friendswho live in Clapham, only three miles away, but tovisit them is a definite journey, for it involves cross-ing the river." (1974:163). In contemporaryLondon, a local Walworth resident describes him-self through affinities that directly associate identitywith place, "I would describe myself as a SouthLondon person, an everyday person.". While theThames persists as a physical distinction, perceptu-al distinctions emerge over time. Borders and terri-tory assert distinction, reinforced by differentialdevelopment between north and south London.

The morphology of the north-south distinction isevident in various maps of London commissionedup to the Industrial period. I select three of thesemaps to illustrate the chronological determinationof London's north-south divide. Hogenburg's mapof London (1553) (figure 02) presents the land tothe north of the Thames as a city of impressivewalls, great streets, public spaces and institutions.Only one bridge extends to the southwards; whereLondon Bridge touches the south bank, a compar-atively diminutive cluster of development is shown,with development rapidly petering out into country-side.

The resilience of this centre-periphery relation-ship remains apparent some two hundred yearslater. Roque's map of London (1769) reveals anexpanding urban fabric to the north of the River.The intensity of the grey ink confirms the density of

the urban grain. By contrast, fields and gardenslightly speckle the cream surface of the map southof the river. Now there are three links betweenNorth and South. London Bridge, Blackfriars Bridgeand Westminster Bridge reveal lines of urban devel-opment clinging onto the connections to the cityand the south bank facing the city. However theSouth is still shown as a series of rural villages whilethe north has leapt into fully-fledged city status.

Although the area to the south of the Riverremained comparatively undeveloped until theearly 1800's, the routes crossing the area to thesouth contained the inherent potential for growthassociated with strategic urban connections.Greenwood's map (1824) (figure 03) shows devel-opment clustered around the confluence and edgesof important routes. A node of public facilities haddeveloped at the Elephant and Castle to whichDickens referred to in 'Bleak House' as, "a street oflittle shops lying somewhere in that ganglion ofroads from Kent to Surrey…centring at the far-famed Elephant." (cited in Young, G. 1930). Withthe Elephant and Castle acting as the nerve centrefor the south it was to be encircled by successivewaves of transport technologies; from the buses(1829) and trams (1852) running down theWalworth Road, to the railway and station (1862)and tube stop (1890). With modes of transportassisting the north-south connection, the status ofthe Walworth Road shifted to a main road in every

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Fig 3. Extracts from Greenwood's map, 1824, North London on the left, South London on the right(By kind permission of the Southwark Local Studies Library).

sense of the word - pulsating with activity and cen-tral to the diverse communities that formed adja-cent to its edges. The Post Office Directory Surveyspublished annually from 1841 to 1950 reveal therapid expansion of retail streets, and an increasingvariety in the types of activities and products. Thedirectories also name the proprietors, and throughthis a further critical aspect is revealed - as Londongrew off it's industrial base, so the amount of immi-grants increased. The shop-lined Walworth Roadwas occupied and transformed both by establishedEnglish residents and by a host of 'newcomers'.

The sequence of London maps reveal two mutu-ally reinforcing spatial characteristics that were todefine Walworth's legacy embedded in the centre-periphery relationship with central London. As asubstantially green area it acted as a verdant sub-sidiary to the centre north of the River. The rela-tionship was extended through routes betweennorth and south defining practical and spiritualconnections to the hinterland, towards Canterbury.Essentially the maps represent the spatial structureof territory and differential development. Narrativesof discrimination also emerged through other formsof representation. The following section exploressome of these representations developed during theperiod of industrialisation

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Despite the persistent north-south divergence, theimpetus of the growth of London concurrent withindustrialisation meant that pressure on the landsouth of the River for development was inevitable.This radical transformation of England's economicbase and an unprecedented scale of urbanisationsynonymous with significant social consequences,resulted in a shift in the nature of urban space. Asgrowth and change defined modern urbanity so theneed to record, order and ultimately control thatchange became an official imperative. The firstcensus for the Great Britain in 1801 coincides withthe period of profound urbanisation. The 1801census for Victorian Walworth, designated then asthe 'Parish of St Mary Newington', indicates a pop-ulation of 14,847 people. A mere 80 years laterthe population figure for 1881 of 107,850 con-

firms the exponential pace of growth. Urban pover-ty emerged alongside this growth and was officiallyrecorded in documents such as the Parish 'PoorRate Book'. The entry for 1770 from the Parish ofSt. Mary Newington describes the parish being"burdened with numerous and expensive poor'"(Boast, 2005:6). The Victorian analogy of theurban poor as 'burden' or citizen as the passiverecipient of handouts is reflected in the kinds ofVictorian institutions for poverty; 'poorhouses' or'workhouses' were scattered across Southwark, asmapped in Collins' Standard Map of London(1870).

The census figures record the scale of growthrelated to industrialisation and urbanisation.However the extent of poverty associated with thisgrowth, and the structure and sentiment of classdivides that grew fervently out of this industrial soci-ety lies in other sources. Disraeli (1804-1881) usesthe narrative of extreme divides, "an impossible gulfdivided the Rich from the Poor […]. Two Nations,governed by different laws, influenced by differentmanners, with no thoughts or sympathies in com-mon; with an innate inability of mutual comprehen-sion." Mayhew (1812-1887) provided some of thefirst documentations of lived experiences of povertyon the streets of Victorian London. He articulatedthrough a range of ordinary voices, the way inwhich the city was changing under the impetus ofindustrialisation and the acute individual experi-ence of that change. Mayhew's account, 'LondonLabour and the London Poor' (1985[1851]) alsoencapsulated the everyday public and privatespaces of urban change; he took us onto the col-lective spaces of the street and into individual inte-riors. He provided an outline of the spatial narra-tives that constituted people's interactions with andretreat from the city. Mayhew's account of a dra-matically changing London privileged the individualexperience and by so doing narrates the confines ofclass and the trap of poverty strongly expressedthrough individual accounts. But why did Mayhewselect this ethnographic method, which was unoffi-cial and unquantifiable, when scientific measuressuch as the census were increasingly regarded asauthoritative? Mayhew's (1985 [1851]:448) con-cern was "comprehension" or an understandingrooted in connections to place, time and experi-ence. Adverse to "the very mummery of statistics" his

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allexploration of the diversity of life on the streets was

irreducible to categories, and was enriched by indi-vidual expression and tone.

Some one hundred and fifty years on, TonyParker's book 'The People of Providence' (1983)focused on individual lives on a Public HousingEstate to the west of Walworth. While Parker's'snapshots' of life within the Housing Estate primar-ily reveal a diversity of experiences, the narrative ofpoverty emerges out of the limited sense of possi-bilities. Teenager 'Susie Moore' comments, "I sup-pose there must be thousands of girls like me allover London…Not married, having a kid, living onsocial security and wondering what the hell's thepoint. Seeing the future as a long stretch of nothingmuch." (cited in Parker. 1983:186). Like in Mayhewthese accounts of how people experience their timeand place, are immeasurable within the scientificrealm of census data.

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"I have been astonished at the extent to whichthings, once commonplace, have now van-ished…Redevelopment struck the final blow at thepre-war communities so, in just a few decades, away of life practically vanished." (Carter,1985: pref-ace). Carter observes that redevelopment potential-ly eradicates particular communities and their asso-ciated ways of life. Regeneration can be indiscrimi-nate in its eradication; places that are valued, ritu-als and events that are enacted, simply disappear.The theme of large-scale regeneration inSouthwark is a perpetual one. The "ganglion" andseries of vital public spaces at the Elephant andCastle, as captured in Bert Hardy's black and whitephotographs, have been reduced to roundaboutsfor traffic. The post war interests of efficiency haverelegated public space to the pavement. So toowere rows of terraced housing demolished to makeway for the sanitised modern housing systems com-prised of vertical concrete slabs and vast territoriesof open space both formally defining and stigma-tising Social Housing Estates such as the Heygateand Aylesbury. Today all three above mentionedareas are up for the next round of regeneration.

Established communities, everyday rituals, practicesof hanging out and making business will berequired to make way for new versions of progress.

Boast's (2005) and Bourne's (2005) books dealwith the local history of Walworth and Southwarkrespectively. The books refer to the institutions andCity destinations within Southwark that belong tobygone eras; the Royal Surrey Zoological Gardensattracting a staggering 8,000 visitors a day, theRoyal Surrey Music Hall and its great glass con-struction predating the Crystal Palace, the sturdyMetropolitan Tabernacle hosting acclaimed evan-gelical and musical performances. But the gardens,entertainment halls and movie houses are nolonger evident on current cartography. UnlikeCentral London where valued places are generallypreserved, many of the institutions of Southwarkslowly disappeared from the maps. The exit of thenewly elected Labour Party from its home at theTerraces on the Walworth Road in 1997 and theseemingly banal act of boarding off the publicspace in front of the old police station on CarterStreet, all add to the perception of an area with fewformal public spaces that attend to human needsand spirit.

Bourne's book 'Speak to me as I am: The Blackpresence in Southwark since 1600' points us toanother form of erasure, "there had been a Blackpresence in Britain since at least the mid-sixteenthcentury. Black historical figures from the past hadbeen made invisible, and there was a wall of silencearound Britain's Black History."(2005:5). The omis-sions of other contributions to history has seriousconsequences for how we view history today, andhow citizens are subsequently able to locate them-selves within it or are dislocated from it. Bournepartially redresses these omissions through tracingthe achievements of selected individuals that con-tributed to the 'Black History' of Southwark. Thestructure of Bourne's book indicates the lack ofavailable historic, 'official' records on Black Historyand he refers to oral histories as a valuable alter-native. His book collates snippets of lives that havemerged into historic 'English' records, his focus is onpersonalities and the places of their respective dis-tinction. Names, events and places are matched;Ira Alridge's Black performance of Othello (1833),Mary Seacole the 'Black Nightingale' of Balaklava,Dr Harold Moody a founding member and first

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president of the League of Coloured People (1931),Sam King a passenger on the 'Empire Windrush'and first Black Mayor of Southwark(1983) and RioFerdinand and his rise in football fame fromPeckham to Manchester United.

Bourne also delves into other space, sites andinstitutions as a form of record, identifying the the-atre, evangelical church hall, TV. screen and thefilm screen as sites of representation. While thepractices of power persist, contemporary diversesocieties in Walworth find ways of re-presentingspace. Hang-outs like the hair and nail bars andbarbers shops vitalise the Walworth Road attendingto make-overs and conversation simultaneously.Historic institutions such as 'Clubland' and the'Metropolitan Tabernacle' are alive with an evan-gelical fervour sustained by predominantly African-immigrant congregations. The Somali Social Cluband Turkish Caff indicate an increasingly diverserange of social practices. With this reconstitution ofspace there is a need for alternative ways of record-ing how such diversity contributes to the sense ofpast and present.

The third form of erasure is revealed through thenarrative of obscurity, or how accounts from ordi-nary or 'un-noteworthy' people fall through thecracks of the selective process of constructing histo-ry. 'Bert Weir's' comments exemplify this sense ofobscurity, "I'm seventy this week, and in all my life sofar no one's ever asked me for my thoughts aboutanything. No one's ever thought I had anything tosay that was worth hearing I suppose." (cited inParker 2005:255). Unstructured interviews andethnographic material are valuable preciselybecause they document supposedly 'un-noteworthy'stories. It is through the 'ordinary' person that weachieve understandings of what everyday life maybe like or might have been like - quite different froma history notched with key formal spaces, key dates,key events and key individuals.

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This paper explores spatial narratives through apalimpsest of cartography, census data, livedspaces and oral histories. The narrative is used as aworking method for research to incorporate diverse

representations and ways of viewing. The process ofabstracting or formulating a narrative is not a fac-tual or comprehensive process; its potential rele-vance emerges from the connections it drawsacross data, across time and across different inter-est groups.

Products of history are valuable not only for whatthey are but what they reveal about how they weremade and what they have come to represent. Theseproducts serve as useful narratives when we con-sider the relationship of power and knowledge,particularly in terms of what selected representa-tions privilege and omit. The value of in-situ obser-vation and documentation of individual experi-ences and oral histories lies less in the fact andmore in the intonation. The narrative as a methodallows us to question the notion of 'authenticity' orwhat we know and how we come to know it. Thespatial narratives presented in this paper are moreabout the relationships between people, place andtime than about measurable truths.

In reviewing the diverse histories of Walworthseveral themes pervade across time through whichwe are able to look at the relations between recordsand experience. These incorporate the constructionof history prejudicing the central over the peripher-al, the powerful over the less powerful and the pro-fessional over the citizen. Divisions are also assert-ed in space, where physical and perceptual mani-festations of the north-south London distinctionsinscribe physical and perceptual borders. Bordersbetween differences are also experienced throughpoverty, class and ethnicity. Finally, while a cycle oflarge -scale intervention and regeneration persists,the Walworth Road is also testimony to an incre-mental process of appropriation and expression onthe part of its diverse citizens.

RREEFFEERREENNCCEESS

ACKROYD, P. 2001, London. The Biography, Vintage, London.

BOAST, M. 2005, The Story of Walworth, Neighbourhood

History No.4, London Borough of Southwark.

BOURNE, S. 2005, Speak of me as I am. The Black presence

in Southwark since 1600, London Borough of Southwark.

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CARTER, L. J. 1985, Walworth 1929-1939, L.J. Carter

Services, Surrey.

DE CERTEAU, M. (1984) The Practice of Everyday Life,

University of California Press, London. Translated by Rendall, S.

DISRAELI, B. 1845, In Sybil, or the Two Nations, pp. 299.

FRISBY, D. (1981) 'Snapshots' sub specie aeternitatis?', in

Sociological Impressions. A Reassessment of Georg Simmel's

Social Theory, Heinemann Educational Books, London,

Chapter 4.

HAMNETT,C.. 2003, Unequal City. London in the Global

Arena, Routledge, London.

LEFEBVRE, H. 1991[1974], The Production of Space, Basil

Blackwell, Oxford.

MAYHEW, H. 1985[1851], London Labour and the London

Poor, Penguin Classics, London.

PARKER, T. 1983, The People of Providence : a housing estate

and some of its inhabitants, Hutchinson, London.

RABAN, J. 1998[1974], Soft City, The Harvill Press, London.

YOUNG, G. (1930) Dickens's Southwark Revisited, from 'The

St. Saviour with St. Peter, Southwark, The Parish Paper and the

Diocesan Gazette', Jan-Dec 1930.

Author’s AAddress:Suzanne M. HallCities Programme, London School of EconomicsUKs.m.hall@lse.ac.uk

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Narrating the City(cover)Narrating the City(author)