sung - elder respect

Elder respect

Exploration of ideals and forms in East Asia

Kyu-taik Sung

School of Social Work and Andrus Gerontology Center, University of Southern California, Los Angeles,

CA 90089-0411, USA

Abstract

As a step toward a systematic study of the undervalued subject of elder respect, this study explores

the forms of elder respect practiced by East Asians and distinguishes a comprehensive set of 14 forms

of elder respect ranging from care respect to ancestor respect. Traditional Confucian teachings

associated with respect for parents and elders were reviewed, forms of elder respect practiced by the

Asians are explored based on findings from recent studies conducted in Asia, and the meanings of the

forms are summarized. Changing expressions of elder respect and its continuing influence are

discussed. D 2001 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction

In recent years, concern over respect for elders has been increasing (Belmont Report,

1978; Chipperfield & Havens, 1992; Ingersoll-Dayton & Saengtienchai, 1999; Leininger,

1990; Lew, 1995; McKee, 1982; Mehta, 1997; Nydegger, 1983; Palmore & Maeda, 1985;

Post, 1989; Silverman & Maxwell, 1978; Streib, 1987; Sung, 1998a).

There have been reports on the tendency among some young people to mistreat helpless

old persons, to abandon frail elders, and to disrespect the elderly in general (Kim, 1998; Lau

& Kosberg, 1979; Moon & Williams, 1993; Pillemer & Finkelhor, 1988; Tomita, 1994).

Many of the aged in the world probably suffer from disrespect; only a minority may be

maintaining respect from younger generations because of unusual accomplishments (Nydeg-

ger, 1983; Palmore & Maeda, 1985). Without respect, the young would not be able to have

positive attitudes toward the elderly and treat them with propriety. Respect remains an

essential element in maintaining the status of the elderly (Leininger, 1990; Nydegger, 1983;

Palmore & Maeda, 1985). It remains puzzling, however, that the theme of respect is so

noticeably absent from most discussions of aging.

Journal of Aging Studies

15 (2001) 13±26

0890-4065/01/$ ± see front matter D 2001 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved.

PII: S0 8 9 0 - 4 0 6 5 ( 0 0 ) 0 0 0 1 4 - 1

The elderly are those who have contributed to their families and society throughout

their lifetime. Above all, most of them are parents who raised, educated, and cared

for children. For aging parents, adult children are an essential part of their support

system. How these children treat the aged is of major concern to the elderly, as well

as to society.

(Hereafter, `̀ respect for the elderly'' is termed `̀ elder respect.'' The term `̀ elder'' here

denotes parent, grandparent, other elderly relative, teacher, neighborhood elder, and

elders in general.)

Cultural change has a significant effect on elder respect (Nydegger, 1983; Palmore,

1989; Silverstein, Burholt, Wenger, & Bengtson, 1998; Simic, 1990; Streib, 1987). In a

culture, values, norms, roles, and patterns of social interaction associated with elder

respect persist from generation to generation (Palmore & Maeda, 1985; Streib, 1987).

The peoples of East Asia have a notable tradition of elder respect. The Chinese, the

Japanese, and Koreans have shared this tradition for many generations (Lang, 1946;

Park, 1983; Silberman, 1962). [The Chinese here include those in the mainland China,

Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore, which altogether comprise the larger Chinese

community of Asia.]

The traditional basis for elder respect is Confucian teachings of filial piety. In the

teachings, respect for parents and elders is the most stressed point (Teachings of Filial Piety,

1989, Chaps. 7 and 9). Filial piety essentially directs offspring to recognize the care and aid

received from their parents and, in return, to pay respect for their parents (Kong, 1995; Lew,

1995; Takahashi, 1995).

Until now, elder respect has been described in abstract terms; it has been a

concept too general to provide clear guidance for practice. The view that does receive

popular support is that elder respect is `̀ being courteous and obedient to elders.''

Elder respect as colloquially described has been characterized by emphasis on these

general principles.

If we carefully explore the concept of elder respect in literature on filial piety, however,

such a simplistic conceptualization does not seem appropriate for a realistic understanding

of this extensive and complex ideal. Confucian writers described how parents and the

elderly should be respected in a variety of forms and the importance of individual forms

has been treated by writers in varied ways depending on their belief and interests, and the

context of discussion. Thus, the complete distinction of how elders should be respected is

still an unresolved issue. To better understand respect for elders, its forms should first be

thoroughly explored.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the forms of respect prevalent among East

Asian peoples, namely the Chinese, the Japanese, and Koreans, and provide a compre-

hensive set of such forms for future studies. For this purpose, the paper first reviews the

traditional meanings of elder respect in Confucian literature, and then explores forms of

respect widely observed among the Asian peoples based on findings of recent studies on

elder respect in Asia. There are signs of shift in the way in which elder respect is

expressed by young generations in East Asian societies. Certain aspects of this shift are

discussed. It is not the purpose of this paper to discuss the philosophy of respect but

rather to explore the explicit actions of respect practiced in daily living.

K. Sung / Journal of Aging Studies 15 (2001) 13±2614

2. Ideals of elder respect

The first part of the present study was to review the passages excerpted from the

traditional literature to find out the root meanings of elder respect. The Book of Rites

(1993) (Li Chi: Confucian teachings on rites or propriety), Analects of Confucius (1996)

(Lun Yu: sayings and deeds of Confucius and his disciples on a scope of subjects

including education and moral cultivation), and the Teachings of Filial Piety (1989)

(Hsiao Ching: guidelines for the practice of filial piety) laid down a number of rules that

children were to follow to fulfill their filial duties. The passages are widely quoted in

discussions of respectful treatment of parents and elders, roles and duties of adult

children, and intergenerational relations.

For Confucius (also known as `̀ the Master''), being filial to parents meant treating parents

with propriety. The Chinese `̀ li'' (propriety or rites, rules of proper conduct) refers not only to

formal ritual prescriptions for elder respect but also to an inner disposition of the mind and

heart for elder respect (de Bary, 1995, pp. 58±59). The nexus of propriety in Confucian

teachings is both deference (respectful submission) and reverence (feeling of deep respect

tinged with awe) toward parents.

Confucius said,

If a person is governed by showing deference, what difficulty would there be in performing

propriety? (Analects of Confucius [Lun Yu], 1996, Book 4, Chap. 13).

When a disciple asked about being filial. The Master said,

Filial piety today is taken to mean providing nourishment for parents, but even dogs and

horses are provided with nourishment. If it is not done with reverence for parents, what is the

difference between men and animals? (Analects of Confucius [Lun Yu], 1996, Book 2, Chap.

7; de Bary, 1995).

As is evident, the innermost feeling of respect was most important to the Master. It would

seem that the Master in these passages authorized no blind conformity to formalities and

material support but rather a showing of propriety consisting of explicit deference and inner

reverence for parents.

The teachings on respect invariably prescribed ways of taking good care of aged parents

and emphasized the need to provide affective care, as well as instrumental services, i.e.,

caring for parents' mind and body.

The Master outlined specific ways of providing care and services.

In caring for parents, filial children should make them feel happy, not act against their will, let

them see and hear pleasurable things, provide them with comfortable places to sleep . . .(Book of Rites [Li Chi], 1993, Book 1, Chap. 1; Book 2, Chap. 12).

In the morning, the couple should pay a call on parents in their room. When they arrive at

their room, they should keep themselves at ease. Then, they should ask the parents in gentle

voice if their clothes are warm enough and if they have any pain or discomfort. If they do,

they should be given proper care and relieved from discomfort . . . They should be served

foods of their choice and the foods should be tasty, fresh, soft, and flagrant (Book of Rites [Li

Chi], 1993, Book 2, Chap. 12).

K. Sung / Journal of Aging Studies 15 (2001) 13±26 15

Besides, the couple should regularly help the parents wash their faces, hair, and bodies

(Book of Rites [Li Chi], 1993, Book 1, Chap. 1).

Respect is concerned also with a child's external behavior.

The Master said,

When a child is called by parents, he should answer `Yes' politely and greet them in a

courteous manner. In entering and exiting their room, he should keep sincere and respectful

posture (Book of Rites [Li Chi], 1993, Book 2, Chap. 12).

In speaking and addressing to parents, the child should always use respectful language

(Teachings of Filial Piety [Hsiao Ching], 1989, Chap. 4).

A gentleman should take care to speak the proper words in the proper tone of voice so as to

avoid coarseness (Analects of Confucius [Lun Yu], 1996, Book 8, Chap. 44).

The Master stressed the importance of obeying parents' advises and rules set for children

and the family (Book of Rites [Li Chi], 1993, Chap. 12).

Children should offer parents and elders seats or places, which are tied to respect. In

a room, one must always leave center seats for parents (Book of Rites [Li Chi], 1993,

Book 1, Chap. 1), and the direction of parents' seats or chairs should be arranged

according to their wish (Book of Rites [Li Chi], 1993, Book 1, Chap. 1; Book 2,

Chap. 12).

Dedicating gifts is a valued expression of respect frequently described in the classics

(Book of Rites [Li Chi], 1993, Book 2, Chap. 12; Twenty-Four Stories of Filial Piety, 1956).

These passages clearly describe and infer a series of forms of elder respect, e.g.,

providing care and service, serving choice food, greeting, furnishing with honorable seats,

presenting gifts, giving precedence, holding courteous manners, using respectful language,

and being obedient.

The Master advised on the celebration of parents' birthdays:

One must always keep in mind parents' birthdays; on the one hand, one is glad to offer

birthday congratulations; on the other hand, one is worried to see they grow one year older

(Analects of Confucius [Lun Yu], 1996, Book 4, Chap. 21).

The greatest regret one could have is an eternally lost opportunity of serving his or her

parents with medicine and soup on their deathbed or not being present when they die (Lin,

1982). Mencius said,

The nourishment of parents when living is not sufficient to be accounted as the great thing. It

is only in the performance of funeral rites when dead that we have what can be considered a

great thing (Works of Mencius, 1932, Book 4, Part 2, Chap. 8).

He even detailed the use of the inner and outer coffins for the burial of parents (Works of

Mencius, 1932, Book 2, Part 2, Chap. 7). The choice of quality coffins is the expression of

filial respect and affection toward the departed parents. However, the Master said, `̀ For

mourning, the inner grief is more important than the formalities'' (Analects of Confucius [Lun

Yu], 1996, Book 3, Chap. 4).


Thus, the respect for parents Ð whether they are alive or deceased Ð is concerned with

our external behavior as well as our inner disposition to respect them.

Confucius said, `̀ One should offer sacrifices to ancestors devoutly and sincerely''

(Analects of Confucius [Lun Yu], 1996, Book 3, Chap. 12). Rites for ancestor worship take

on great importance.

They served the dead as they would have served them alive; they served the departed as they

would have served them had they been continued among them. This was the highest

exemplification of filial piety (Chen, 1986, p. 384; Doctrine of the Mean, 1969, Chap. 19).

Propriety extends to public respect. Confucius envisioned respectful relations between all

members of the family and society. He said,

Treat with reverence elders in your own family, so that elders in other families shall be

similarly treated (Teachings of Filial Piety [Hsiao Ching], 1989, Chap. 2).

Elder respect extends beyond the boundary of the family.

`̀ At home, a young man should be dutiful towards his parents; going outside, he should be

respectful towards other elders and be cautious in deeds and trustworthy in words.'' (Analects

of Confucius [Lun Yu], 1996, Book 1, Chap. 6).

These passages explicitly prescribe public respect.

The above passages reflect the traditional ideal of elder respect which has influenced

peoples of East Asia for many generations and show us a series of ways in which the young

should convey their respect for elders.

3. Distinguishing classical forms of elder respect

As the second task of this study, specific action forms of elder respect contained in the

above passages were explored.

Three researchers analyzed the passages. Sentences, phrases, and words in the passages

that fit into each of the reference forms were located. Initially, five forms frequently cited in

literature were selected as reference forms, i.e., care respect, salutatory respect, linguistic

respect, victual respect, and acquiescent respect. Although these forms guided the analysis,

other forms emerged in the process of analysis. Relevant forms were discovered and then

compared with the existing ones to delineate new forms. The analysts maintained objectivity

by recording occurrences of sentences, phrases, and words, which denoted behaviors of elder

respect and by making inferences based on the sentences, phrases, and words. Any item cited

twice or more was coded. The coding scheme applied was dichotomous: yes (cited) or no (not

cited). The results of the analysis were crosschecked by independent testimonies of the

analysts who recorded them.

From our analysis of the passages, the following 13 forms (hereafter called `̀ classical

forms'') were distinguished. These various forms in combination seemed to reflect the ideal

of elder respect reflected in the passages reviewed.

� Care respect: Providing care and services for elders.� Victual respect: Serving foods and drinks of elders' choice.


� Gift respect: Bestowing gifts on elders.� Linguistic respect: Using respectful language in speaking to and addressing elders.� Presentational respect: Holding courteous appearances.� Spatial respect: Furnishing elders with honorable seats or places.� Celebrative respect: Celebrating birthdays in honor of elders.� Public respect: Respecting all elders of society.� Acquiescent respect: Being obedient to elders.� Salutatory respect: Greeting elders.� Precedential respect: Giving precedential treatment to elders.� Funeral respect: Holding funeral rites for deceased parents.� Ancestor respect: Worshipping ancestors.

The above classical forms were used as comparative references for the review of forms of

elder respect reported by studies conducted in Asia.

4. Forms distinguished by previous studies

The third task was to broaden the context for the exploration of forms of elder respect. This

involved selecting empirical studies conducted in recent years which met the following criteria:

(1) analyzed forms of elder respect; (2) used a sample of East Asian people; and (3) met

commonly accepted canons of methodological adequacy for qualitative or quantitative research.

Elder respect practiced by East Asian peoples has been reported on by writers, including:

Goldstein and Ku (1993), Harper (1992), Olson (1988), and Streib (1987) on China; Chow

(1997) on Hong Kong; Meyer (1988) on Taiwan; the Singapore Ministry of Community

Development (1996) on Singapore; Maeda (1977) and Takahashi (1996) on Japan; and Park

(1989) and Sung (1995) on Korea. However, none of them systematically explored forms of

elder respect.

The review of the literature uncovered four empirical studies, which met the selection

criteria. These are studies conducted by Ingersoll-Dayton and Saengtienchai (1999), Mehta

(1997), Palmore and Maeda (1985), and Sung and Kim (2000).

Palmore and Maeda (1985, pp. 6±8, 17±28, 41, 81±100) studied the Japanese based on

data from a survey of the aged, trend data showing the extent of change in the situations of the

aged, observations of public and voluntary programs for the aged, interviews with gerontol-

ogists, and reviews of literary works. Mehta's study (1997), based on 23 focus groups'1

discussions centered on the topic of elder respect, was about Singaporeans whose predomi-

nant ethnic group was Chinese (78%) and whose national policies positively promoted filial

1 Focus groups are formed and guided by the researcher (group leader) in a group discussion of a topic. A

focus group involves 7±10 individuals who share key characteristics with the target population. It uses open-

ended questions posed by the researcher to collect qualitative data. The careful researcher conducts several focus

groups on the same topic and checks for consistency in findings as a partial test of generalizability. This method

can be an indispensable aid for exploring hidden meanings of a topic, as well as for quickly assessing the range of

opinions about an issue (Schutt, 1996, pp. 328±330).


piety (Singapore Ministry of Community Development, 1996). Ingersoll-Dayton and Saeng-

tienchai (1999) studied in four Asian countries based on 79 focus groups' discussions (21 in

Singapore, 14 in Taiwan, 18 in the Philippines, and 26 in Thailand) focused on the same topic

of elder respect. Meanwhile, Sung and Kim's (2000) study was based on the content analysis

of the literature, observations of expressions of elder respect, and 413 South Korean adult

children's response to questions designed to identify various forms of respect.

All these studies fall in the category of qualitative research. In these studies, the units of

analysis were not societies but subgroups of elderly persons and adult children in their

respective Asian countries. Although all of these studies addressed the same topic Ð ways of

respecting elders Ð their research methods vary. Yet, the four studies yielded parallel results

for identification of a set of similar, if not identical, forms of elder respect. This result would

seem to justify considering them in terms of a single summary of the ways of respecting

elders (Larson, 1978).

Palmore and Maeda have cited 12 forms (Table 1). Except two forms (funeral respect, which

they did not cite, and consulting respect, which is not included in the classical forms), all other

forms are nearly identical to the classical forms in terms of the meanings and expressions.

Mehta cited seven forms (Table 1). Six of her seven forms (excepting consulting respect)

are nearly identical to corresponding forms in the list of the classical forms. Mehta did not cite

other forms of respect probably due to her intention to stress the importance of her seven

forms in the cultural context of Singapore.

Table 1

Elder respect: classical forms and modern forms

Modern forms

Forms of

elder respect

Classical

forms

Palmore and

Maeda (Japan)

Sung and

Kim (Korea)

Mehta

(Singapore)

Ingersoll-Dayton

and Saengtienchai

(Taiwan,

Singapore,

Thailand,

Philippines)

Number of

studies cited

Care respect x x x x x 4

Victual respect x x x x x 4

Gift respect x x x x x 4

Linguistic respect x x x x x 4

Presentational

respect

x x x x x 4

Public respect x x x x x 4

Consulting respect x x x x 4

Spatial respect x x x x 3

Celebrative respect x x x x 3

Acquiescent

respect

x x x x 3

Salutatory respect x x x x 3

Precedential

respect

x x x x 3

Ancestor respect x x x 2

Funeral respect x x 1


Ingersoll-Dayton and Saengtienchai examined gestures and manners, customs, rituals, and

tokens associated with elder respect and distinguished 12 forms (Table 1). Eleven of these

forms (except consulting respect) are nearly identical to the classical forms. Funeral respect

and ancestor respect are not cited by them, though people in Taiwan (Chinese) and Singapore

(predominantly Chinese) do practice both of these forms.

Sung and Kim identified 14 forms (Table 1). All of the forms are nearly identical to the

classical forms.

From this exploratory review, a comprehensive set of forms of elder respect has emerged.

The following are major findings.

The four studies combined distinguished altogether 14 different forms, which are all

important corollaries of elder respect that have not been comprehensively documented

(hereafter called `̀ modern form''). Of the 14 modern forms, seven are cited by all and five

are cited by three of the four studies. That is, 12 forms are mentioned by more than three

quarters of the studies. This finding denotes that most of the forms are commonly practiced

by East Asian peoples. Two forms Ð ancestor and funeral Ð are cited least often. The

meanings and expressions of 13 of the 14 modern forms (except consulting respect) are

consonant with those of all the classical forms. This presumably indicates that the modern

forms of elder respect are embedded in the ideal reflected in the classical teachings and that

the influence of the traditional ideal persists. The less frequently cited forms are ancestor

respect and funeral respect. Ancestor respect was cited by Palmore and Maeda, and Sung.

In fact, both forms are still widely practiced not only in Japan and Korea but also in

Chinese communities.

Seven forms (spatial, victual, linguistic, presentational, care, gift, and celebrative respect)

distinguished by Silverman and Maxwell (1978), based on their study of 34 societies, are

replicated by all the four studies suggesting the cross-cultural communality of the forms. Only

one (spatial respect) of the seven forms was not replicated by a study.

Overall, an inclusive and potentially useful set of action forms ranging from care respect to

ancestral respect has emerged.

5. Meanings and practices of forms of respect

General meanings of the modern forms are summarily described below.

Care Respect: Respect expressed by care and services for an elder's mind and body, e.g.,

providing personal care, nourishment, homemaking and health and social services; making

them feel happy and comfortable.

Victual Respect: Behaviors directed towards respecting prerogatives held by elders with

regard to the liking and consumption of foods and drinks, e.g., serving foods and drinks of

elders' choice.

Gift Respect: Bestowing gifts (money, clothes, and other materials of symbolic value) and

favors (the right to give speeches or preside at meetings).

Presentational Respect: Showing appearances which convey a sense of respect, e.g.,

dressing not extravagantly but plainly and neatly, having moderate and ordinary makeup, and

maintaining a polite and deferent posture.


Linguistic Respect: Using honorific language when the young converse with and address

to elders so as to convey respect. The level of respect is reflected in different nouns, verbs,

prefixes, suffixes, and even phrases, and sentences when these are used in interaction with

parents, superiors, and elders. Elder respect is built into East Asian languages.

Spatial Respect: Giving elders a seat or place of honor, a quiet room; building parents'

graves on sunny hillsides.

Celebrative Respect: Celebrating birthdays or events in honor of elders.

Public Respect: Voluntary and public services for elders at large, e.g., observing

Respect for Elders Day/Week, enacting laws protecting elders' rights, status, and

security; delivering community care, awarding filial piety prizes, holding campaigns

for elder respect, providing personal assistance (giving up seats for elders on buses,

helping them to cross the street or to carry heavy things, providing them with

transportation, etc.).

Acquiescent Respect: Exhibiting obedient behaviors which reflect deference and rever-

ence toward elders, e.g., listening to their advices and directives, not talking back.

Consultative Respect: Consulting elders on personal and family matters, customs, and rituals.

Salutatory Respect: Greeting elders to show respect, e.g., bowing, bending the body

forward, or placing hands together. This form is the first social behavior that East Asian

children learn at early ages.

Precedential Respect: Allowing elders to have precedence over beneficial things, e.g.,

providing foods, drinks, assistance, and services to elders first; allowing them to go through

doorways first, to get in and out of cars first, or to be first to use a bath.

Funeral Respect: mourning for and burying deceased parents with respect by holding a

funeral ceremony, by wearing special attire, by wailing and weeping, and by selecting a

funeral home, coffin, and gravesite.

Ancestor Respect: Ancestors within certain generations are commemorated on their death

anniversaries and on major holidays at the households of their respective primogeniture

descendents. Family members typically arrange carefully prepared foods and drinks on a table

for sacrifice, and make bows to the tablet or the picture of their ancestor. Maintaining

ancestors' graves is also an important way of paying respect.

6. Changing times and shifting expressions

The ways in which elder respect is expressed appear to be shifting. However, few studies

have systematically assessed how much or how fast they are changing. The meaning of

respect is shifting from obedience and subservience to courtesy and kindness (Mehta,

1997). For instance, listening to parents when they talk, which does not always mean

obeying or following what parents talk to them, is taken by many young people as a form

of elder respect (Sung & Kim, 2000). Consulting elders, which involves open commu-

nication and mutual aids between generations, has become a prevalent form of elder respect

(Ingersoll-Dayton & Saengtienchai, 1999; Mehta, 1997). As more young people value

reciprocity between generations, consulting is bound to be widely practiced. Instead of

bending the body forward to greet seniors, juniors now tend to shake hands with them.


Increasingly, public respect is taken more seriously by voluntary and public organizations

(Palmore & Maeda, 1987; Sung & Kim, 2000).

These changes in recent years largely indicate a new trend, a move from authoritarian and

patriarchal relationships to egalitarian and reciprocal patterns of mutual respect between

generations. In response to the challenges from social changes, East Asians are modifying

their ways of respecting elders.

Gerontologists in East Asia, however, insist that while expressions of elder respect are

changing, elder respect remains a central value and feelings of respect and obligation do

remain to bind generations together in Japan, Korea, and China, as well as in other Chinese

communities, such as Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore (Chow, 1995; Goldstein & Ku,

1993; Harper, 1992; Ma & Smith, 1991; Mehta, 1997; Meyer, 1988; Ministry of Health and

Social Welfare, Republic of Korea (MOHSW), 1997; Olson, 1988; Parish & Whyte, 1978;

Singapore Ministry of Community Development, 1996; Sung, 1995; Xie, Defrain, Meredith,

& Combs, 1996). Elliott and Campbell (1993) aptly summed up the similarities in this respect

between East Asian peoples:

Expectations regarding family care of the elderly and intergenerational reciprocity in Korean

and Chinese cultures strongly resemble those found in Japan, as all three of these East Asian

cultures have been much influenced by Confucian ethical conception of filial piety.

Under the influence of such a culture, cultural dictates seem to persist. Streib (1987) found

that elder respect was expressed in an automatic manner by Chinese people. In Japan, Palmore

and Maeda (1985) found that elder respect was deeply rooted in the social structure. In

addition, Sung (1998b) reports that Koreans are socialized at early ages to respect parents,

teachers, and elders. All these perspectives Ð one on social behavior, another on the social

structure, and still other on socialization Ð seem to be largely applicable to the three countries.

7. Discussion

In the exploration of forms of elder respect, a set of 14 forms emerged; elder respect is

explained by multiple action forms. The distinction between these forms highlights specific

ways in which parents and elders are respected by East Asian peoples. Reflecting the

continuing influence of the traditional value of elder respect, the meanings and expressions of

almost all the modern forms are consonant with those of the classical forms. As Streib (1987)

stated, values, norms, and roles associated with elder respect persist for many generations.

In the description of the comprehensive meaning, all these forms would have to be

considered since they portray elder respect in combination. The forms may be interrelated in

their meanings and practices, however, each of them seems to reflect an altruistic action

which demonstrates a particular way of respecting elders.

The review of the literature evidenced the important association between the inner feeling

of elder respect and the outer action of it. There seem to be two types of elder respect within

our existing forms. First, there is respect involving some action or work, such as caring,

serving, cooking meals, giving choice foods, providing monetary gifts, housekeeping, and so

forth. Secondly, there are symbolic displays of respect Ð those falling into linguistic,


presentational, acquiescent, spatial, precedential, and celebrative forms. Both types constitute

elder respect.

It is noteworthy that care respect Ð caring for elders' mind and body Ð is one of the 14

forms. According to Dillon (1992), Downie and Telfer (1969), and Kelly (1990), respect,

which involves practical concern distinguished from simply feeling, is closely interrelated

with care. They also determined that care is one kind of respect. There is similarity between

the description of elder respect in the present study and the western writers' description of the

connectedness of respect and care. Care respect in this sense has special implications for

human service professions. This fundamental form of respect is often difficult to practice as in

the case of caring for bed-ridden elders with chronic diseases. Family members, as well as

human service professionals (physicians, nurses, social workers, and other care providers),

whose duties are to provide humane and helpful care and services, need to make a renewed

moral and professional commitment to the practice of this particular form of respect.

The four studies were carried out at different times by different investigators and surveyed

different groups of Asians in different geographic areas. Yet, nearly the same, if not identical,

forms of elder respect were recurrently cited. Thus, the studies yielded parallel results for

identification of a set of similar, if not identical, forms of elder respect. This result would

seem to justify considering them in terms of a single summary of the ways of respecting

elders (Larson, 1978). The studies have limitations, however: samples were mostly small and

purposively selected; instruments were not identical across study areas; situational factors

affecting elder respect were not fully accounted for. Data on elder respect of the Chinese on

the mainland was not unavailable. However, the typology ranging from care respect to

ancestor respect may be useful in developing instruments for assessing elder respect.

The meanings of certain forms may undergo shifts over time; what is taken to be important

today may not be so tomorrow. Findings of Ingersoll-Dayton and Saengtienchai (1997) and

Mehta (1997) suggest such a shift. The manner and degree the effect of social change

engenders is an empirical question to which gerontologists need to be sensitive.

As yet, knowledge of culture specifics and universals about elder respect remains largely

undiscovered. Although all the cultures studied share the value of elder respect, the extent to

which elders are actively or passively respected, and the forms of elder respect with which

they are most often respected would seem to vary by culture.

All religions Ð Buddhist, Christian, and others Ð teach that children must respect for their

elders. Buddhism stresses respect and love for elders, especially for the mother whose care

and love for her children could not be reciprocated by even the most filial children.

Christianity is clear as to the moral importance of elder respect, which is rooted in its

theological ethical heritage. The Fifth Commandment in the Decalogue attests it: `̀ Honor thy

father and thy mother that your days may be long.'' Thus, the traditions of these religions fit

in with the Confucian teachings.

Although none of the four studies noted differences in respect for men and women,

women (mothers) tend to receive more care deference than men (fathers) in East Asian

societies in general. This may be in part due to the symbiotic and unfettered relationship

that children and mothers usually maintain in the East Asian family context (Pedersen,

1983). However, in other categories Ð mostly symbolic displays of respect in terms of

linguistic, consultative, acquiescent, presentational, spatial, salutatory, and public respect Ð


men tend to receive more deference than women. This seems due in part to the social

structure in which men still dominate resources and social influence within and outside the

family. Increasingly, the aged with resources and achievements tend to be treated with more

respect, also in the form of symbolic displays, than those without them. Future studies are

expected to explore the differences in respect for men and women and for those who have

resources and those who do not Ð issues that have increasingly important implications for

changing societies.

Looking ahead, young generations are likely to continue to change or modify their

expressions of elder respect. An important agendum for gerontologists in the coming decades

is to research how well or to what extent the young generations uphold the traditional value of

elder respect. Will the value continue to be transmitted to future generations? This will

probably depend on whether the present adult generation takes effort and time to instill the

value in the next generation.

What are the forms of elder respect, which are universally applicable and which are

culture-specific? To answer these questions, longitudinal cross-cultural studies are needed. It

will be useful, for instance, to see in what patterns East Asians immigrated to the United

States uphold or shift the traditional way of respecting elders through the first, the second,

and third generations. Some writers described of certain aspect of this issue (Kim & Kim,

1991; Liu, 1986; Nydegger, 1983). Although the first-generation immigrants are attached to

the traditional East Asian values of elder respect, filial obligation, and interdependent family

relationship, their children socialized in the American cultural context tend to not adhere to

the values as much as their parents do.

In what manner and to what degree the effect of a certain culture engenders such a

transformation is a macrolevel question. The present paper addressed macrocultural norms.

At the microlevel, however, the extent to which an individual person diverts his or her time,

resources, and motor energy to express elder respect would greatly determine the quality of

respect for an individual or a group of elderly person(s). It is, therefore, important to have

greater knowledge of differing trends in elder respect in different societies at the microlevel.

Future studies of elder respect are expected to address issues at both levels concurrently.

Acknowledgments

The author is grateful to Gordon F. Streib of The University of Florida and Erdman B.

Palmore of Duke University for their helpful comments on the draft of this paper.

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