south asian democracy watch newsletter, may 18, 2013

7/27/2019 South Asian Democracy Watch Newsletter, May 18, 2013

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Presents

International Symposium

DEMOCRACY AND THE EASTERN SCHOLARSHIP: ALLAMA IQBAL

MAY 18, 2013, 6-11 P.M., North Holiday Inn, Garland, TX

In Collaboration With

Exclusive Media Partner, FunAsia Radio

Muslim Community Center for Human Services,Pakistan Chronicle, Pakistan Journal, South Asia Chronicle

Program Sponsors

Dr. Ashfaq Siddiqui, Dr. Rehana Kausar, Dr. Arjumand Hashmi

Mr. Irfan Ali, Mr. Tabassum Mumtaz, Mr. Azeem Yasin

Organizing Committee & SADeW Board of Directors

Dr. Qaisar Abbas, Syed Fayyaz Hassan, Raja Muzzafar, Siraj Butt,

Raja Zahid Akhtar Khanzada

Aftab Siddiqui, Tausif Kamal, Asif Effendi


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ProgramDEMOCRACY AND THE EASTERN SCHOLARSHIP: ALLAMA IQBAL

Master of Ceremony: Dr. Arjumand Hashmi, (Mayor, City of Paris, TX)

FOOD FOR THOUGHT: DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH ASIA

Davinder Singh Daman, (Playright, actor and screenwriter from India): Theater and Political

Consciousness in India

Tausif Kamal, (Attorney): Elections in Pakistan: A Brief Analysis

Syed Fayyaz Hassan, (Political Activist): Democracy in South Asia: An Overview

DINNER

PANEL DISCUSSION: ALLAMA IQBAL AND THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD

Dr. Basheer Ahmed(Chair)

Dr. Masood Raja (University of North Texas)

Misinterpretations of Iqbal Today

Ms. Talmeez Fatima Burney(Urdu Writer, Radio Anchor)

Iqbals Concept of Time

Dr. Qaisar Abbas (University of North Texas)

Allama Iqbal in the 21STCentury Turmoil

DISTINGUISHED SPEAKER

Dr. Theresa Denial, Commissioner Dallas County (Introduction Aftab Siddiqui

Democracy in Developing Countries and American Policies

KEYNOTE SPEAKERS

Ambassador, Dr. Mohammed Mahallati, Oberlin College, Ohio (Introduction by Asif Siddiqui)

Allama Iqbal as he is Viewed in the Contemporary Iran

Dr. Nyla Ali Khan, University of Oklahoma (Introduction by Raja Muzaffar)

Iqbals Notion of Democracy in the Context of India and Pakistan

SEMI CLASSICAL MUSIC AND GHAZALS

Ghazal Maestro Ustad Salamat Ali will sing Allama Iqbals Kalam (Introduction by Siraj Butt)

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ARTICLES ON DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH ASIA

STATUS OF DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH ASIA

Syed Fayyaz Hassan

(Political activist and member South Asia

Democracy Watch Board of Directors).

Home to two nuclear powers and proximity to

two other super powers makes South Asia as one

of the most important regions in the world. The

region that comprises eight countries, including

Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal,

Pakistan and Sri Lanka, faces some common issues

of poverty, development, equity and democracy.

South Asian societies are at different stages ofdemocratic development, though they are all

moving into a democratic environment. Common

challenges to democracy in most of these countries

include womens empowerment, inclusion of

religious minorities and voting irregularities besides

violence and military interventions.

India being the largest democracy in the world

has built an enormous infrastructure supporting

democratic institutions. Military, judiciary,

bureaucracy and parliament are all cohesive units

and work under their jurisdictions prescribedin the constitution. India however faces human

rights challenges in various regions. Occupation

of Kashmir against the will of its people is the

biggest setback to Indian democracy. The extremist

Hindu political parties pose a real threat to

Indian democracy. Voter intimidation, denial of

voting rights to women and low castes are other

challenges.

Pakistan, a nuclear power with multiple ethnic

groups, is a constitutional democracy run by

a bi-cameral parliament. However, Judiciary,Military and bureaucracy are constantly at war.

A victim of its geopolitical location and a prolong

ward in Afghanistan terrorism has become a

huge challenge for Pakistan. An environment

of confrontational politics is promoted by the

power groups has further wakened democratic

environment. In the environment where killing,

kidnapping, and coercion against media people

are a norm, democracy is constantly under

attack. Voter intimidation, especially women and

minorities is quite pervasive. Pakistan is moving

to institutionalize the democratic process and

its voters are quite resolute in their struggle fordemocratic rights.

Afghanistan has been under foreign occupation

by two superpowers for the last two decades.

Currently all institutions in the country are

dependent on NATO and American whims and

wishes. However elections had been held and a

constitution is written by an elected assembly. A

continuous state of war has resulted in conversion

of a beautiful country into a large battleground.

As American and NATO forces are planning to

withdraw by 2014, the nation, democracy inAfghanistan will remain a dream for some time.

Bangladesh is still battling structural issues and

constitutional balance of power after 42 years of

independence. Although the country has improved

tremendously in building political institutions, Army

intervention in politics is an ongoing challenge to

democracy. Development of two political parties is

a positive development even though their human

rights record is not so bright. NGOs in Bangladesh

play an important role in poverty alleviation and

literacy improvement. Social changes and capacitybuilding took place in the last decade has helped in

political stability of the country. Electoral reforms,

human rights abuses, military interventions and

women empowerment are the contemporary issues

Bangladesh democracy is facing today

Sri Lanka has been a functional democracy for 80

years now, with Universal Adult Franchise bestowed

by the British in 1931. The country followed the

classic Westminster bi-cameral parliament model

and, does not separate the Executive from the

Legislature. Thirty years internal insurgency whichended in 2009 has an enormous impact on Sri

Lankas society. The human rights abuses during

the insurgency were at alarming level. UN Human

rights Sri Lanka with its best social indicators is fully

capable of building back cohesiveness in society as

well as democratic institutions

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Nepals democracy is in its embryonic stage

which faces several challenges from various

fronts. Converting a 240 years old monarch into

a democracy and bringing Maoist rebels into

democratic setup is a herculean task by itself. Nepal

today is a multi-party parliamentary democracywith bicameral legislature and is adjusting to

democratic norms and building democratic

institutions. Nepal is one of the few countries

in Asia to abolish the death penalty and is the

first one in Asia that allowed same sex marriage.

Maintaining an equitable balance between diverse

ethnic compositions poses an ongoing challenge to

democracy in Nepal.

Bhutan had been an absolute monarchy till 2007

and democratization was accomplished in 2011.

The expulsion of minority communities and humanrights abuses of minorities continues as regular

practices even in democratic regime in Bhutan. The

country lacks traditional democratic institutions

and its democracy is taking shape on a continuous

basis. Proximity of India, Nepal and China also

pose challenges in keeping balance in foreign and

domestic policies. Expulsion of people of Nepalese

origin from Bhutan has created an international

refugee crisis.

Maldives is a presidential republic, with the

President as head of government and head of state.Following the introduction of a new constitution

in 2008, direct elections for the President take

place every five years, with a limit of two terms in

office for any individual. Maldives is yet to have

full democracy in its institutional setup. However,

the independence of judiciary is enhanced by a

constitutional amendment in 2008 and several

reforms lately have set the country on the right

path.

WHAT HISTORIC ELECTIONS?

Pervez Hoodbhoy

(Pakistans leading political analyst and member

South Asia Democracy Watch Advisory Council).

Thankfully they are over and done with, and

only a few hundred not a few thousand lives

were lost. The PPP's rout was extremely well-

deserved. It is headed for the dustbin of history

unless, by some miracle, it miraculously reinvents

itself as a non-dynastic mission-driven party. One

feels somewhat sorrier for the ANP in spite of its

general ineptness and inability to deliver on honest

governance. But it was targeted by TTP fanatics and,

in the words of Asfandyar Wali Khan, the election

campaign became a matter of "picking up the dead,

carrying their funerals and taking the wounded to

hospitals". The long anticipated tsunami, it turned

out, belonged to Nawaz Sharif. This victory of a

center-right leader may not be much to celebrate

but, at least for now, he is acting as a statesman

and saying many of the right things. Meanwhile a

certain disappointed cricketer, who kowtows to the

Taliban and justifies their every atrocity, is venting

his spleen from his hospital bed.

Breathless commentators have termed these

elections "historic". But what exactly will they

change? Contenders had competing claims of how

they served local communities, and won or lost

largely on those grounds. Quite properly, those who

had pocketed too much were booted out. Musical

chairs are always fun to watch as various players

jockey for personal power. But there was no battle

of ideas. Many deeper issues were only barely

touched, if at all. Here are three:

Foreign Relations: Pakistan's steady descent into

chaos and terrorism is fundamentally connected

with the conduct of its foreign policy, at the core

of which has been the export of jihad into Kashmir

and Afghanistan. Apart from the international

condemnation that this has earned for Pakistan, the

blowback has been devastating. Fortunately, there

now is some glimmer of recognition and a desire to

change this.

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Although he did not make it a major election issue,

Nawaz Sharifs keenness to normalize relations

with India is probably genuine. But does that really

matter? After all, Zardari too had been keen but

his efforts were made largely ineffective after the

Mumbai attacks. A normalization would amount toa fundamental reorientation of the Pakistani state

a reorientation that will be resisted tooth and nail

by jihadist forces on Pakistani soil that operate with

full knowledge and consent of the Army. Relations

with Afghanistan and the United States, as well

as nuclear policy, are considered by the Army as

matters which are far too important to be left to

politicians.

Still, there is hope that Nawaz Sharif might be able

to pull some weight. The army has been weakened

and divided by the relentless insurgencies it hashad to fight, and its confidence shaken by insider

attacks. General Kayani's successor will formally be

chosen by the prime minister. Here will lay the first

test.

Baluchistan: Expelled just after the elections,

Declan Walsh, correspondent for the Guardian and

the New York Times, had written a moving account

of the situation in Baluchistan: "The bodies [of

abducted Baloch youth] surface quietly, like corks

bobbing up in the dark. They come in twos and

threes, a few times a week, dumped on desolatemountains or empty city roads, bearing the scars

of great cruelty. Arms and legs are snapped;

faces are bruised and swollen. Flesh is sliced with

knives or punctured with drills; genitals are singed

with electric prods. In some cases the bodies are

unrecognizable, sprinkled with lime or chewed

by wild animals. All have a gunshot wound in the

head."

How will elections change this awful situation,

especially since ethnic Baluch parties have

done poorly? Talk of reconciliation with Baluchnationalists comes cheap, but trust is lacking.

For decades the Baluch have complained of ill-

treatment. They say their natural wealth has been

expropriated by Punjab and that Baluchistans

natural gas reached remote Punjabi towns long

before it was available in Quetta and then

only because an army cantonment needed it.

Baluch representation in the civil and the military

bureaucracy remains close to zero.

Fearful Minorities: Pakistan's religious minorities

Ahmadis, Shias, Hindus, Christians are watching,

not rejoicing. The call to create a more open and

tolerant society was too weak to be heard during

the election rumpus. Several Islamic extremists

were candidates themselves, an indication that

in today's political climate extremism is no longer

to be considered extremism. No public outrage

followed as, in the run up to the elections, the TTP

took upon itself the role of kingmaker by murdering

hundreds they deemed as too secular or liberal.

The state's performance in protecting minorities

has been dismal. It has stood as a silent spectator to

the daily murder of those citizens whose particular

variant of Islam differs from that of the majority.

Shia neighbourhoods have been devastated by

suicide attacks, and men identified by Shia names

like Abbas and Jafri have been dragged out from

buses and executed Gestapo style. Ominously,

the PMLN hosts active, well known, Shia killers in

its party's ranks. Ahmadis have nowhere to go.

The police remain unconcerned when they are

murdered, or have their graveyards dug up and

desecrated openly by the local powers-that-be.

Although Sind was traditionally much more tolerant

than Punjab, Hindus have fled Sind en masse.

Conclusion: A country's politics reflects

the underlying social relations between its

communities, relations with the rest of the world,

and the distribution of economic power. The recent

election brought none of these fundamentals under

serious questioning. Unlike the 1970's election

campaign of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto who had made

grand promises for land reform and redistribution

of wealth that he never intended to fulfil this time

around large issues were not even on the agenda.

Instead we had Cricketer Khan's hopelessly wildclaims: corruption to be eliminated in 90 days;

the same educational syllabi to be enforced in

Waziristan and Kurram as in Lahore and Karachi;

and the end of terrorism once Pakistan starts

shooting down American drones.

A prediction: in the initial period Pakistan is likely

to see a somewhat more efficient and less corrupt

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government, more hours of electricity, improved

tax collection, and hopefully a tad less extremist

violence as well. This will come as a relief to weary

Pakistanis. But shortly thereafter it will become

business as usual. "Shortly" could mean six months,

or a year. In the absence of a drastic reorientationof basic attitudes, longer is unlikely.

LONG MARCH FOR PEACE AND HARMONY

Dr. Sandeep Pandey

(Peace activist based in India and member Advisory

Council, South Asia Democracy Watch.)

This article discusses two grassroots campaigns

in the Indian subcontinent a long march to end

violence between Hindus and Muslims, and a cross-

border peace march in India and Pakistan. These

marches proved to be very enriching experiences

for the participating people and the common

people who interacted with us on streets and in the

public meetings that we organized.

Hindu-Muslim Violence

Violence against the Muslim community in Gujarat

had taken place in 2002 with the collusion ofstate government headed by the right wing Chief

Minister Narendra Modi after a train compartment

carrying Hindu right wing activists on the way

back from the holy city of Ayodhya was burnt

mischievously in Godhara located in Gujarat itself.

It was alleged that the train compartment was

burned by Muslims outside the railway station in

Godhara after a young Muslim girl was pulled inside

the train by Hindu activists over a dispute with her

father, a tea vendor on the railway platform. Ashok

Singhal, the President of Vishwa Hindu Parishad,

a right wing organization which was behind the

demolition of Babri Mosque in Ayodhya in 1992 and

planned to build a temple dedicated to Hindu God

Ram at this place, had issued a warning: Gujarat

was only a laboratory, the entire country would

be converted into Gujarat. We resolved that

we would not let UP become another Gujarat. A

march for communal harmony was planned from

Chitrakoot to Ayodhya, both places of religious

significance associated with Ram, whose character

had undergone a transformation during the Ram

temple movement. The moderate family loving Ram

had been converted to a belligerent one in graphic

depictions.

It was a 26-day march during the summer of 2002.

We carried various printed material related to

communal harmony for distribution along the way.

Although at some places there were altercations

with people influenced by religious fundamentalists,

the march was otherwise peaceful. The District

Magistrate, chief executive officer at district level,

of Faizabad would not let us enter Ayodhya and

finally the march had to be terminated in Faizabad.

Swami Agnivesh, a progressive Hindu leader who

had devoted his life to social justice, arrived for

the occasion. After the final meeting some of us

in a vehicle went to Ayodhya to hold a symbolic

meeting inside a temple. This was organized by

Yugal Kishore Sharan Shashtri, a Mahanth or chief

priest of a tample, who had been fighting against

the communal politics living in Ayodhya. Since then

Shashtri has taken out numerous yatras or marches

for communal harmony. Soon his temple will

transform into a multi-faith harmony center which

is at a visible distance from the disputed site.

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When we took out the communal harmony peace

march in 2002 no organization, except for the

right wing ones, were allowed to organize events

in Ayodhya, especially if they questioned the

communal politics no matter which government

was in power in the state. The right wing bias in

the administration was quite clear. However, since

then, a series of events mainly organized by Yugal

Kishore Sharan Shashtri, have played an important

role in defusing the atmosphere of fear and terror

created by right wing Hindu organizations. The

secular activists had to pay a price for this as

Shastris programmes were banned and he has

been arrested and spent three and a half months in

jail on one occasion. I was arrested also in Ayodhya

twice in 2002 and 2003, and faced a case of sedition

in a Faizabad court.

Marching Across the Border

On the first day of the Global Peace March in

Pokaran the opposition was raising a question.

We could protest against Indian test as India was

a democracy, however, could we do the same in

Pakistan? Since then I started thinking to organize amarch between India and Pakistan for disarmament

and peace someday. Only a joint campaign between

the two countries had any meaning as they had

armed themselves to the teeth against each other.

The opportunity came in 2003. I went to Pakistan as

part of a big delegation to participate in a Pakistan-

India Peoples Forum for the Peace and Democracy

convention, which was held once in two years.

The first Pakistani citizen I met at the border,

Saeeda Diep, now a well-known pro-democracy

and human rights activist in Pakistan, was later

to agree to cooperate in taking out a joint march.

The march finally happened in 2005 between the

shrine of well-known Sufi saint Hazrat Nizamuddin

Auliya in Delhi, India to the shrine of another Sufi

saint Bahauddin Zakaria in Multan, Pakistan. Sufi

saints symbolized tolerance, peace and communal

harmony and were equally popular among the

people of all faiths on the both sides of the border.

I had personally requested the external affairs

minister of India, Natwar Singh to grant visas to

Pakistani citizens so that they could walk from Delhi

to the Wagha border of Pakistan. The practice

between India and Pakistan is to give city specific

visas to visitors from other country. To give him

credit, he gave visas to Pakistani citizens for the 14

districts which fell on the way to participate in the

march specifically. But there was a delay of ten

days. The Pakistani interior ministry took further 13days to grant permission to cross the Wagha

border. Anticipating such obstacles we had decided

to begin the march from Delhi even if Pakistani

marchers didnt arrive in time. Similarly Pakistani

marchers were expected to complete the Pakistani

leg, Wagha to Multan, in case we didnt make it

there. Three Pakistani citizens including actress

Meera were there to flag off the march on

23rd March, 2005. When Meera arrived at Delhi

airport from Karachi she was told that her port of

entry was Mumbai and she would have to go back

to Karachi and then enter India through Mumbai!

Such are the ridiculous restrictions on travel

between the two countries. It was due to Mahesh

Bhatts intervention, the known Bollywood movie

director, who came for the inauguration ceremony

too, that Meera could finally come out of the

airport in Delhi.

Nine Pakistani citizens including the prominent

activist Saeeda Diep joined us on the banks of River

Beas when we were in the last Indian district of

Amritsar. We went into the water removing our

shoes and took a pledge that we did not recognize

the division of land, water and nature and believed

in the oneness of humankind. The marching

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Pakistanis received very warm response on the

Indian roads and markets.

Then we hit the barrier at Wagha. Even though

I had gone to Islamabad and personally handed

over a list of 110 Indian citizens who wanted to

participate in the march to the Prime Minister

Shaukat Aziz and received his assurance that we

would get the visas, we were eventually denied the

visas. The meeting with the PM was organized by

the main Pakistani organizer for the march Karamat

Ali, a trade union activist. After several days, 12 of

us were granted visas but not for the march. We

had permission to drive through from Lahore to

Multan.

A warm response awaited us at the border when

we entered Pakistan. Unlike India, politicians and

bureaucrats were willing to officially welcome us in

Pakistan. The mayor of Lahore went so far as to say

that we could organize a march inside the city from

any point to anywhere. On our way from Lahore

to Multan we stopped at Sahiwal and Chichawatni.

The Gaddi Nashin, spiritual head, of the shrine at

Nizamuddin Auliya, Nazim Ali Nizami was travellingwith us. Huge crowd came out to see him and

convey their wishes to him which they wanted to be

made at the dargah (shrine) in Delhi.

Impacts of Peace Marches

Through these peace marches we broke several

barriers and accomplished the tasks which seemed

impossible. The people who participated in

these marches went through a life-transforming

experiences and we initiated healthy debates

wherever we went.

Some experiences, however, were simply mind

boggling. One such from the India Pakistan peace

march will always stand out in my mind. We were

approached by a Tadi Kirtan singer of a Gurudwara

on his bicycle from the back as were to enter

Jalandhar. He referred to our signature campaign

sheet in which we were asking people to sign on

three demands: India and Pakistan should resolve

all their disputes through dialogue; they should end

the arms race and destroy their nuclear armaments

and they should do away with the Passport-Visa

system and allow free passage across the border.

He suggested that if we were to make our last

demand as our first it would be easier for us to

resolve the other two as well. I had not expected

this wisdom from such a simple person. It occurred

to me then that we educated activists sometime

decide an agenda which is quite different from

peoples priorities. It was a very humbling and

educative experience for me.

____________________

THE ESCALATING TURMOIL IN BANGLADESH

Lal Khan

(International Secretary of Pakistan Trade Union,

Defense Campaign)

A recently established tribunal on war crimes in

Bangladesh on February 5 sentenced the Jamaat-

a-Islami chief, Abdul Qadir Mullah, to life time

imprisonment on the charge of crimes against

humanity during the civil war in 1971. Ever since

Bangladesh has been embroiled in unrest in which

several people have been killed and wounded.

The ongoing turmoil comes against the background

of innumerable industrial actions and militant

protests by the workers in the last few years. Also,

in the last couple of years two factory fire incidents

claimed the lives of hundreds of textile workers,

mainly women. The garment industry is countrys

main export.

In the 1971 war of liberation, about three million

Bengalis were killed while tens of thousands of

Bengali women were raped by soldiers of the

West Pakistani army that was trying to crush a

mass revolt in East Pakistan, as it was known at

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the time. In December the Indian army invaded

East Pakistan and after a 13-day war the Pakistani

army surrendered. The rest is history. While in

Bangladesh and India, Pakistani high-handedness is

stressed, in Pakistan, the Indian hand is blamed for

the secession of East Pakistan.

However, both versions have been distorted

to serve the interests of the ruling elites. The

movement that erupted against the regime in the

united Pakistan began not in East Pakistan but

in Rawalpindi when a student of the polytechnic

college was killed by police firing on a student

demo. This triggered a mass upheaval that spread

throughout both wings of the country. It soon

developed into a class struggle with revolutionary

politics and socialist ideals dominating the uprising.

In East Pakistan the main leader that emerged in

this movement was Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan

Bashani, a Maoist, who was the leader of the

National Awami party. As the movement became

stronger with the involvement of the proletariat

and began to threaten the regime as well as the

state apparatus and the system, Bashani was

instructed by Mao himself, a close friend of the

Pakistani military ruler Ayub Khan, to back out.

This was a severe setback for the class struggle.

However, East Pakistan was also subjected to

a brutal national oppression. Sentiments of

deprivations were widespread. Consequently,

struggle assumed a nationalist color. Imperialists

and the Indian ruling classes heaved a sigh of relief

as they were terrified that the mighty wave of the

class struggle that was developing in East Pakistan

would spill over into the state of West Bengal in

India, a state that was already in ferment.

Such a development would have meant a

revolutionary wave engulfing the whole of the

south Asian subcontinent. This propelled Sheikh

Mujib ur Rehman, a bourgeoisie demagogue, into

the leadership of the nationalist struggle. He was

a staunch adherent of capitalism and had links

with the Indian bourgeoisie. In a revealingly frank

interview with AFP published in Le Monde, Paris,

on 31st March 1971 Mujib complained, Is the West

Pakistan government not aware that I am the only

one able to save East Pakistan from communism?

The Indian army invaded East Bengal not really

to defeat the Pakistan army but in fact to crush

the soviets or the Panchayats of the workers,

peasants and youth that had sprung up in the areas

liberated by the mass struggle under the leadership

of the Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) and other leftorganizations. But what is also true is that the

atrocities committed by the Pakistani Army were

complimented by the vigilantes of the Jamaat-a-

Islami, organised in its armed wings of Al Badar and

Al Shams.

The deep involvement of the Jamaat in

the Operation Blitz is revealed in the book The

Indo-Pak War by Major General Hakeem Arshad

Qureshi, who was a battalion commander in

the Dinapur district of East Pakistan during

the operation. He narrates: Maulana TufailMohammad (Amir) of the Jamaat-a- Islami visited

us after the military action...The Maulana was

particularly concerned about the performance of

the Razakars(volunteers) locally recruited and

belonging to his party... He jokingly remarked that

his party cadres had always come to the rescue of

the Army in tough situations.

There is no doubt that these leaders of the Jamaat-

a-Islami now being tried in the war crimes tribunal

were involved in the heinous crimes against

the Bengali masses in the war of liberation. Butthe question arises as to why these trials are

being conducted forty two years after the crimes

were committed. The motive of the incumbent

government is to distract the masses from the

burning issues. In addition, we might also ask

why the Jamaat is still a substantial political force

in Bangladesh when its leaders played such a

treacherous role during its independence struggle.

In spite of a secular constitution and the demeanor

of its mainstream leaders, the independence of

Bangladesh has failed to alleviate the masses fromdeprivation, misery and poverty under a capitalist

regime. Both the mainstream parties represent

the interests of the Bengali ruling classes that took

control of the state and the economy after the

creation of Bangladesh.

It also proves that any independence on a bourgeois

basis cannot resolve the burning problems afflicting

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a society owing to capitalist exploitation and

imperialist plunder. Fundamentalism breeds in this

malaise that has set in due to the stagnation of the

workers movement and the misery that prevails

in society. The tens of thousands protesting in the

Shahbagh square are mainly the petit bourgeoisieexpressing their frustration with the burgeoning

social and economic crisis that has now started

to bite even the middle classes. Those who are

ferociously belligerent for the utopia of Islamization

are from a similar class background with almost the

same frustration with their lives in this system in

decay.

It is unfortunate that most of the left leadership,

in the name of secularism and democracy,

has abandoned the urgent need for a socio-

economic transformation in order to achievethe emancipation of the Bengali masses. (From

Viewpointoline.net).

NUCLEAR MARATHON IN SOUTH ASIA

Dr. Qaisar Abbas

(Assistant Dean, University of North Texas and

member South Asia Democracy Watch Board of

Directors).

On April 19, 2012, India tested its long range

ballistic missile Agni 5 with a capability to carry a

nuclear warhead for 3,100 miles. Although experts

believe the test was China-centric as it had the

capability of reaching major cities of Beijing and

Shanghai, it also revealed a nerve-wracking nuclearrace between India and Pakistan where the two

neighbors, equipped with dangerous weapons,

are also in a constant state of armed conflict. In

an apparent response, Pakistan also conducted a

missile test the following week on April 25 exposing

the intensity of the nuclear race in South Asia.

In the aftermath of the United States signing a

treaty of nuclear collaboration with India, Pakistan,

reportedly, is trying to be the fifth largest nuclear

power in the world by developing a record number

of nuclear weapons (Masood, 2012). According to

some estimates Pakistan has 70-90 warheads ascompared to 60-80 warheads of India.

Both neighbors have declined to sign the

Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) and the

Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). While

for Pakistan, being a weaker and smaller military

power, nuclear capability becomes a security issue,

India, ironically uses the same logic against China as

a justification to continue the nuclear mad race.

For India, the nuclear regime rests on using unclear

weapons as a defensive strategy; Pakistan reserves

its right for a first strike. In this crazy competition if

India develops the nuclear Ballistic Missile Defense

(BMD) shield, possibly Pakistan will also follow the

suit.

It is argued that nuclear capability acts as an

effective deterrence but the fact that both South

Asian countries have had armed conflicts with each

other even after their nuclear tests, makes the

situation even more volatile for the whole region.

Analyzing the four conflicts between the two rival

countries, Brasstacks in 1987, Kashmir uprising in

1990, the Kargil attack in 1999, and border tensions

in 2001-2002, a study concludes:

Overall, the entry of nuclear weapons into the

subcontinent, ostensibly to ensure national

security, has not made the region more stable

or conflict less likely. The Kargil conflict and the

year-long border confrontation between the two

countries have proven to be exception to the

accepted wisdom that nuclear weapons stabilize

relations, strengthens deterrence, and discourage

both conventional and nuclear conflict (Chari,

Cheema and Cohen, 2007).

Evidently, the nuclear tests did not stop small

scale adventures; they did point to the possibility

of similar conflicts in the future with a possible

threat of nuclear holocaust in the region. Probably

based on this depressing prediction, a recent report

highlighted the need for nonproliferation of nuclear

arms in the region:

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For now, India, Pakistan, and the international

community must focus on incremental steps

to bring these two states into the global non-

proliferation regime while working to enhance

strategic stability in the region, thereby reducing

chances of a nuclear catastrophe (Yousuf, 2010).

The case of South Asia, however, is more alarming

than other nuclear zones in the world. Not only it is

one of the most dangerous world regions, it is also

surrounded by two nuclear giants, Russia and China.

When both nuclear competitors in South Asia

only have poverty and human sufferings for their

citizens, the nuclear race in the region seems to be

an unfortunate development which has a capability

of wiping out millions of people with horrifying

global consequences. Unfortunately, while thewhole world is watching silently, the nuclear

marathon goes on in South Asia.

_________________________

__________________________

ALLAMA IQBAL AND KASHMIR

Raja Muzaffar

(Known Kashmiri leader and member South Asia

Democracy Watch Board of Directors)

There are so many facts about Kashmir not known

even after 66 years of partition in the subcontinent

of India and Pakistan. In addition, the rumor mill has

been busy in creating baseless and untrue stories

about Kashmir, its history and its people.

Religious extremists in India and Pakistan, calling

the partition as an incomplete agenda, have

also spread false and misleading ideologies. This

militancy has consumed three generations in the

subcontinent. Ill-conceived notions of hatred

have now permeated into the society so much

that violence has not even spared our mosques,

temples, churches, streets and alleys.

Kashmir was very close to Allama Iqbals heart and

mind based on his historical links with the valley. As

his family came from the Kashmir, he always kept

its history and values alive in his work and poetry.

In one of his poems, he laments the fate of

Kashmirs people in these words:

Today that land of Kashmir

Once known among the wise

As the Little Iran,

Under the heels of the enemy

Has become weak

Helpless and poor.

He was so concerned about the poor masses of

Kashmir; his poetic discourse intensely narrated the

large gulf between the common masses and the

ruling classes of the whole region:

A burning lament

Comes down from the heavens

When the man of veracity and integrity

Is overawed by

The power and pomp

Of kings and land lords.

Then, when he notices a small cottage of an old

farmer away from the colors of the city, he could

not help thinking about his inner, prevailing

empathy with the lonely peasant in comparison to

those who have all the luxuries in their world:

The old farmers cottage

On the mountainside

Where despair prevails

Tells another story of fate

And its hardships.

Moaning on the fate of his people, Iqbal seems

to complain the Almighty to allow all of this. The

candid commentary seems so contemporary as if

the poet can see whats going on here in the 21st

century in the whole region at large:

So skillful with hands,

So rich in wisdom

These people,

O God, your justice,

So long delayed

Must come at least

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As a retribution!

The wave of hatred has now taken over the whole

society and mistrust is so deep in our culture that

everyone has become a suspect in the eyes of

others.

In all developing societies, progressives, however,

continue the process of exploring new possibilities

and continue to embrace fresh ideas of promoting

harmony and love, rejecting old and rotten theories

of hatred.

This was the context of creating a new organization,

the South Asia Democracy Watch. It aims at finding

new venues of human emancipation in South Asia

by identifying hurdles in the path of establishing a

democratic rule, justice, and equity in the region.

We intend to work for strengthening the pillars

of democracy and peace in South Asia. With this

mission, the organization continues to work on

researching and promoting democratic values

among South Asians and among the diaspora all

over the world.

_____________________________

POST-ELECTION SCENARIO IN PAKISTAN

Tausif Kamal

(Attorney at Law and member South Asia

Democracy Watch Board of Directors)

General elections held on May 11, 2013 in Pakistan

may be termed as a victory for democracy and

an indication of peoples desire for self-rule and

freedom. Defying threats of violence by the Taliban

and Jihadists, there was a heavy 60% turnout

of voters. However, it was marred by serious

allegations of ballot rigging and irregularities at

many locations and almost a boycott of elections by

people in Balochistan.

Be that as it may, the elections unveiled three

surprises. A decisive victory by PML-N headed by a

resurgent Nawaz Sharif, the twice prime minister,

securing a near majority of 127 National Assembly

seats out of the total elected 272 seats. Secondly,

the abysmal showing, with only 31 seats, of the

outgoing PPP and its disappearance from Punjab is

astonishing. Thirdly, a disappointing outcome for

the popular Imran Khan and his PTI party, obtaining

just 28 seats, amidst great though unrealistic

expectations by PTI s youth fan base, clamoring for

a Naya or new Pakistan.

The religious parties like JI and JUI were unable to

win a number of seats. As far as election results

for the four provinces of Pakistan are concerned,

PMLN with a huge majority will form the Panjab

government, while PPP and PTI will lead the Sindh

and KPK governments respectively. Balochistangovernment will probably be also formed by PMLN

also in coalition with other parties.

So what does the future hold for the country under

the leadership of Mr. Nawaz Sharif? Sustaining

democracy, protecting human rights especially of

subjugated minorities, guaranteeing the safety

and security of people, jump starting a bankrupt

economy, promoting peace with its South Asian

neighbors, would doubtlessly be a very dauntingchallenge for him.

Nawaz Sharifs first and immediate task should

be to stop without any delay the failing of the

Pakistani state and rapid erosion of its authority by

the relentless terror attacks in the country by the

declared enemy, the Taliban.

PMLNs second task should be to strengthen the

civil government so that it can effectively govern

and have the strength to enforce, implement and

execute the laws. This will entail asserting civilian

oversight over the army, restricting the politically

ambitious, usurping, interfering superior judiciary

to its constitutional function of interpreting and

applying the constitution and law in actual legal

cases.

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The incoming governments third task would be

its ability and capability, to deftly handle and

effectively resolve a host of pressing domestic

issues, such as ubiquitous power shortages,

endemic corruption, inept governance, encouraging

the much- needed domestic and foreign investment

for infra-structure, creating job opportunities

for millions of unemployed youth, improving the

economy, providing health, and education facilities.

Its comforting to know that Nawaz Sharif

has publicly advocated and has previously

demonstrated his policy of closing ranks with

India and developing constructive, peaceful and

beneficial relations with all South Asian countries.

_________________

SYMPOSIUM SPEAKERS

Dr. Qaisar Abbas

With a Ph.D. in Mass Communication from University of Wisconsin-Madison, Qaisar Abbas has taught at several

universities and currently he is Assistant Dean at the University of North Texas. He has organized UNT Peace

Conference as its Chair on South Asia and the Middle East. He is also involved in community activities as part of

the Board Directors of the Dallas Peace Center and President of South Asia Democracy Watch. He extensively

writes on media, and socio-political issues for online and print journals. Before coming to the U.S. he worked for

Pakistan TV as News Producer and earlier as Information Office in the province of Punjab.

Ms. Talmeez Fatima Burney

Ms. Talmeez Fatima Burney is an Urdu writer and poet. With Masters degrees in Urdu and Linguistics from

Karachi University, Pakistan, she has been co-hosting a literary program on FunAsia Radio for the last five years.

She also teaches Urdu in Brookhaven Colleges in Dallas.

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Davinder Singh Daman

South Asia Democracy Watch is proud to have a known Indian actor, stage director and screenwriter, Davinder

Daman in its Advisory Council. Based in Chandigarh, India, he is known for his political activism who effectively

uses street theater as his medium for raising political awareness. He has written and staged several plays in

India, Pakistan, Britain and other countries. An anthology of his plays has been recently published in India.

Dr. Theresa Daniel

Dr. Theresa Daniel, as Commissioner of Dallas County, has extensive expertise in public affairs, economic

development, housing, transportation, education, gerontology and local political thought. With a Ph.D. in public

policy and administration, she is also a social science researcher and involved in public organizations for over

three decades. Professionally, she served as a U.S. Congressional staff member, worked with the American Red

Cross and has focused on public education for the past seven years. Prior to her election to Commissioners

Court, Dr. Daniel worked with Dallas ISD in program evaluation and accountability and is also adjunct professor

of urban and public affairs at UT-Arlington.

Mayor Dr. Arjumand Hashmi

Dr. Arjumand Hashmi, a cardiologist by profession, is Mayor of Paris in Texas. He did his medical studies in

Karachi, Pakistan and has been living in Paris for the last five years. He is the first Pakistani

American who became a mayor in the United States.

Syed Fayyaz Hassan

Syed Fayyaz Hassan is Co-Chair of American Muslim Democratic Caucus. He has an MA degree from Michigan

State University in Economics and Masters in Applied Sciences from University of Karachi, Pakistan. He is an

activist with the Democratic Party and has been serving as the Democratic Party Executive Committee since

2002.

Tausif Kamal

Attorney Tausif Kamal is one of the Pakistani American pioneers in the legal profession based in the United

States. He practiced general and corporate law in Ohio and California after obtaining his J.D. degree from

University of Akon in Ohio in 1975. He has been actively involved in advocating and defending the legal rights of

the Pakistani and other new immigrants in the United States. As a freelance writer and analyst on human rights

issues in South Asia, he has written extensively on politics, democracy and rights of minorities and women.

Dr. Nyla Ali Khan

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Dr. Nyla Ali Khan is a member of the Advisory Council of South Asia Democracy Watch. She has a Ph. D. in

English Literature from the University of Oklahoma, where she also teaches South Asian Studies, Postcolonial

Literature and Theory, and Cultural Studies. Formerly an associate professor at the University of Nebraska-

Kearney, she is the author of The Fiction of Nationality in an Era of Transnationalism (2005) and Islam,

Women, and Violence in Kashmir: Between India and Pakistan (2010).

Dr. Mohammed Jafar Mahallati

Dr. Mohammad Jafar Mahallati is currently teaching Islamic Studies at Oberlin College in Ohio. He has been

Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Iran in the United Nations from 1987-1989. With a Ph.D. from

McGill University in Islamic Studies and Masters in Political Science from University of Kansas, he has also taught

at Georgetown, Yale and Columbia universities.

Dr. Masood Raja

Author of Constructing Pakistan, Dr. Masood Raja is Assistant Professor of English at the University of North

Texas specializing in the postcolonial literature and theory. He edits Pakistaniaat: A Journal of Pakistan Studiesand contributes regularly in academic journals and online blogs.

____________________

Mission Statement

South Asia Democracy Watch (SADeW) works as a nonprofit organization to monitor and nurture democracy

by promoting social justice, human rights and equity in South Asian countries. It intends to analyze and

communicate the available data and research work to its audience in South Asia and everywhere else in the

world.

Vision

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South Asia Democracy Watch (SADeW) envisions becoming an internationally recognized and impartial pressure

group to promote and nurture a culture of democracy and equity in South Asian countries.

Objectives

1. To monitor democratic processes and systems in Pakistan and South Asian countries.

2. To nurture a culture of democracy through educational, cultural and literary programs and events.

3. To promote democratic values of social tolerance, freedom of expression, justice, fairness and equity to a

broader American, South Asian and global audience through the modern channels of communication.

Organizational Functions

1. To develop political leadership skills among men and women in South Asian countries through training programs

and events.

2. To empower people in urban and rural areas for effective participation in political process in the region throughsupporting, debating and communicating democratic values.

3. To identify government and nongovernment policies and activities which hinder political process in the region.

4. To collect data and develop educational materials on the democratic process and system in the region and

communicate them to the diaspora, people in the regions and the American leaders and audience.

5. To monitor legislative developments in the region for protecting women, religious and ethnic minorities and the

under-privileged segments of the society at large.

6. To communicate and interact with American opinion makers, think thanks, policy institutes and media of

communication in promoting SADeWs mission andobjectives.

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south asian democracy watch newsletter, may 18, 2013

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