Annual Summer Conference Society for Pidgin and Creole Linguistics University of Tampere / University of Turku

Tampere, Finland 19–22 June 2017

Contents Welcoming words ................................................................................................................ 2 Organising committee .......................................................................................................... 2 Venue ................................................................................................................................... 3 Practical information ............................................................................................................ 4 Programme ........................................................................................................................... 6 Social programme .............................................................................................................. 11 Plenaries ............................................................................................................................. 12 Session abstracts ................................................................................................................ 15 Workshop ........................................................................................................................... 85

2

Welcoming words Welcome to the 2017 summer meeting of the Society for Pidgin and Creole Linguistics, jointly sponsored and organised by the University of Tampere and the University of Turku. Our intention in organising this conference has been to serve the international community of experts on the linguistics of contact languages, as well as students interested in contact linguistic research and in conducting new research on their own. In the interest of encouraging future student fieldwork in creole and other contact language-speaking communities, we have invited Eeva Sippola from the University of Bremen to conduct an intensive workshop to provide students with a range of critical skills that will be useful to them in current and future research projects. We will also be commemorating the life and work of Mervyn Alleyne, who recently passed away, leaving behind a large number of former students and colleagues who benefitted enormously from his many contributions to our field. We are pleased to welcome to the conference our invited plenarists, Marlyse Baptista and Michel DeGraff, who in all likelihood need little introduction for this audience, since their scholarly accomplishments are well-known to us. We would like to thank our own universities and the Federation of Finnish Learned Societies for their support. Angela Bartens and Peter Slomanson

Organising committee University of Tampere University of Turku Peter Slomanson (co-chair) Angela Bartens (co-chair) Juhani Klemola Tommi Alho Hanna Parviainen Diana Berber Irabien Paula Rautionaho Laura Ekberg Veera Saarimäki Aleksi Mäkilähde Janne Skaffari

3

Venue The venue of the SPCL summer meeting 2017 is Pinni B (3) on the main campus of the University of Tampere. The registration desk, coffee break area and auditorium (B1100) are all located close to each other on the ground floor of the building. The session rooms B3107 and B3116 are located on the third floor and B4113 on the fourth floor. There are three restaurants in the campus area:

• Restaurant Minerva on the 2nd floor of Pinni B The lunch coupons purchased at the time of registration are valid at this restaurant

• Restaurant Juvenes on the 2nd floor of the main building (1) • Restaurant Linna on the 1st (Kalevantie 5) / 2nd floor (Pinninkatu 76) of Linna (4)

4

Practical information Contact information Peter Slomanson +358406282170 Temporary guest account for the university wireless network WLAN: Utapac Username: y7ebfw@guest.uta.fi Password: thCEyf Restaurants close to the university

• Dabbal, Yliopistonkatu 44 (Lapland Hotel) • Eetvartti, Sumeliuksenkatu 16 • Myllärit, Åkerlundinkatu 4 • Sasor, Yliopistonkatu 50 • Telakka, Tullikamarin aukio 3 • Ethnic restaurants at the Tullintori shopping

centre (Tullikatu 6): Bengol Curry, Shawarma Jahala, Yi Sushi, Ming Zhu

5

Useful links Conference website: http://www.uta.fi/ltl/SPCL2017.html Matkahuolto (national bus services): https://www.matkahuolto.fi/en/ Tampere Regional Transport timetables: http://aikataulut.tampere.fi/?lang=en Tampere Regional Transport journey planner: http://reittiopas.tampere.fi/en/ Taxi services: http://www.taksitampere.fi/tat/en/frontpage University website: http://www.uta.fi/en Visit Tampere tourist information: http://visittampere.fi/ VR (national rail services): https://www.vr.fi/cs/vr/en/frontpage Taxi services in Tampere +3581004131

6

Programme Monday 19th June

8.00-10.00 WORKSHOP Eeva Sippola

B3116 9.00-10.00 REGISTRATION OPENS

Pinni B lobby 10.00-10.30 COFFEE BREAK

Pinni B lobby 10.30-11.00 OPENING

Päivi Pahta (Dean of the Faculty of Communication Sciences) Don Winford (President of the Society for Pidgin and Creole Linguistics)

B1100 11.00-12.00 PLENARY: Modelling dynamic processes in Creole genesis using an agent-based

model Marlyse Baptista

B1100 12.00-14.00 LUNCH

B3107 - ACQUISITION Chair: Michel DeGraff

B3116 - VARIA Chair: Angela Bartens

14.00-14.30 Competition, selection and creole formation

Don Winford

They’re leaving this behind, or the vitality of Forro in

São Tomé Marie-Eve Bouchard

14.30-15.00 Modeling the role of acquisition in contact-

induced language change Anna Jon-And and Elliot

Aguilar

The grammaticalization of Nigerian English

Eke Uduma and Adebola Otemuyiuwa

15.00-15.30 COFFEE BREAK Pinni B lobby

B3107 - SOCIOLINGUISTICS Chair: Juhani Klemola

B3116 - LANGUAGE DOCUMENTATION Chair: Eeva Sippola

B4113 - AFRICANS IN THE AMERICAS

Chair: Bettina Migge 15.30-16.00 Analyzing variation in code-

switching typology: the case of Limonese Creole-Spanish bilingual speech in Puerto

Limón, Costa Rica Ashley LaBoda

The importance of including the perception of the speakers in language

endangerment situations: lessons learned

Petra E. Avillan-Leon

A survey of the provenance of enslaved

Africans in colonial coastal Georgia

Simanique Moody

16.00-16.30 An examination of the linguistic landscape in two

neighborhood communities in South Florida: Riviera and

Little Haiti Tometro Hopkins

Kodramintu di Kristang: the reawakening of Kristang in

Singapore Kevin Martens Wong

Brotherhood of Our Lady of the Rosary of Black People: early

written texts from Afro-Brazilian people

Fernanda Maciel Ziober 19.00- SOCIAL PROGRAMME: CITY OF TAMPERE RECEPTION

Tampere City Hall Guided group leaves from the university at 18.30

7

Tuesday 20th June 8.00-10.00 WORKSHOP

Eeva Sippola B3116

10.00-10.30 COFFEE BREAK Pinni B lobby

B3107 - TRANSLATION Chair: Diana Berber Irabien

B3116 - PHONOLOGY Chair: Nicholas Faraclas

B4113 - HISTORY AND DEMOGRAPHY

Chair: Paul Roberge 10.30-11.00 Creole code-switching in the

Finnish translations of Anglophone Caribbean

novels Laura Ekberg

Creole features in Barbadian English

phonology Christine Stuka

Transferring inflectional morphology: Greek-

Latin language shift in ancient Rome

Tommi Alho and Angela Bartens

11.00-11.30 “To be or is be not one fine translation?” Translating a

classical text into a constructed Pidgin in a work

of fiction Iris Guske

On the reconfiguration of a prosodic system: aspects of Chincha Spanish intonation Sandro Sessarego, Rajiv Rao

and Brianna Butera

Towards a reconstruction of the

ethnolinguistic inventory of the Danish West Indies, 1672-1800

Kristoffer Friis Bøegh 11.30-12.00 Translating drama in

Lusophone West African islands: the Cape Verdean

post-colonial stage Helder Lopes

Prosody and grammaticalization in

Caribbean Creole development

Shelome Gooden

12.00-13.30 LUNCH B3107 - PIDGINS

Chair: Peter Bakker B3116 - SYNTAX Chair: Ingo Plag

B4113 - HISTORICAL TYPOLOGY

Chair: Kendra Willson 13.30-14.00 From an unstable to a stable

pidgin lexicon – circumlocutions and their replacements in early Tok Pisin, Solomons Pijin and

Bislama Damaris Neuhof

Ti annan en fwa en size nil – null subjects in Kreol

Seselwa Dany Adone, Astrid Gabel

and Marie-Thérèse Choppy

Are French-based creoles direct structural continuations of French?

Aymeric Daval-Markussen

14.00-14.30 Language contacts on the Russian-Chinese border:

(re)making a pidgin in real time

Kapitolina Fedorova

Verb form selection in two restructured varieties

J. Clancy Clements and Wafi Alshammari

Asymmetry in path coding: creole data support a universal

trend Susanne Michaelis

14.30-15.00

GPA genesis: the extent of substratal influence

Murtadha J. Bakir 15.00-15.30 COFFEE BREAK

Pinni B lobby

8

B3107 - VARIA Chair: Shelome Gooden

B3116 - SYNTAX Chair: Marlyse Baptista

B4113 - VARIA Chair: Marivic Lesho

15.30-16.00 Romancing with tone: prosodic systems in

language contact Kofi Yakpo and Guri Bordal

Steien

Parametric syntax and the distinctiveness of creoles

Peter Bakker and Johannes Kizach

Revisiting “creoles” in Inner Asia via a socio-

historical lens Arienne M. Dwyer

16.00-16.30 Where do we go from here? On the developmental

paths of two creole languages

Astrid Gabel and Kathrin Brandt

Evidence for infinitival status in contact language

complementation Peter Slomanson

The limits of relexification: the story

of Singlish already Michael Yoshitaka

Erlewine

16.30-17.00

Subject omission in world Englishes

Hanna Parviainen

Kreol Morisien as a Bantu language

Tonjes Veenstra

On the importance of legal history for the

study of creole languages: the legal hypothesis of creole

genesis Sandro Sessarego

19.00- SOCIAL PROGRAMME: CONFERENCE DINNER Finlayson Palace

Guided group leaves from the university at 18.15

9

Wednesday 21st June 8.00-10.00 WORKSHOP

Eeva Sippola B3116

10.00-10.30 COFFEE BREAK Pinni B lobby

B3107 - SOUTHERN AFRICA Chair: Peter Slomanson

B3116 - ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS

Chair: Simanique Moody

B4113 - VARIA Chair: Susanne Michaelis

10.30-11.00 Residents’ perspectives on Sepitori, a mixed language

of Pretoria, South Africa Thabo Ditsele

Absorbed by the lexifier? Language ideologies among

young urban lexifier speakers

Marie-Eve Bouchard and Danae M. Perez

Assessing a collaborative dictionary

project Bettina Migge

11.00-11.30 Lexical innovation in the formation of the Cape

Dutch Vernacular Paul Roberge

Geographic variation in Australian Kriol: a first

dialectology Greg Dickson

Comparative alternation in Mauritian: data and

experiments Shrita Hassamal

11.30-12.00 Standardizing the non-standard or Namdeutsch as a stylistic feature in current Namibian online media: a

quantitative and qualitative corpus-based analysis

Henning Radke

Examples of how a cognitive linguistics

approach can be utilized in creole studies

Micah Corum and Nicholas Faraclas

12.00-13.00 LUNCH B3107 - NIGERIAN PIDGIN

ENGLISH Chair: Don Winford

B3116 - SYNTAX Chair: Tonjes Veenstra

B4113 - SEMANTICS Chair: J. Clancy Clements

13.00-13.30

Morphosyntactic features of Nigerian Pidgin English

Eke Uduma

Syntactic variation and language change in

Papiamentu/o: directional and resultative serial verb

constructions Asuncion Lloret Florenciano

“Do” marks completive aspect or indicative

modality in Ship English depending on language

competency Sally Delgado

13.30-14.00 Is there a Nigerian Pidgin -- Nigerian English

continuum? An empirical study of copula

constructions in ICE-Nigeria Ogechi Florence Agbo and

Ingo Plag

Spanish and Philippine possibility markers in

Chabacano and its substrates

Marivic Lesho

14.00-15.30 SPCL BUSINESS MEETING B3116

16.15- SOCIAL PROGRAMME: CRUISE TO VIIKINSAARI A guided group leaves from the university to Laukontori at 16.15. The cruise departs at

17.00. If you do not wish to join the guided group, meet us at Laukontori 15 minutes before the departure.

Thursday 22nd June

10

B3107 - TYPOLOGY Chair: Rocky Meade

B3116 - PRAGMATICS Chair: Nicole Scott

B4113 - VARIA Chair: Tometro Hopkins

9.00-9.30

Creole typology: the state of the art

Peter Bakker

Pragmatics in Wernicke’s aphasia speech:

understanding how languages (re)develop

Rodolfo Mattiello

Being Marra, speaking Kriol: linguistic and

cultural loss and retention across recent shift to an endogenous

creole Greg Dickson

9.30-10.00 Revisiting the Cupópia of Cafundó (Brazil): the African lexicon and the case of the

verb cuendar Laura Álvarez López and

Juanito Ornelas de Avelar

Motion events in Haitian Creole

Carolin Ulmer

Recontextualizing Chocoano: a clarification

on the history of a Colombian contact

variety Eliot Raynor

10.00-10.30 COFFEE BREAK Pinni B lobby

10.30-11.30 PLENARY: “This soil is bad for certain kinds of flowers”: in search of post-colonial foundations for Creole studies

Michel DeGraff B1100

COMMEMORATION OF THE LIFE AND WORK OF MERVYN C. ALLEYNE B1100

11.30-11.35 Introduction by Don Winford 11.35-12.00 The legacy of Dr. Mervyn Alleyne as experienced by doctoral students of the College

of Humanities of the University of Puerto Rico-Rio Piedras Petra E. Avillan-Leon, Sally Delgado, Marisol Joseph and Diana Ursulin Mopsus

12.00-12.30 Presentations and round table discussion Don Winford, Nicole Scott, Peter Bakker, Marlyse Baptista, Rocky Meade, Petra E.

Avillan-Leon, Sally Delgado, Marisol Joseph and Diana Ursulin Mopsus

A tribute from a former student and colleague - Rocky Meade A personal tribute to Mervyn Alleyne - Nicole Scott

Memories of the year Dr. Alleyne was my teacher in Amsterdam in the Early Eighties - Peter Bakker

12.30-13.00 CLOSING CEREMONY B1100

11

Social programme Each full conference day ends with a chance to socialise with the other participants. You can find the details of the social events you have registered for here.

All social events take place within walking distance of the university. To reach the venues, you can either join a guided group that leaves from the main campus from in front of Pinni A or find your own way with the help of the location information provided below.

City of Tampere reception, Monday 19th June The City and Mayor of Tampere have agreed to host a reception for the conference participants on the opening day of the conference. The reception takes place in the beautiful Tampere City Hall at 19.00. The venue is located in the main square (Keskustori), in the heart of Tampere. A guided group will walk from the university to City Hall at 18.30.

Address of the venue: Keskustori 10, 33210 Tampere Distance from the university: 1.5 km / a 20-minute walk

Conference dinner, Tuesday 20th June The conference dinner will take place at Restaurant Finlayson Palace in the iconic Finlayson area. On your way to the restaurant you can admire the industrial red brick buildings Tampere is known for. After the three-course dinner you might want to make your way up to Näsinpuisto park for a beautiful view of Näsijärvi lake and the Särkänniemi amusement park. The dinner starts at 19.00. A guided group leaves from the university at 18.15.

Address of the venue: Kuninkaankatu 1, 33210 Tampere Distance from the university: 2.2 km / a 30-minute walk

Cruise to Viikinsaari, Wednesday 21st June The destination of the conference excursion is Viikinsaari island, located on Pyhäjärvi lake, a 20-minute boat trip from Laukontori. Dinner will be served on the island. The boat to Viikinsaari leaves from Laukontori at 17.00. A guided group will walk from the university to Laukontori at 16.15. Those not joining the group may meet us under the big clock at Laukontori 15 minutes before the cruise departs. Please note that this is a scheduled departure and the boat will not wait for latecomers.

After dinner you can explore the island on your own and head back to Laukontori on one of the scheduled departures when you are ready. The boat departs from Viikinsaari to Laukontori at 30 minutes past the hour until the final departure at 21.30.

Address of the venue: Laukontori, 33200 Tampere Distance from the university: 1.5 km / a 20-minute walk

12

Plenaries

Marlyse Baptista Marlyse Baptista is Professor of Linguistics at the University of Michigan. She received her Ph.D. in Linguistics at Harvard University in 1997. Before accepting her current position in 2007, she taught at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and at the University of Georgia.

Baptista studies the morphology-syntax interface in pidgin and creole languages, with special emphasis on her native Cape Verdean Creole. In recent work, she has investigated the cognitive processes involved in contact situations and focuses on the role of convergence in creole genesis. She is currently involved in three collaborative projects: a psycholinguistic experiment testing the convergence hypothesis in creole genesis, a project using field data to document language variation in Cape Verde, and a project reconstructing the ancestry of Cape Verde's founding populations.

Baptista is an associate member of the French Centre National de Recherche Scientifique (Structures Formelles du Langage). In 2016 she was elected Fellow of the Linguistic Society of America and member of the Michigan Society of Fellows. She is also well known for her language activism in the Cape Verdean diaspora.

For additional biographical details and details on Dr. Baptista’s research, please see: http://www-personal.umich.edu/~baptistm/. Modelling dynamic processes in Creole genesis using an agent-based model In this paper co-authored with Jinho Baik, Ken Kollman and Alton Worthington (University of Michigan), we present an agent-based model of language creation and acquisition that could offer insights into dynamic processes responsible for the emergence of creole languages. Our primary purpose is to provide a conceptual framework that allows us to examine hypothetical scenarios of creole genesis. The locus of attention is Haitian creole and we motivate our theoretical analyses by examining 18th century Haitian creole diachronic texts that reflect mixing of forms from French and possibly Fongbe. The 1793 and 1796 Haitian texts that are at the source of our data were first discussed in Hazel-Massieux (2008) and are creole translations of French documents promoting the emancipation of slaves in Haiti following the 1789 French Revolution.

Our model of language creation and acquisition tests the logical consequences of different as- sumptions about how people learn to adapt to a new linguistic environment in a multilingual setting. The model allows for the study of a series of possible scenarios accounting for the development of Haitian creole. While our focus is on Haitian, we believe that our model can be useful to study the development of other contact languages. The model is flexible and can accommodate various assumptions and parameters to fit diverse cases.

13

We hypothesize that dynamic processes of convergence and divergence may account for the instability or stability of the features that we observe in these texts. Our findings suggest that Haitian creole arose from the combination of demographic changes involving blacks to whites ratios and the pressures upon the original creolophone speakers to con- form to the variety of the French language spoken in their environment while preserving some of the L1 features (Mufwene, 2008; Aboh and DeGraff, 2014). Another important factor in our agent-based model is the incoming slaves’ willingness to change their spoken language for the purpose of accommodating to others who have been in-situ for a longer period of time.

Michel DeGraff Michel DeGraff is Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. His linguistic research deals extensively with creole languages, with a focus on his native Haitian Creole, as he documents the ways in which creole languages are structurally and developmentally comparable with older non-creole languages. Professor DeGraff’s linguistic work is complemented by advocacy emphasizing the importance of joining Kreyòl and technology in research and education toward sustainable development in Haiti. Some of DeGraffʼs current projects have explored the strategic use of digital tools in Kreyòl to improve Haitian students’ active learning of math and science. For example, the US-based NSF (National Science Foundation)-funded MIT-Haiti Initiative is an interdisciplinary research project combining linguistics, science, math, and education. In DeGraff’s view, it is through the innovative, strategic and systematic use of their native language Kreyòl that Haitian students will optimally develop their knowledge in the range of subjects taught in their basic education and beyond. In addition, DeGraff is a founding member of Haiti’s Haitian Creole Academy and a member of Haiti’s National Commission for Curricular Reform, part of the Ministry of National Education and Professional Training.

DeGraff has published on creole genesis, syntax, morphology, and language change, as well as on Kreyòl in education, language ideology, and language rights. He actively promotes creoles and Haitian Kreyòl through numerous talks, presentations, and workshops throughout the world.

For additional biographical details and details on Dr. DeGraff’s research, please see: http://mit.edu/degraff, http://facebook.com/mithaiti, http://haiti.mit.edu, http://web.mit.edu/linguistics/people/faculty/degraff. “This soil is bad for certain kinds of flowers”: in search of post-colonial foundations for Creole studies Yes, let’s strive to bridge some of the most blatant gaps between the core universalist-egalitarian assumptions in linguistics and the power-knowledge hierarchies at the root and, still, at the core of Creole studies and the consequences thereof in the lives of Creole speakers. My hope is to inspire a new sort of linguistics whereby our research can help

14

bring about the sort of linguistic equality that is a precondition for socio-economic and political equity. Indeed my agenda couples theoretical linguistics with on-the-ground projects that engage technology, pedagogy and local languages in order to improve research and education for sustainable development and equal opportunity for all. On the theoretical front, I will critique one of the most enduring socially constructed hierarchies in linguistics, namely “Creole Exceptionalism”—an umbrella term that I coined to to refer to these various (neo-)colonial hypotheses that have turned Creole languages into some sort of “freakish” (i.e., exceptional) languages on either developmental or typological grounds or both. In anti-Exceptionalist mode, I will consider Creole formation as one starting point to investigate larger issues in language acquisition and language change—and in cognitive science more generally. In this vein I will present a “Null Theory of Creole Formation” (Aboh & DeGraff 2017) which includes, at its core, insights about the interaction between second- and first-language acquisition in contact situations. In this perspective, Atlantic Creoles are all genealogically related to their Germanic or Romance ancestors, once the Comparative Method of Historical Linguistics is duly applied. In other words, Creole formation is nothing but a (relatively) banal instance of language change, on a par with the formation of new varieties in the history of non-Creole languages. I will, thus, argue that Creole languages such as my native Haitian Creole are on a par with European and other non-Creole languages in terms of development, structures and expressive capacity. On the larger “linguistics for social justice” front, I will relate my Uniformitarian theoretical axioms to on-the-ground real-world issues involving language and education, especially the strategic use of educational technology in local languages, in order to improve access to quality education for all, especially among populations that have traditionally been excluded—by and large, through language—from equal opportunity for socio-economic advancement. I hope that this plenary lecture will usher insightful discussions about the ways in which linguistics can help make the world better by undoing colonial and neo-colonial language-related “phantasms” (that is, “phantasms” in the sense of Fox Harrell). These phantasms (e.g., Francophilia in Haiti, Anglophilia in Jamaica and Creole Exceptionalism in linguistics) can also be analyzed as linguistic “bluest eye”—in the sense of Toni Morrison who also gave us the quote in the title. These phantasms have, for far too long, help sustain the hegemony that has kept speakers of so called “local” languages, such as Creole languages, at the bottom of various socio-economic and (geo-)political hierarchies. We creolists can do better, much better.

15

Session abstracts Ti annan en fwa en size nil – null subjects in Kreol Seselwa Dany Adone, Astrid Gabel and Marie-Thérèse Choppy University of Cologne Null Subjects have traditionally been connected to rich agreement in languages such as Italian or Spanish (Chomsky 1981, Rizzi 1986). However, studies have shown that this analysis cannot be confirmed for languages such as Japanese, Korean and Chinese (Huang 1984) or Creole languages (Syea 1993, Adone 1994). Our goal here is to discuss the case of Kreol Seselwa (KS), a French-based Creole. We will give an account of the distribution and nature of null subjects in KS.

Similar to Japanese, Korean and Chinese, KS does not exhibit inflectional morphology, yet allows subjects to be empty. In KS, sentences such as the following can be found:

1) Wi pa pou dir mon non Yes, Ø NEG TNS say my name ‘Yes, I will not say my name’.

2) Ti annan en fwa Ø TNS have a time ‘Once upon a time…’.

Concerning the distribution of null subjects, Michaelis and Rosalie (2013) argue that pronominals in general (example 1) and expletive subject in ‘seem’ constructions are optional in KS. Expletive subjects of existential verbs are always phonologically unrealized (example 2).

The nature of empty subjects in Creole languages still remains unclear. DeGraff (1993) suggests a pro-drop analysis for Haitian Creole in which pro is licensed by INFL and does not require identification due to its expletive nature. For Mauritian Creole (MC) several different accounts of empty subjects have been proposed. Syea (1993) also takes empty subjects to be pro, but differs in the assumption that existential pro is raised at LF, whereas universal pro remains in situ. Syea (2013) refines his analysis and argues that null subjects are the result of a PF-deletion operation and a weak EPP feature in MC. In contrast, Adone (1994) following Huang (1984) argues that null subjects are variables, governed by INFL and identified by a topic or operator. A last possibility that has been proposed for the analysis of empty subjects is Lipski’s (1999) approach. He argues that null subjects in Romance-derived creoles are similar to English subjectless clauses such as ‘will be back’ in that they exhibit elliptical properties in informal speech.

In a first step, this paper provides criteria to distinguish between different types of empty categories, i.e. whether they are pro, PRO, variables, or elliptical constructions. In a second step, we present several instances of null subjects in various contexts in KS based

16

on different types of data. We will incorporate native speaker’s judgements as well as other spoken data such as natural data, elicited data and samples from the media. Additionally, written sources such as newspapers and literary texts will also be taken into account. The findings lead us to argue that empty categories in KS can be analysed as topic drop/variables. Furthermore, it becomes clear that these findings have some bearings on the discussion concerning the nature of empty categories in Creole languages in general. References Chomsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures on Government and Binding. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Huang, C.T. James 1984. “On the Distribution and Reference of Empty Pronouns”. Linguistic Inquiry 15 (4): 531-

574. Syea, Anand. 1993. “Null Subject in Mauritian Creole and the Pro-Drop Parameter”. In: Byrne, Francis & Holm,

John. (eds.). Atlantic Meets Pacific: A Global View of Pidginization and Creolization. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 91-101.

Syea, Anand. 2013. The Syntax of Mauritian Creole. London: Bloomsbury. Adone, Dany. 1994. The Acquisition of Mauritian Creole. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. DeGraff, Michel. 1993. “Is Haitian a Pro-Drop Language?”. In: Byrne, Francis & Holm, John. (eds.). Atlantic

Meets Pacific: A Global View of Pidginization and Creolization. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 71-90. Lipski, J. 1999. “Null subjects in (Romance-derived) creoles: routes of evolution”. Paper presented at the Annual

Meeting of the Society for Pidgin and Creole Linguistics, Los Angeles, January 8, 1999. Michaelis, Susanne Maria & Rosalie, Marcel. 2013. “Seychelles Creole structure dataset”. In: Michaelis, Susanne

Maria & Maurer, Philippe & Haspelmath, Martin & Huber, Magnus (eds.). Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. (Available online at http://apicsonline.info/contributions/56, Accessed on 2016-11-21.)

Rizzi, Luigi. 1986. “Null Objects in Italian and the Theory of pro”. Linguistic Inquiry 17 (3): 501-557. Is there a Nigerian Pidgin -- Nigerian English continuum? An empirical study of copula constructions in ICE-Nigeria Ogechi Florence Agbo and Ingo Plag Heinrich Heine University, Dusseldorf The co-existence of the English Language and Nigerian Pidgin in Nigeria calls for an investigation of the dynamics of their mutual influence. This paper investigates the influence of Nigerian Pidgin on the Standard Nigerian English spoken by educated speakers. The purpose of this study is twofold. First we will investigate the variation in the use of copula constructions by educated speakers of Nigerian English. The second is to investigate whether this variation can be interpreted as evidence for the existence of a continuum in Nigeria. Deuber (2006) is the only pertinent empirical study available and she interprets her results as evidence against the continuum. Deuber investigated the Pidgin spoken by educated Nigerian speakers in Lagos. With regard to copula constructions she found very few standard forms and, crucially, no intermediate forms. No implicational scaling was used.

17

The present study approaches the problem from the reverse angle and investigates Standard Nigerian English conversation data from the International Corpus of English-Nigeria. Sentences containing a copula construction were extracted from 40 conversations, resulting in a data set of 1036 tokens. The constructions were coded for pertinent variables (e.g. speaker, conversation, type of form, type of construction, standard vs. non-standard etc.), and subjected to statistical analysis, including computational scaling. The analysis shows that there is an unexpected amount of variation in the use of copula in the Nigerian English of these speakers, including the use of non-standard forms that have hitherto not been recognized in the literature (e.g. in Faraclas’ 1996 reference grammar). Nine variant forms of copula are attested in the data. These forms include three Standard English forms and six non-standard forms. Among the six non-standard forms, four are Nigerian Pidgin copulas, showing the direct influence of Nigerian Pidgin on Nigerian English. Two forms can be interpreted as intermediate forms, as they occur neither in Pidgin not in Standard English. Furthermore, the distribution of the data lends itself to implicational scaling. The resulting implicational scale can be interpreted as evidence for the existence of a continuum with intermediate varieties between the standard Nigerian English and Nigerian Pidgin. In contrast to what Deuber found in her data, our results show that Educated speakers of Nigerian English do not use the two languages as two discrete varieties. References Dagmar, Deuber (2006). Aspect of Variation in Educated Nigerian Pidgin: Verbal Structures. In: Structure and

Variation in Language Contact, ed. by Ana Deumert & Stéphanie Durrleman. Amsterdam: Benjamins. 243-261.

Faraclas, Nicholas G. (1996). Nigerian Pidgin. London, New York: Routledge. Transferring inflectional morphology: Greek-Latin language shift in ancient Rome Tommi Alho1 and Angela Bartens2

1Åbo Akademi University, 2University of Turku In this paper we examine the transfer of inflectional morphology from Greek to Latin. In Latin inscriptions in general and mainly in female personal names of the first declension in particular, several inflectional morphemes occur which deviate from the classical standard: 1) genitive singular in -(a)es, -enis, -etis; 2) dative singular in -e, -eni, -eti; and 3) nominative singular in -iane. As previously argued (e.g. Alho & Leppänen: in press), the transferred morphemes reflect the language use of the Greco-Latin communities of Rome. Our data consist of several hundred Roman inscriptions from the first three centuries AD, drawing special attention to two coherent groups of inscriptions, namely the funeral inscriptions from l’Isola Sacra, and Roman brick stamps.

However, we wish to argue that such a transfer of inflectional morphology must have involved language shift from Greek to Latin. Our approach is based on the contact-linguistic

18

framework proposed by Van Coetsem (1988; 2000). He defines transfer as any kind of cross-linguistic influence. In all cases of transfer there is a source language (SL = Greek) and a recipient language (RL = Latin), and the direction of transfer is always from the SL to the RL. The agent of the transfer is either the SL speaker (SL agentivity) or the RL speaker (RL agentivity). If a Latin speaker, for instance, uses Greek while speaking Latin, we have RL agentivity, or borrowing. If, on the other hand, a Greek speaker uses Greek while speaking Latin, we have SL agentivity, or imposition. The distinction between borrowing and imposition is, essentially, based on the concept of linguistic dominance, i.e. proficiency, but potentially also on sociolinguistic relations in the sense of diglossia.

Even though borrowing of morphology (in the above sense) is not totally uncommon (see e.g. Matras & Sekel 2007; Gardani 2008; Meakins 2011), imposition of morphology, on the other hand, seems to remain a rare phenomenon. In fact, it is only attested, as far as we know of, in situations of language shift (for some examples, see Thomason 2001: 111-113; 147-148). We wish to argue that due to imperfect language learning the learners of L2 (Latin) had, in the first instance, retained an element (an inflectional morpheme) of their linguistically dominant language L1 (Greek) in speaking L2. Through first-language acquisition such an element was then reanalyzed as part of the inflectional paradigm, being subsequently generalized in the Greco-Latin linguistic community. References Alho, T. & Leppänen, V. (in press). ‘On Roman brick stamps and the Latin -(a)es genitive’, Pallas - Revue d'études

antiques. Gardani, F. (2008). Borrowing of Inflectional Morphemes in language Contact. Frankfurt. Matras, Y. & Sakel, J. (2007). Grammatical borrowing in cross-linguistic perspective. Berlin. Meakins, F. (2011). Case-Marking in Contact: The development and function of case morphology in Gurindji

Kriol. Thomason, S. G. (2001). Language Contact: An Introduction. Edinburgh. Van Coetsem, F. (1988). Loan Phonology and the Two Transfer Types in Language Contact. Dordrecht. Van Coetsem, F. (2000). A General and Unified Theory of the Transmission Process in Language Contact.

Heidelberg. Revisiting the Cupópia of Cafundó (Brazil): the African lexicon and the case of the verb cuendar Laura Álvarez López1 and Juanito Ornelas de Avelar2

1Stockholm University, 2University of Campinas The present paper deals with the speech of a rural Afro-Brazilian community called Cafundó, situated 150 km from São Paulo. In 1978, when linguistic data were collected, the community comprised approximately eighty individuals, descendants of two slave women who inherited their owners’ proprieties. According to earlier studies, when the inhabitants of Cafundó spoke Cupópia, their supposed ‘African language’, they used structures borrowed from Portuguese and a vocabulary of possible African origin. Within Creole

19

studies, this variety has been classified as a ‘symbiotic mixed language’. The aim of this paper is to present this variety and its lexicon and to offer an in-depth analysis of its most common verb, cuendar, used in multiple expressions with different meanings (cf. 1).

The lexical analysis focuses on 160 lexical items collected in the community between 1978 and 1980 by Vogt and Fry (1996). Our analysis shows that approximately 68% (109/160) of the lexical items have African origins, 83% (91/109) are nouns, 11% (12/109) are verbs, 7% (8/109) are adjectives or adverbs and 1% (1/109) is a greeting. Most etymologies are Bantu, which reflects the history of the community. We believe that, after Portuguese became the dominant language of the community, lexical items from an original ancestral Bantu-based koiné (Kimbundu/Kikongo/Umbundu) were incorporated. In such a case, Cupópia would be the outcome of ‘lexical borrowing under RL [Recipient Language] agentivity’ and can be compared to the case of Angloromani, also defined as a symbiotic mixed language.

The morphosyntactic study is mainly based on two interviews from 1978 in which the speakers code-switch between Cupópia and Portuguese. The results indicate a higher level of restructuring involving Cupópia NPs if compared with the VPs. The high proportion of nouns in the Cupópia lexicon might explain this result. In contrast, the VP in Cupópia shows the same patterns of variation as the Portuguese of the same speakers, indicating that the VP of Cupópia is moving towards vernacular Portuguese. However, based on an in-depth analysis of the use and meanings of Cupópia’s most common verb, cuendar, we defend that this verb has preserved the syntactic and semantic properties from Bantu languages. The analysis reveals that it has preserved the properties of the Kimbundu verb kuénda and its derivates as directional verbs of movement, such as ‘go’, ‘arrive’, and ‘come’. The study also shows that cuendar can be used in directional composed phrases to replace verbs which are not inherently directional (as cuendar da anguta, literally ‘exit from the woman’, meaning to be born – cf. 2). (1) a. do sengue vem cuendano no injó from-the woods come cuendar.PROGRESSIVE in-the house ‘[Someone] is arriving at home through the woods’ b. cuendei de umbara cuendar.PAST from city ‘I arrived from the city’ c. vai cuendar o tataió no injó do jambi pra cutar go cuendar the man in-the house of-the saint to pray ‘[Someone] will take his father to the church to pray’

20

(2) coendou da anguta camanaco cuendar.PAS from-the woman child ‘The child was born’ References Álvarez López, Laura & Anna Jon-And. Forthcoming. Afro-Brazilian Cupópia: lexical and morphosyntactic

features of a lexically driven in-group code. Journal of Pidgnin and Creole Languages. Bartens, Angela & Philip Baker (eds.). 2012. Black through White. African words and calques which survived

slavery in Creoles and transplanted European languages. London & Colombo: Battlebridge. Smith, Norval. 1994. An annotated list of creoles, pidgins and mixed languages. In Arends, Jacques, Pieter

Muysken & Norval Smith (eds.), Pidgins and creoles. An introduction, 331-374. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Smith, Norval. 2000. Symbiotic mixed languages: a question of terminology. Bilingualism, Language and

Cognition 3(2). 122-123. Vogt, Carlos & Peter Fry. 1996. Cafundó – a África no Brasil. Linguagem e sociedade. Campinas: Editora da

Unicamp. Winford, Donald. 2005. Contact-induced changes. Classifications and processes. Diachronica 22(2): 373-427. The importance of including the perception of the speakers in language endangerment situations: lessons learned Petra E. Avillan-Leon University of Puerto Rico at Rio Piedras Ever since the European colonizers came to the Caribbean there has been an effervescence of languages and cultures which emerged from contact, developed against adversity and is still undergoing changes in this Post- Colonial period. In that sense, languages are constantly evolving in this region and there is an unending feeling of threat for many of them. Linguists have been observing how the language cycles unfold and have documented the last speakers as well as participated of the language revitalization efforts which have been put in place.

We have seen how speakers of Papiamento and other Creoles have struggled to exist and have surpassed expectations of language death in spite of the perception of risk of losing their language. This has caused them to resist those actions which could affect their languages adversely and has moved them to create awareness among their speakers of the importance and beauty of their language. Nevertheless, the perception of the speakers is an area which has not been taken into account in most cases of language threat.

This paper is based on the research done by the presenter for her dissertation. Through this paper I will present how the perception of risk affects the speakers’ attitude towards losing their language. I will examine the responses of the Paraminians about the imminent death of Patois in their region and their will to participate of the language revitalization and documentation projects which have been developed with the support of the University of West Indies and the local cultural and religious communities. The importance of involving the speaker and taking into account his/her perception in the language planning or documenting process of endangered languages well as the challenges

21

the researcher confronts in investigating this phenomenon will attest to the importance of developing research courses which train new linguists in the field of in documenting and revitalizing languages which are in the process of endangerment. The legacy of Dr. Mervyn Alleyne as experienced by doctoral students of the College of Humanities of the University of Puerto Rico-Rio Piedras Petra E. Avillan-Leon1, Sally Delgado2, Marisol Joseph1 and Diana Ursulin Mopsus3

1University of Puerto Rico at Rio Piedras, 2University of Puerto Rico at Cayey, 3Graduate University of Puerto Rico Mervyn Coleridge Alleyne, a pioneer in Creole studies and in the languages and cultures of the Caribbean was born in Trinidad in 1933. After completing undergraduate studies at the University of the West Indies, Mona Campus in Jamaica, he pursued a doctoral degree in Gallo-Romance Dialectology at the University of Strasbourg, France. He later returned to his alma mater where he continued to teach sociolinguistics.

Throughout his career and as a consequence of his ground-breaking research, Dr. Alleyne was invited to be visiting professor at many renowned universities in the United States of America and the Caribbean. These included: Indiana University, Stanford University, the University of Amsterdam, Yale University, the University of Kansas, NY State University and Universite des Antilles et de la Guyane.

In addition, he was an active member of the Society for Caribbean Linguistics where he served as president from 1990 to 1992, of the Linguistics Society of America and of the Association of Caribbean Universities.

In 2003, Dr. Alleyne’s academic journey led him to teach at the University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras Campus in which his extensive work and insatiable interest in Caribbean issues impacted students and colleagues. His book The Construction and Representation of Race and Ethnicity in the Caribbean and in the World was often the main text in many classes since it remarkably illustrated his interdisciplinary knowledge and his inclusive approach to explain such a historically, culturally, linguistically, and sociologically diverse place as the Caribbean. As Dr. Emeritus, Mervyn Alleyne, inspired and guided many undergraduate and graduate students to successfully complete their MA theses and PhD dissertations. Besides teaching, he also participated actively of organizing, more than once, the “Islands in Between” Conference hosted by the English Department of the Humanities College at our university.

This paper will focus on how Professor Alleyne inspired students to pursue studies in linguistics following a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives and the profound effect his mild but compelling interaction had on some students’ dissertations. As a consequence of his mentoring, his guidance and his friendship, we believe these dissertations will ensure his legacy for generations to come. Among them we find Sally Delgado’s research on historical dialectology of English evolved from a consideration of the contributing

22

superstrates in contact linguistics. Also, Petra Avillan-Leon’s work on the perceptions that Patois or Trinidadian French Creole speakers have of their own language and its evolution and Marisol Joseph-Haynes’s research on how the agency of native speakers affects academic and linguistics decisions as well as the codeswitching with Spanish in her native Limonese Creole. Finally, Dr. Diana Ursulin-Mopsus’ work on the creole of dominantly French-speaking Martinique which integrates methodologies of sociolinguistics to investigate the attitudes of European-descended people towards their Caribbean Creoles. In the aftermath of Mervyn Alleyne’s death, our work is just one illustration of the many ways in which his legacy lives on. GPA genesis: the extent of substratal influence Murtadha J. Bakir University of Jordan This paper deals principally with the origin of the grammatical system of Gulf Pidgin Arabic, the contact language that has emerged in the area of the Arabian Gulf and Saudi Arabia as a communication system between the Arabic-speaking natives and the expatriate labor force from South and Southeast Asia. The paper argues that the influence of the substrate languages on the grammar of GPA, which is realized via transfer from L1 grammars into the newly acquired/developed system is not as important as is usually assumed, and is mainly manifest in the phonological aspects of that system. The investigation of a number of grammatical features from the morphology and syntax of GPA such as the absence of subject-verb agreement, adjective agreement with head nouns and its position in relation to that noun, the existence of the predication marker, fii and its negative maafii, the prevailing SVO word order, the presence of compound verbs, and the use of the demonstrative as a definite article and the cardinal waahid as an indefinite article, reveals that they cannot have developed as instances of transfer from the substrate languages owing to the vast differences that the substrate languages exhibit in these areas. Rather, several of these features seem to be mostly internally-induced features that reflect universal principles and tendencies responsible for the shaping of grammatical systems in language acquisition and language change, which also explains why they are found cross-linguistically in such systems. On the other hand, a number of them seem to be replicas of the grammar of the lexifier Gulf Arabic and may be seen as successful acquisition of its grammar. That leaves some which are contact-induced developments in the grammar of GPA such as

If pidginization is viewed as a case of an untutored and interrupted second language acquisition, the grammatical characteristics of the pidgin languages will be the natural outcome of the working of cognitively based universal principles. It is also argued that many of those grammatical features that are taken to be the result of L1 transfer are also guided by universal tendencies that govern language processing in the contexts of language acquisition and change.

23

The discussion of these issues will hopefully contribute to the debate about the extent of substratal influence in pidgin systems, and shed light on its nature, to the conclusion that, like internally-induced developments, it is governed by language universals that underlie processes of language acquisition and change. Creole typology: the state of the art Peter Bakker Aarhus University Between the late 1950s and the 1990s, creolists like Taylor, Baker, Bickerton, Romaine, Holm and many others tried to formulate shared properties of creoles. The lists of structural features that they proposed were often inspired by observed differences between creoles and their lexifiers, and biased towards Caribbean creoles with a Romance or Germanic lexifier. Their lists of creole properties usually included both claims of absence (e.g. little or no morphology) and claims of presence (e.g. serial verbs, preverbal TMA markers). In the 1990s, the subject of shared properties of creoles, in other words creole typology, became more or less taboo, and considered to reflect politically incorrect claims. A small minority of creolists, notably McWhorter (2001, 2005) and more recently Bakker et al (2011) and Daval-Markussen (2014) defended, on linguistic grounds, a number of special properties shared by most or even all creoles. The current situation seems to be that the proponents of the special typological profile of creoles, base their opinion on massive data from a wide range of creoles, whereas the opponents of the idea attack the conclusions on the basis of mostly non-linguistic arguments, and in any case with a minimum of language data, with perhaps a single exception. In our paper, we will give an overview of the criticisms of the claims of the special typological status of creoles, and evaluate them. Points of criticism relate mostly to the software used, scores of particular features, objections against the method, sampling issues or doubt about general results because of perceived unlikeliness of certain results. Parametric syntax and the distinctiveness of creoles Peter Bakker and Johannes Kizach Aarhus University Creolists who have attempted to show the distinctiveness of creoles vis-à-vis non-creoles of the world, were among many other things, criticized for having used only morphological features or only trivial superficial syntactic features. In our paper we take parametric syntax as a point of departure to compare creole languages with its lexifiers and with other European and non-European languages. Using in-depth syntactic features, we hope to shed light on this issue.

24

We have selected 56 parameters that have been proposed in the literature on parametric syntax. These have been scored by a team of experts for 26 Eurasian, Indo-European languages, including four lexifiers of creoles. These languages were selected on the basis of the in-depth expertise of the linguists who determined the (binary) values of the parameters. The same parameters were scored by a team of specialists in a sample of nine creole languages. These creoles were selected on the basis of wide geographic origin (South America, Indian Ocean, South East Asia, India, Philippines, Australia, Africa) and maximum lexical diversity (Arabic, Assamese (Indic), Dutch, English, French, Ijo, Portuguese, Spanish), thus ensuring nine independent geneses and a maximum variety of potential substrates that influenced these languages. The results show that creoles and Indo-European languages both show roughly the same range of diversity. Furthermore it appears that creoles and European languages tend to cluster in two different groups based on in-depth syntactic parameters. However, one non-creole ends up with the creoles, and one creole with the non-creoles. English and the Celtic languages appear to be closest to the creole languages. The intriguing but unavoidable conclusion is that the parameter settings for lexifiers were not continued in the creoles. Parameter settings in creole languages are more similar to those found in other, unrelated creoles, than to those found in their lexifiers. They’re leaving this behind, or the vitality of Forro in São Tomé Marie-Eve Bouchard New York University This presentation focuses on the vitality of Forro, the most widely spoken creole of the islands of São Tomé and Príncipe. São Tomé and Príncipe is characterized by its great linguistic diversity, and has been called a “labyrinth and laboratory of languages” (translated from Hagemeijer forthcoming). The official language of the country is Portuguese; it coexists with three locale creole languages, Forro, Angolar, and Lung’ie, as well as the Tonga language (a restructured Portuguese, e.g. Lorenzino 2015), and Cape Verdean creole. Portuguese and the local creoles were for many decades in a diglossic situation that favored the maintenance of the creoles. However, in the 20th century, Portuguese came into more widespread use, mostly because it was a symbol of socioeconomic ascension and the language of schooling. As a consequence, a process of linguistic shift has been taking place. Children are growing up with the local variety of Portuguese as their first language. According to the 2001 census, 73.5% of the population reported speaking Forro. At that time, the percentage of speakers was already highest amongst the older population (INE 2003). In the 2011 census, the numbers had drastically changed: only 36% of the population reported speaking Forro (INE 2012).

The objective of this paper is to examine the social and ideological phenomena that explain linguistic choices in São Tomé, and to discuss the vitality of Forro. The study is

25

based on sociolinguistic interviews conducted with 62 Santomeans, born and raised in and around the capital, between the ages of 12 and 73. The results show a clear separation between three generations:

1) grandparents who speak Forro natively: “Forro won’t disappear, Forro will never disappear” (Juliano, 69 y.o.)

2) parents who grew up being forbidden to speak Forro: “they were forbidden to speak creole […] the Forros’ kids, especially the ones from the capital, they were forbidden because there was a feeling that who speaks creole is poor, retarded, and that creole ruins Portuguese” (Teles, 50 y.o.)

3) youths who do not speak Forro: “[Do you speak creole?] Not really... [not really?] hum... [so with your parents you’ve always spoke...] only Portuguese” (Shanaida, 32 y.o.)

There is however an exception to this youngest generations, i.e. the youths who grew up with their Forro speaking grandparents:

“[Do you speak creole?] I do [who did you learn with?] my grand-mother. [yeah?] I lived with my grand-mother” (Anilda, 30 y.o.)

These examples show that transmission across generations was disrupted. This shift might seem to indicate that Santomeans do not value Forro; however, the reality is more complex and indicates otherwise. Many of the Santomeans who were interviewed consider Forro to be their mother tongue, even if they do not speak it. Others who lived abroad said that they learned Forro while away, as Santomeans abroad embrace Forro as the spoken embodiment of their Santomean identity. It is a unifying force, one that they use to set themselves apart from other lusophone Africans. References Hagemeijer, Tjerk. (Forthcoming). São Tomé e Príncipe: Labirinto e laboratório de línguas. In Gerhard Seibart

(org.), Arquipélagos crioulos: Cabo Verde e São Tomé e Príncipe numa perspectiva comparada. Lisbon: Vega.

INE (Instituto Nacional de Estatísticas) (2003). Características educacional da população. http://www.ine.st/Documentacao/Recenseamentos/2001/RelatoriosTematicosCenso2001/Educacao/Educacao.pdf (webpage visited on November 4, 2016).

INE (Instituto Nacional de Estatísticas) (2012). Recenseamento 2012. [online], http://www.ine.st/2012.html (webpage visited on November 4, 2016).

Lorenzino, Gerardo Augusto. (2015). Retention and Attrition of Umbundu in São Tomé and Príncipe. SAGE OPEN, October-December: 1-15.

26

Absorbed by the lexifier? Language ideologies among young urban lexifier speakers Marie-Eve Bouchard1 and Danae M. Perez2, 3

1New York University, 2University of Bremen, 3University of Zurich Sociolinguistic and linguistic anthropological studies on the social status, use and functions of contact varieties are highly useful not only for the speech communities themselves, but also for understanding the factors determining language vitality and processes of language shift. However, for most Ibero-Romance contact languages with a relatively small number of speakers, studies on sociolinguistic vitality are scarce (cf. the noticeable exceptions provided by Lesho & Sippola 2013 for Chabacano, or Zamora Segorbe et al. 2014 for Fá d’ambô in Equatorial Guinea, for example).

The present study aims at contributing new sociolinguistic and metalinguistic data on two Iberoromance-based contact varieties, whose speakers are rapidly shifting towards their respective lexifier language: Forro, a Portuguese-based creole spoken in Sao Tomé, and Afro-Yungueño Spanish, a contact variety of Spanish spoken in Bolivia. Both communities are experiencing processes of language loss as a result of socio-economical or political changes experienced over the past century, and a large proportion of their descendants nowadays no longer use the ancestral contact variety (cf. INE 2012; Perez 2015). In order to shed light on the current status of these speech communities, we analyze how language ideologies (cf. Woolard 1998) and the perception of the ancestral as well as the dominant language may influence language choice and processes of language maintenance or shift. First, we describe the two sociolinguistic situations on the basis of data collected during fieldwork. By means of comparable questionnaires distributed in both communities, we then analyze language choice and ideologies among young urban descendants of these two former creole-speaking communities in order to understand to what extent issues of identity and the status and recognition of the ancestral variety as opposed to the lexifier determine the vitality of each of the two contact varieties. The final goal is to assess the current status of the varieties, and to better understand the factors determining language shift, e.g. to what extent the contact with the lexifier contributes to the marginalization of the contact language. Preliminary results show that language awareness and allegiance vary among the different groups, and that the close contact with the lexifier may have accelerated the shift. References INE (Instituto Nacional de Estatísticas). 2012. Recenseamento 2012. [online], http://www.ine.st/2012.html

(November 4, 2016). Lesho, Marivic & Eeva Sippola. 2013. The Sociolinguistic Situation of the Manila Bay Chabacano-Speaking

Communities. Language Documentation and Conservation 7, 1–30. Perez, Danae. 2015. Traces of Portuguese in Afro-Yungueño Spanish? Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages

30(2), 407–434.

27

Woolard, Kathryn. 1998. Language ideology as a field of inquiry. In Language ideologies: Practice and theory. Edited by Bambi Schieffelin, Kathryn Woolard, and Paul Kroskrity, 3–49. New York: Oxford University Press.

Zamora Segorbe, Armando et al. 2014. Fá d’ambô. Herança da Língua Portuguesa na Guiné Equatorial. Praia: Instituto Internacional da Língua Portuguesa.

Towards a reconstruction of the ethnolinguistic inventory of the Danish West Indies, 1672-1800 Kristoffer Friis Bøegh Aarhus University The former Danish West Indies (the present-day US Virgin Islands) form an intriguing area from the perspective of contact linguistics. The three Caribbean islands of St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix were taken into Danish possession in 1672, 1718, and 1733, respectively, and were ceded to the USA in 1917. During the Danish colonial rule, contact took place between speakers of a wealth of European and African languages. As a result, creoles with lexical bases in Dutch and English emerged as the islands’ main colonial-period means of interethnic communication (see Sabino 2012). In this paper, I study aspects of the islands’ complex language history, presenting a reconstruction of the colony’s ethnolinguistic inventory in the period 1672-1800.

The backgrounds of the colonists are relatively well-documented in censuses. Dutch, English, Danish, French, and German were some of the languages spoken by them. Conversely, the colony’s historical record provides little direct information about the enslaved Africans transshipped to the colony. Earlier studies estimated Kwa speakers to have pre-dominated throughout the peopling of St. Thomas (Parkvall 2000: 135). More recent attempts to obtain a fuller overview of the African enslaved population’s origins and heritage languages, especially beyond the earliest stage of permanent settlement, have been few. However, as the slave trade spread to a wider range of African regions over the course of the 18th century (Hernæs 1995: 239), a more diverse set of ethnic groups might be expected to have been present in the colony, and to have left a mark on its cultural systems.

Now, increased availability of data on the hundreds of languages spoken in West and Central Africa and the slave trade from these regions to the West Indies allows renewed exploration of the colony’s pre-emancipation ethnolinguistic profile. I base my investigation on different sources of historical-demographic and linguistic evidence in conjunction, including customized datasets extracted from Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database (2009), migration patterns within the Caribbean, slave interviews with information about ethnic origin as recorded by missionaries visiting the islands, as well as linguistic features in the Virgin Islands creoles vis-à-vis non-European languages. The results cast new light on the diversity of languages introduced to the Danish West Indies in the 17th and 18th centuries, and on the sources and extent of African linguistic influence on the Virgin Islands creoles.

28

References Hernæs, P. O. 1995. Slaves, Danes, and African Coast Society. The Danish Slave Trade from West Africa and Afro-

Danish Relations on the Eighteenth-Century Gold Coast. Trondheim: University of Trondheim Parkvall, M. 2000. Out of Africa. African influences in Atlantic Creoles. London: Battle-bridge Publications. Sabino, R. 2012. Giving Jack his Jacket – Language Contact in the Danish West Indies. Leiden: Brill Publishing. Voyages Database. 2009. Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database. http://www.slavevoyages.org Verb form selection in two restructured varieties J. Clancy Clements and Wafi Alshammari Indiana University In this paper, we compare the restructuring of the verbal system in two varieties: naturalistically learned L2 Spanish, as spoken by native Chinese speakers working in Spanish-language host countries, and Gulf Pidgin Arabic, as spoken by native Indo-Aryan-language speakers working in Saudi Arabia. We argue that the verb systems constructed in each of these varieties can be largely predicted based on the notion of frequency.

Varieties of naturalistically learned L2 Spanish, discussed in Lipski (1999, Clements (2003, 2009), show clear signs of conventionalization even though they arguably represent individual solutions to the problem of communication. Based on the distribution of 826 verb forms gleaned from case studies carried out on Chinese-speaking foreign workers (FWs) living in Spain for an average of 12 years, the verb forms they have incorporated into their respective varieties of Spanish, while also reflecting the extent to which they interacted professional with native Spanish speakers, are largely from two sources: forms of the 3sg present-tense (398/826 [48%]) and the infinitive (158/826 [19%]). We show this to be a function of frequency of occurrence: of all verb forms in Spanish spoken-language corpora, the infinitival and 3sg forms occur most frequently.

Gulf Pidgin Arabic (GPA) is a relatively recently formed pidgin variety (within the last 50+ years) spoken in Arab-Gulf countries, including Saudi Arabia (SA). It emerged out of native-nonnative interactions through accommodation toward negotiated solutions whereby mutually intelligible linguistic forms were selected to propagate. In the case of GPA in SA, we have data from both FWs and native Saudi Arabic speakers in communicative interactions. Again, we show that the verb forms incorporated by the FWs in their variety are a function of frequency: in the speech of the FWs: the forms of the deverbal noun (331/691 [48%]) and 3sg (310/691 [45%]) make up 93% (641/691) of all verb forms used in their discourse and in spoken Arabic discourse these are the most frequently occurring forms. Other verb forms in their speech make up just 7% [50/691] of the total number. Similarly, in the discourse of the SA native speakers in communication with the FWs the forms of the deverbal noun (274/622 [44%]) and 3sg (282/622 [45%]) make up 89% (556/622) of all verb forms used in their discourse. Other forms constitute 11% of the total number (66/622). The Yates chi-square test reveals that the distribution of verb form in the SA and FW varieties is far from significance (p = 0.4751). That is, the use

29

of verb forms in the SA and FW varieties strongly suggests accommodation in the creation of the pidgin. It also suggests a large degree of uniformity in the variety, although it has only existed for 50 some years.

Taken together, these two varieties display a similar kind of restructuring that one finds in a certain stage of interlanguage, one identified by Klein and Perdue (1997) as the “basic variety”. We argue that this stage in naturalistic language acquisition is the basis on which their speakers build grammar given the appropriate circumstances. Examples of how a cognitive linguistics approach can be utilized in creole studies Micah Corum1 and Nicholas Faraclas2 1Universidad Interamericana, San German, Puerto Rico, 2University of Puerto Rico at Rio Piedras In this presentation, we bring new methodologies developed in cognitive linguistics in recent years to bear on various aspects of some key debates among creolists concerning universals, African agency, and the role of African and Indigenous persons’ resistance in the emergence of the Atlantic creoles. While this represents a new avenue of research in creolistics, we maintain the commitment that creolists have made to empirical approaches to the study of creole language structures, in part by accessing a large body of language data that is suitable for conducting key word in context (KWIC) concordance searches as well as data taken from a specialized corpus of Afro-Caribbean creole as spoken in St. Croix in the early 2000s.

We begin by carrying out a cognitive-functional analysis of the verb-preposition interface in English-lexifier creoles. We then provide an analysis of the lexicalization of abstract concepts in English-lexifier creoles, showing that expressions of greed and envy, for example, are realized via metaphorical and metonymic processes. Thereafter, we review conceptual metaphors that were circulated during the time period that coincided both with the emergence of the Atlantic creoles as well as with the transition to a new model of colonial domination by Europe, first over the Americas and eventually over Africa. Finally, we present new ideas that help us to deconstruct dominant discourses that prevail about complexity and grammar in Afro-Caribbean languages.

30

Are French-based creoles direct structural continuations of French? Aymeric Daval-Markussen Aarhus University A long-standing view in creolistics recently experienced renewed popularity through the work of, among others, Aboh (2015), Chaudenson (e.g. 2003), DeGraff (2001, 2009) and Mufwene (2001, 2008). According to these authors, creoles are direct continuations of their lexifier in terms of their grammatical properties. Moreover, these authors also argue that the linguistic changes that occurred during creolization were already underway in the lexifier and creolization only completed these changes. Therefore, creolization does not represent a special case of language change characterized by interrupted transmission (see e.g. Chaudenson 2003: 203-204, Mufwene 2008: 36). In Mufwene’s words, creoles are “the latest linguistic outcomes of the Indo-European dispersal” (Mufwene 2008: 37) and should therefore be considered mere dialects of their lexifier. Applying software originally developed to track genetic relationships in evolutionary biology, we will directly address the question and assess how similar a sample of French-based creoles are to a group of dialects of the lexifier, French. Using a subset of the morphosyntactic data presented in WALS, where stable features were retained for the analyses, we will show that structurally, French-based creoles differ systematically from their lexifier French - a language that was transmitted through uninterrupted intergenerational transmission. Thus, the results strongly suggest that creoles cannot be considered dialects of their lexifier, contrary to the claims of the above-mentioned authors. In turn, this implies that the process of creolization entails a break in transmission and that the structure of a creole reflects this pidgin ancestry. References Aboh, Enoch O. (2015). The Emergence of Hybrid Grammars: language contact and change. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press. Chaudenson, Robert. (2003). La créolisation: théorie, applications, implications. Paris: L’Harmattan. DeGraff, Michel. (2001). On the origin of Creoles: A Cartesian critique of Neo-Darwinian linguistics. Linguistic

Typology, 5(2/3): 213-310. DeGraff, Michel. (2009). Language acquisition in creolization and, thus, language change: Some Cartesian-

Uniformitarian boundary conditions. Language and Linguistics Compass, 3/4: 888-971. Mufwene, Salikoko S. (2001). The Ecology of Language Evolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mufwene, Salikoko S. (2008). Language Evolution: Contact, Competition and Change. London: Continuum.

31

“Do” marks completive aspect or indicative modality in Ship English depending on language competency Sally Delgado University of Puerto Rico at Cayey This paper presents data on the use of the auxiliary “do” in Ship English of the early colonial Atlantic in two of its distinct functions, firstly, as a default auxiliary in indicative modality, and secondly, as a marker of subordinating and aspectual information. This data is relevant to scholarship in contact languages, and particularly pidgin and creole linguistics, in that it relates to manifestations of the tense, modality, and aspect system that have developed in many of the English-lexifier creoles of the Caribbean and Atlantic littoral regions. The economic and sociohistorical importance of maritime communities in these regions have long been recognized, however, we have yet to explore the linguistic impact of maritime communities in coastal regions of the Caribbean and Atlantic. This paper is the first in an anticipated series of studies that isolate features of early colonial Ship English and motivate comparison among creoles and varieties of English that have emerged in the regions that sailors helped to establish.

Sailors used the auxiliary “do” in ways that reflected their fluency and competence with English. Communities of early colonial and English-speaking sailors were a multicultural and multi-lingual composite drawn from four continents around the Atlantic and the two ways presented in this paper of using the auxiliary “do” potentially correspond to learners of English and native speakers of English. Learners used “do” in auxiliary affirmative statements of the indicative mood in ways that mirror its insertion in emphatic statements, and in negative and interrogative modality in modern standard usage, e.g., “our ketch did touch our stearn” (ADM 52/2/3) and “Their admiral did want to be / Aboard” (cited in Palmer, 1986, p. 52). Such usage may attest to systemic leveling that aided language acquisition because once learners mastered the verb “do” in its present tense and preterit inflections they could use any other verb in its uninflected form in any simple indicative, negated, or interrogative structure. Contrasting data shows how other sailors used the auxiliary “to do” in combination with an affirmative indicative verb phrase in preterit form in complimentary distribution at the clause level to communicate subordination and/or aspectual information, e.g., “wee came where wee did take in the Soulders” (ADM 51/4322/1) in which “wee came” necessarily occurred first and “wee did take in the Soulders” occurred after—and because of—the completed first event. Even when the verb phrase containing the auxiliary “do” occurs first in the clause, the auxiliary marker still promotes the interpretation of a completive aspectual meaning in the preterit verb and reinforces the listener’s interpretation of the sequence and causation of events, e.g., “And [I] did heare that the captain took them” (HCA 1/13/97) in which the taking of prisoners occurs before the witness can hear about it. Given that such structures would demand competency with preterit forms and the selective use of auxiliary markers in the distinct

32

verb phrases of a matrix clause, it is supposed that these structures were motivated by native or fluent speakers. Being Marra, speaking Kriol: linguistic and cultural loss and retention across recent shift to an endogenous creole Greg Dickson University of Queensland Despite commonly held notions that the loss of a language results in the loss of cultural knowledge, “it is still not known what is entailed when a community loses its language” (Woodbury 1988: 235). This research informs this research gap. Marra-speaking people (Heath 1981), from a small coastal patch of Northern Australia, have in the course of a century dwindled in number to only a few elderly speakers. The shift has resulted in Australian Kriol - specifically, the Roper Kriol variety (Sandefur 1979) - becoming the language of communication for all generations of Marra people, who now live mostly in mixed communities, alongside people descended from numerous other Indigenous Australian language groups.

A sociohistorical look at language ecologies, ethnographic material and personal narratives underpins the research, increasing contemporary analyses of Kriol lexical matter and cultural practices of Kriol speakers. A survey of the lexicon of Kriol as spoken by Marra people today, demonstrates the extent to which lexical material from substrate languages has infiltrated the supplanting language. A number of points of interest are evident.

Firstly, a significant number (60-80) of non-English derived lexemes used by all Kriol speakers are verbs. This finding belies common beliefs that verbs are less borrowable than material from other word classes and that substrate-derived lexemes in creoles occurs most commonly in nominal classes. The research into substrate material in the Kriol lexicon is made more robust as it is informed by young adult Kriol speakers – the first generations to have little contact with substrate languages. In terms of the extant research into Australian Kriol, this is the first time this demographic has centrally featured as the core participant group.

Secondly, non-English based lexemes in Kriol are disproportionately derived from the small Marran language family consisting of 2-3 languages, and from Marra in particular. This finding mirrors a new synthesis of historical information that shows a more significant period of contact between Marra and emerging creole speakers.

Lastly, an examination of nomenclature and practices of traditional medicine among young Kriol speakers provides an indication of the retention of cultural and linguistic practices as compared to L1 speakers of substrate languages. In this domain, examples of diminished knowledge and a shift to English-derived nomenclature is evident among Kriol speakers (as compared to substrate-language speakers). Conversely, examples of continuing practices and the retention of Indigenous-derived nomenclature provide evidence of

33

maintenance. Additional examples show that young Kriol speakers are innovating upon existing practices and applying traditional medicine to new contexts. References Heath, Jeffrey. 1981. Basic Materials in Mara: Grammar, texts and dictionary. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Sandefur, John. 1979. An Australian creole in the northern territory : a description of Ngukurr-Bamyili dialects.

Darwin Australia: Summer Institute of Linguistics, Australian Aborigines Branch. Woodbury, Anthony. 1998. Documenting rhetorical, aesthetic, and expressive loss in language shift. In Lenore

Grenoble & Lindsay Whaley (eds.), Endangered Languages: Language loss and community response. 234-258. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Geographic variation in Australian Kriol: a first dialectology Greg Dickson University of Queensland Around 20,000 first-language speakers of Kriol live across 500,000km2 of Northern Australia. With such geographic scope, variation certainly exists and since Kriol was first described (Sandefur 1979) geographic variation has been recognised (e.g. Sandefur 1985). Previous research on Kriol has usually focused on a particular community or variety such as Fitzroy Valley (Hudson 1983), Roper (e.g. Munro 2011, Nicholls 2009) or Barunga (Steffensen 1979, Ponsonnet 2016), however research on dialectal variation itself has never before been carried out.

Recent fieldwork undertaken in 2016 represents a first attempt at a dialectology of Kriol. Ten locations were surveyed covering a sub-region of the recognised Kriol-speaking area (a third of the total area). Sociolinguistic interviews targeting young adults - typically those with little or no knowledge of substrate languages - produced around 50 hours of conversational data from over 60 participants. Interviews were carried out with pairs of close kin and are comprised of narratives, conversation, perceptual dialectology, a stimuli task and the checking of variables. Preliminary analyses are underway.

In the sub-region surveyed, two named dialects are attested in the literature: Barunga Kriol and Roper Kriol. The present research confirms this distinction, with several high frequency lexemes differing between the two groups:

Variable (English gloss) Barunga Kriol variant Roper Kriol variant there de: ja this dij, dijan dis, dijan father dadi dedi get gedim gaji(m) water woda wada, warra Table 1: high-frequency variables differentiating Barunga and Roper Kriol (selection

only)

34

The frequency of variables such as those in Table 1 indicate that Kriol speakers need only speak one or two sentences before revealing the broad region with which they associate. This is exemplified in simple sentences below, drawn from the stimulus picture task activity. The basic sentences are from three communities: (1) is Barunga Kriol while (2) and (3) are Roper Kriol. Across the examples, high frequency variables (bolded) in different word classes (demonstrative: ‘there’, verb: ‘get’ and nominal: ‘water’) show the prevalence of dialectal markers: (1) Bar01: det lilboi gat det woda the young.boy with the water The young boy has the water (2) Ngu01: im san ja, imin gaji wada 3SG son there 3SG:PST get:TR water His son is there, he got some water (3) Min01: im maidi bin thesti … ba gaji wada 3SG maybe PST thirsty PURP get:TR water He might have been thirsty … to get water. By analysing data from individual communities within the known dialect areas, finer grained distinctions are appearing. For example, gaji(m) ‘get’ is a known variant used by Roper Kriol speakers. Those in the western part of that area also use the forms gejim and gijim. The 1st person exclusive pronoun mela is used by speakers across both dialects but in the easternmost community of the Roper Kriol area, the variant mala frequently occurs.

Substrate language derived lexemes also continue to contribute to geographic variation, even though the languages themselves no longer feature prominently in local language ecologies. Many of these variables are low frequency, but their salience also contributes to variation that is distinguishable to Kriol speakers. For example, the verb ‘delouse’ is di in central and western Roper Kriol, mij in eastern Roper Kriol and Barunga Kriol encode this in various ways using an English-derived verb such as kilim ‘hit’ and referring to the object using either an English or substrate-derived noun for louse: laus or dort. References Hudson, Joyce. 1983. Grammatical and semantic aspects of Fitzroy Valley Kriol. Darwin: Summer Institute of

Linguistics, Australian Aborigines Branch. Munro, Jennifer. 2011. Roper River Aboriginal language features in Australian Kriol: Considering semantic

categories. In Claire Lefebvre (ed.), Creoles, their Substrates and Language Typology. 461–487. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

35

Nicholls, Sophie. 2009. Referring Expressions and Referential Practice in Roper Kriol (Northern Territory, Australian). Armidale, NSW: University of New England. PhD thesis.

Ponsonnet, Maïa. 2016. Reflexive, reciprocal and emphatic functions in Barunga Kriol. In Felicity Meakins & Carmel O’Shannessy (eds.), Loss and Renewal: Australian Languages Since Colonisation. 297–332. Boston/Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.

Sandefur, John. 1979. An Australian creole in the northern territory : a description of Ngukurr-Bamyili dialects. Darwin Australia: Summer Institute of Linguistics, Australian Aborigines Branch.

Sandefur, John. 1985. Dynamics of an Australian Creole System. In Papers in Pidgin and Creole Linguistics no 4. 195–214. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.

Steffensen, Margaret. 1979. Reduplication in Bamyili Creole. In Papers in Pidgin and Creole Linguistics No. 2. 119–133. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.

Residents’ perspectives on Sepitori, a mixed language of Pretoria, South Africa Thabo Ditsele Tshwane University of Technology Due to their multilingual reality and social complexity, South African cities present favourable conditions for the genesis of various linguistic phenomena. As people migrate to big cities, Black (African) urban townships near big cities house a higher concentration of people from rural and urban areas, and different backgrounds (e.g. languages and ethnicities). New varieties of languages often develop as lingua franca and are used by Black urban dwellers to facilitate communication between first language (L1) speakers of South Africa’s 11 official languages.

An urban variety called Sepitori (or ‘language of Pretoria’) emerged in the mid-1800s in an area now known as Pretoria (South Africa’s capital city), soon after the descendants of the Dutch (known as Voortrekkers) settled there in 1855 (Schuring 1985). Sepitori developed out of the contact between L1 speakers of two mutually intelligible Bantu languages – Setswana and Northern Sotho (also known as Sepedi) (Schuring 1985), thus classified as a ‘mixed language’.

There has not been a lot of research conducted on Sepitori compared to Tsotsitaal – an urban variety which according to Hurst & Mesthrie (2013) emerged in Johannesburg (South Africa’s biggest city) in the 1940s, thus relatively a lot younger than Sepitori. Hurst (2008) notes that Tsotsitaal is a ‘hidden’ language spoken mainly by the youth. Due to the much-publicised Tsotsitaal (through research and the media), other urban varieties are presumed to be the ‘Tsotsitaal of X or Y’, in this case, ‘Sepitori is the Tsotsitaal of Pretoria’.

This researcher conducted a qualitative study among Pretoria’s residents to establish their perspectives on Sepitori, in other words, what their understanding was about Sepitori and what it represents. Data were gathered through focus group interviews with ‘insiders’ (those who grew up in Pretoria) and ‘outsiders’ (those who did not grow up in Pretoria, but moved there later in life). Among others, the following questions were explored: (a) Could Sepitori be classified as Tsotsitaal? (b) What sort of attitudes do people hold toward Sepitori

36

within and outside of Pretoria? (c) Does Sepitori have specific domains of use? (d) Could someone regard Sepitori as their L1?

The study found that insiders and outsiders agreed that (a) people held favourable attitudes toward Sepitori; (b) Sepitori represents attributes such as being sophisticated, streetwise and knowledgeable; (c) Sepitori has a higher social status compared to standard varieties of Bantu languages; and (d) Sepitori is the lingua franca of Pretoria’s Black residents and spoken in all social domains (e.g. workplaces, banks, etc.) where Bantu languages are ordinarily spoken. Insiders and outsiders disagreed on the relationship between Sepitori and Tsotsitaal, and Sepitori’s L1 status. Insiders regarded Sepitori as their L1 and that it could not be classified as Tsotsitaal because it is spoken by people of all ages who grew up in Pretoria, thus not a ‘hidden’ language. Outsiders regarded Sepitori as the ‘Tsotsitaal of Pretoria’, and could not have L1 speakers because it is a ‘mixed language’; instead, those who spoke it had standard varieties of Bantu languages as their L1s. Revisiting “creoles” in Inner Asia via a socio-historical lens Arienne M. Dwyer University of Kansas In the Sprachbund of northwestern China (Dwyer 1995), human mobility through political and ecological imperatives resulted in a high degree of convergence between three main linguistic stocks: Sinitic (represented by varieties of Northern Chinese), Bodic (represented primarily by Amdo Tibetan) and Turko-Mongolic (e.g. Uyghur, Salar, Oirat, Baonan and so on). Several highly intertwined language varieties such as Wutun (a Chinese-Tibetan hybrid, see e.g. Chen 1986) and Tangwang (a Chinese-Mongolic hybrid, see e.g. Ibrahim 1985) have emerged that have been sometimes referred to as “creoles” (e.g. Lee-Smith 1996). These varieties provide more structural and socio-historical data points in the debate about the origins and (non-)exceptional status of creole structures; structurally these may not be prototypical creoles (Janhunen 2004). Without rehashing the creole debate of the last 20 (or 100) years, I will argue that the features of these varieties are the direct result of military conquest and religious conversion. As a result, it is possible in most varieties to identify paths of maternal and paternal language transmission (cf. claims in Arends et al. (1994) that grammars are transmitted along maternal lines). References Arends, Jacques, Pieter Muysken, and Norval Smith. 1994. Pidgins and Creoles: An introduction. Benjamins. Chen Naixiong. 1986. Guanyu Wutunhua [On Wutun language/An Outline of the Wutun Linguistic Structure].

Journal of Asian and African Studies 31: 33–52. Dwyer, Arienne. 1995. From the Northwestern ChineseSprachbund: Xúnhuà Chinese Dialect Data. The Yuen Ren

Society Treasury of Chinese Dialect Data Vol I: 143–182. Ibrahim, A. 1985. Gansu Jingnei de Tangwanghua jilüe[A sketch of the Tangwang vernacular in Gansu]. Minzu

Yuwen 1985. 33–47.

37

Janhunen, Juha. 2004. On the Hierarchy of Structural Convergence in the Amdo Sprachbund. Paper presented at the 2004 LENCA 2 conference. Online: http://www.ling.helsinki.fi/uhlcs/LENCA/LENCA-2/information/datei/18-janhunen.pdf

Lee-Smith, Mei W. 1996. The Tangwang language. In Stephen A. Wurm and Peter Mühlhäusler and Darrell T. Tryon (eds.), Atlas of Languages of Intercultural Communication in the Pacific, Asia, and the Americas, 875–882. Mouton de Gruyter.

Creole code-switching in the Finnish translations of Anglophone Caribbean novels Laura Ekberg University of Turku In this paper, I discuss the use of code-switching in the Finnish translations of some novels by Caribbean authors. A large part of the literature coming from the Caribbean region today is published in European languages, especially in English. Code-switching is a commonly used technique, and switches can occur to other languages, such as Creoles, French or Spanish, as well as to non-standard forms of language, such as different varieties of English. In multilingual literatures, as in the case of the works of these Caribbean authors, the source text in itself can be considered a form of intercultural translation in that the author employs similar techniques during the writing process to those used by the translator. For example Bandia (2008: 38) sees postcolonial writing as “translation from an oral-tradition discourse into a written one”. Bandia (2008: 9) also states that postcolonial translation involves the “concept of hybridity, the creation of an in-between language culture”, which mirrors the hybrid language setting of the postcolonial condition.

The use of such geographically and culturally specific language naturally causes a challenge when the text is translated into other languages. Here the two levels of translation – intercultural and interlingual – coincide. Tymoczko (1999: 23) also points out that particular challenges can arise when the source culture and target culture are far removed from each other: “[t]he greater the distance between an author’s source culture and the receiving culture of the author’s work, the greater will be the impetus to simplify”. In the case of translating Caribbean literature into Finnish, the process of conveying a literary work from one periphery to another thus provides its own complexity to the topic.

I analyse the strategies used by the translators in dealing with code-switching into Creole languages with particular focus on the extent to which the translations retain cultural integrity, which involves the ethics of respecting the cultural elements present in the source text (see e.g. Venuti 2008). Based on my research, I argue that, to a large extent, the translators’ strategies in translating such texts are dependent on the strategies employed by the author of the source text. The discussion in this paper relates to my on-going PhD research on the use of code-switching and non-standard language in Anglophone Caribbean novels and their Finnish translations.

38

References Bandia, Paul F. 2008. Translation as Reparation: Writing and Translation in Postcolonial Africa. Manchester: St.

Jerome. Tymoczko Maria 1999. “Post-colonial writing and literary translation”. In Bassnett and Trivedi (eds.) Post-

Colonial Translation: Theory and Practice. London: Routledge, 19–40. Venuti Lawrence 2008. Translator’s Invisibility: A History of Translation. 2nd edition. Oxon: Routledge. The limits of relexification: the story of Singlish already Michael Yoshitaka Erlewine National University of Singapore I investigate the syntax/semantics of Singlish (also: Colloquial Singapore English) sentence-final already and related sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Chinese languages in its contact ecology. Based on new evidence from their semantic scope, I show that Singlish already unambiguously attaches high to its host clause (above TP: 1a), whereas the related substrate le/liao SFPs attach unambiguously to a clause-medial position (between VP and TP: 1b). (1) a. Singlish already: b. Chinese sentence-final le/liao: TP TP TP already subject T Subject VP le/liao T VP Previous work has shown that Singlish already does not encode the temporal semantics of British or North American English already, but instead encodes a semantics akin to that of Mandarin Chinese sentence-final le (Bao, 1995, 2005), which introduces a change of state presupposition (Soh, 2009). Bao (2005) therefore proposes that Singlish already is the result of relexification of sentence-final le — or more accurately, its Southern Chinese cognates liao.

Following Bao’s (2005) relexification theory for Singlish already and a strict interpretation of the relexification hypothesis (Lefebvre, 1998), already is predicted to bare not only the semantics of le/liao but its syntax as well. I discuss consequences of this mismatch in (1a,b) for the theory of relexification as an adequate explanatory model for the genesis of Singlish already. The rest of the abstract sketches the shape of the evidence for (1a,b).

The height of sentence-final le/liao in Chinese languages: A difficulty in the study of Chinese SFPs is the fact that word order does not give clear cues as to their structural

39

height. Erlewine (2017) uses diagnostics from semantic scope to show that sentence-final le in Mandarin Chinese unambiguously occupies a clause-medial position (between VP and TP). I will show that these diagnostics can be reproduced for liao in Hokkien, Teochew, and Hainanese, three Southern Chinese languages which have been hypothesized as substrate influences on Singlish.

The height of Singlish already: Following Soh’s (2009) proposal for Mandarin le, I take the semantics of these items to be as in (2). In the talk I will present motivation for this formalization for Singlish already. (2) already/le/liao(p) a. asserts: p is true at the reference time R

b. presupposes: p is false before the reference time R Using diagnostics from Erlewine (2017), Cheong (2016) shows that already necessarily scopes above the entire clause. See example (3), where the subject scopes over already. (3) No one go school already. a. asserts: No one goes to school (now). b. presupposes: Someone used to go to school before. The example in (3) does not presuppose that everyone used to go to school, which would be predicted by a low attachment of already, introducing its presupposition in the scope of no one. (Presuppositions project universally through negative quantifiers; see e.g. Chemla (2009).) References Bao, Z. (1995). Already in Singapore English. World Englishes 14(2), 181–188. Bao, Z. (2005). The aspectual system of Singapore English and the systemic substratist explanation. Journal of

Linguistics 41, 237–267. Chemla, E. (2009). Presuppositions of quantified sentences: experimental data. Natural Language Semantics 17(4),

299–340. Erlewine, M. Y. (2017). Low sentence-final particles in Mandarin Chinese and the Final-over-Final Constraint.

Journal of East Asian Linguistics 26, 37–75. Lefebvre, C. (1998). Creole genesis and the acquisition of grammar: The case of Haitian creole. Cambridge

University Press. Soh, H. L. (2009). Speaker presupposition and Mandarin Chinese sentence-final -le: a unified analysis of the

“change of state” and the “contrary to expectation” reading. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 27, 623–657.

40

Language contacts on the Russian-Chinese border: (re)making a pidgin in real time Kapitolina Fedorova European University at St. Petersburg The paper deals with the interethnic communication in the Russian-Chinese border area – sociolinguistic situation interesting in several aspects. Language contacts in this area had a long history, and in the 18th century resulted in a contact language, so called Kyakhta language, or Russian-Chinese pidgin (Belikov 1994; Stern 2005; Perekhvalskaya 2008). The uniqueness of the situation is in the fact that fifty years after this language had fall into disuse (as a result of ‘closing’ the border with China by the USSR and mass deportations of Chinese in the end of 1930s – see Perekhvalskaya 2007) the contacts resumed, and now we can witness a process of new ways of communication development in real time, and simultaneously compare new field data with what we know about the ‘old’ pidgin from historical sources. What is more, we can analyze not only linguistic data but social and anthropological ones as well which gives us a possibility to understand how language contacts are carried out from the point of view of people involved in them, how their mutual relations and attitudes affect some specific linguistic means they choose (or not choose) for communication.

Certainly the contact situations nowadays and 150–200 years ago are not identical in many respects; at the same time there are many similarities as regards social positions of contacting groups (Russian and Chinese speakers), their behavioral strategies, and even ethnic and linguistic stereotypes expressed by them. What is more, some linguistic features typical for Russian-Chinese pidgin and impossible in Standard Russian ¬ e.g. using imperative as a basic verb form instead all other forms of the verb (cf. “moya ran’she khorosho strelyaj” [my before well shoot-Imperative] recorded in the 1860s and “takoj muzhchina kupi” [this man buy-Imperative] recorded in 2009) are ‘reintroduced’ now in some forms of interethnic communication in the border area. This fact provokes new questions relevant in more general way for language contact theory: do these grammar traits (stable in the area despite the fact that there is no historical continuity in language contacts) simply demonstrate universal mechanisms of so called simplification, or should they be explained by specific structures of contacting languages, or, at least in some cases, could we consider social and other non-linguistic factors as responsible for these traits? The paper will try to answer these questions using different kinds of materials gathered during the author’s field work in the Zabaikalskii territory of Russia and the province of Inner Mongolia in China: spontaneous real-life speech records, metalinguistic discussions in interviews, data obtained in experimental conditions, written sources, etc.

41

References Belikov, V. I. (1994) Russko-kitajskij pidghin. In: Kontaktologicheskij entsiklopedicheskij slovar’-spravochnik

[Encyclopedic Dictionary of Contact Studies]. Moscow: Nauka, 294–298. Perekhvalskaia, E. V. (2007) Dialektnye razlichiia kak rezultat iazykovogo sdviga (bikinskii dilaekt udegejskogo

iazyka). In: Iazykovye izmeneniia v usloviiakh iazykovogo sdviga [Language Changes during Language Shift], ed. N. B. Vakhtin. St. Petersburg: Nauka, 252–81.

Perekhvalskaia, E. V. (2008) Russkie pidghiny. [Russian Pidgins] St. Petersburg. Aleteja. Stern, D. (2005) Myths and facts about the Kyakhta trade pidgin. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 20 (1),

175–187. Where do we go from here? On the developmental paths of two creole languages Astrid Gabel and Kathrin Brandt University of Cologne The main goal of this paper is to trace, compare and discuss different developmental paths of two French based creole languages, i.e. Louisiana Creole (LC) and Kreol Seselwa (KS). The development of creole languages has usually been described by the notion of a developmental life cycle, first introduced by Hall (e.g. 1962), which culminates in the formation of a creole language (Mühlhäuser 1980). In addition to the developmental stages, Mühlhäuser also postulates a restructuring dimension, in the spirit of DeCamp’s post-creole continuum. This is usually connected to decreolization i.e. an approximation to the lexifier language (Bickerton 1980). However, as DeCamp (1971) has shown, this is not the only path of development open to a creole language. He argues that they can a) remain the same, b) become extinct, c) evolve into a “normal language”, d) decreolize (DeCamp 1971: 349).

In this paper we attempt to categorize KS and LC according to their sociolinguistic, structural and lexical development after creole formation. In a first step we compare and discuss the sociolinguistic situation created through the distinct developmental paths they have taken once they were established. Today they differ in important aspects, such as language status, standardization and vitality. While KS can be classified as c), LC can be argued to fall under the categories b) or d) above (Neumann 1985). In spite of these differences both languages nowadays are mostly in contact with a non-lexifier language (i.e. English). This is an interesting scenario when it comes to decreolization theory as this process of change is usually associated with the lexifier language (Bickerton 1980; cf. also Snow 2000 and Bartens 2002). In the second step we compare recent developments in these languages on a structural and lexical level. If similar changes can be observed in both languages, questions arise concerning the processes and factors involved, given their distinct sociolinguistic developments. On the other hand, if changes prove to be dissimilar, they can be correlated to the sociolinguistic differences. Based on the evidence discussed in this paper we thirdly propose a refined system of post-creolization classification in terms of sociolinguistic, structural and lexical developments.

42

References Bartens, Angela. 2002. “Another Short Note on Creoles in Contact with Non-Lexifier Prestige Languages”. In:

Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages. 17:2. 273-278. Bickerton, Derek. 1980. “Decreolisation and the Creole Continuum”. In: Valdman, A. and Highfield, A. (eds.).

Theoretical Orientations in Creole Studies. New York: Academic Press. 109-128. DeCamp, David. 1971. “Toward a Generative Analysis of a Post-Creole Speech Continuum”. In: Hymes, D. (ed.).

Pidginization and Creolization of Languages. Cambridge: CUP. 349-370. Hall, Robert A. Jr. 1962. “The life cycle of pidgin languages”. In: Lingua. 11. 151-156. Mühlhäuser, Peter. 1980. “Structural Expansion and the Process of Creolization”. In: Valdman, A. and Highfield,

A. (eds.). Theoretical Orientations in Creole Studies. New York: Academic Press. 19-56. Neumann, Ingrid. 1985. Le créole de Breaux Bridge, Louisiane. Etude morphosyntaxique, textes, vocabulaire.

Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag. Snow, Peter. 2000. “Caribbean Creole/Non-Lexifier Contact Situations: A Provisional Survey”. In: Journal of

Pidgin and Creole Languages. 15:2. 339-343. Prosody and grammaticalization in Caribbean Creole development Shelome Gooden University of Pittsburgh Grammaticalization and prosody are both important to the study of the genesis of Creole languages Clements & Gooden (2011). Scholars generally agree that the creation of creole grammars involved both internally and externally motivated grammaticalization (Winford 2012). I propose that prosody can also shed light on the diachronic development of these languages and the nature of Creole genesis itself (cf. Devonish 1989).

Prosody is an organization schema that imposes a rhythmic structure on speech. It cues the divisions of our utterances into interpretable components (Beckman 1986). Intonation is layered on top of these components to convey a variety of meanings. Viewed in this way, both prosodic structure and intonational structure work to signal information about the relatedness of constituents. The distribution of intonational features like F0 and relative prominence in an utterance is done only in ways permitted by the prosodic structure (Ladd, 2008). Syntax and prosody are both integral to language and are intimately intertwined (Selkirk 1986). Given that prosody involves (phonological) structure, changes or developments in the prosodic system of Creoles is a kind of structural change that needs to be studied.

Givón (1979) claimed that prosody is vital to the development of ‘new’ languages like creoles as it signals the relations between constituents before syntactic structures are developed. One interpretation is that in (early) creole formation prosody played an important role in grammaticalization processes. This view is consistent with Haspelmath (2011), who argues that grammaticalization involves both phonological and morphosyntactic changes. Similarly, Wichmann (2011) argues that many diachronic phonological changes described as segmental, involving reduction, elision and syllable loss, are in fact secondary consequences of underlying prosodic changes. Furthermore, it is well observed that closed

43

class grammatical words e.g. pronouns, prepositions, conjunctions are rarely given prosodic prominence, while open class words have much greater potential to be made prominent. It is reasonable to suggest therefore that if open class words underwent grammaticalization in Creoles, they more likely to be deaccented, and even if they were accented, would likely carry a low F0 rather than a high F0. This means that words that were grammaticalized in Creoles are likely not have been prosodically prominent in the input languages or were made less so.

In the absence of speech recordings from formative periods, through which to evaluate intonational cues to prosodic structure, we can look to synchronic prosodic realizations to provide appropriate evidence to complement independent analyses of historical change. Sutcliffe (2003) points to the importance of prosodic analysis to advance our insights on the formation of these languages. Our research then can focus on a range of varieties, displaying an eclectic mix of prosodies from stress to lexical tone systems. These would necessarily include less conservative ones like Bahamian Creole to more conservative varieties like Jamaican Creole, and more radical creoles like Saramaccan, as a clue to how these properties might have developed more generally. “To be or is be not one fine translation?” Translating a classical text into a constructed pidgin in a work of fiction Iris Guske Kempten School of Translation & Interpreting Studies Constructed languages are not a new phenomenon, as over ten centuries they have been created either as secret codes (e.g. Lingua Ignota), as philosophical endeavours of logic (e.g. Loglan), or to aid universal communication by doing away with the vagaries characteristic of natural languages (e.g. Esperanto). More recently, however, such loglangs and auxlangs were joined by artlangs, i.e. those invented for artistic purposes in works of fiction. Prominent among these are Tolkien’s Sindarin, Orwell’s Newspeak, Klingon developed for “Star Trek” or High Valyrian for “Game of Thrones”, to name but a few (Okrent, 2009; Rosenfelder, 2010).

Broadly defined as spoken by imagined people(s) in imagined places, artlangs can be classified more narrowly according to whether they are based on an existing language or not, which would make them a posteriori or a priori, or any combination in between. The second distinction can be made on the basis of artlangs either fulfilling a more superficial, aesthetic purpose or a plot-related function. Directly linked to this is the final category into which they can fall depending on the extent of their communicative capability, i.e. how fully developed their vocabulary, grammar and usage is (Petersen, 2014; Mäkelä, 2015).

In 2005 British author John Harding published his acclaimed novel “One Big Damn Puzzler”, which is set on a fictitious tropical island inhabited by people who speak a pidgin which Harding himself invented. While the plot revolves around the culture clash suffered

44

by an American lawyer stranded there, the book derives most of its charm from Harding’s idea of having the island’s chief struggle with a stage translation of Hamlet’s famous monologue into the island vernacular and its subsequent staging with local amateur actors.

In order to assess the quality of the work produced by such an unlikely translator it will first be determined which of the above categories Harding’s constructed language falls into, and whether it can be classified as a proper (fictional) pidgin on the basis of its genesis as well as its lexical and grammatical features (Baptiste, 2005; Kouwenberg and Singler, 2008; Mühlhäusler, 1986-2012). A discussion combining translation and anthropological studies will follow to identify the unique linguistic, situative and cultural hurdles to be overcome in the process of adapting Shakespeare's Elizabethan plot, characters and rhetoric to contemporary islanders’ worldviews, their thought and speech patterns (Malinowski, 1929; Theroux, 1992; Lothmann, 2006; Mooneeram, 2009).

Drawing on translation theories applicable in this context (Lefevere, 1994; Bassnett and Trivedi, 1999; Vieira, 1999; Gentzler and Tymoczko, 2002), it will finally be ascertained whether this unique fictional translation of a classical text into a constructed pidgin qualifies as a success – not least as judged by the play's reception by the island community and their American visitor. Rest is be silence. Comparative alternation in Mauritian: data and experiments Shrita Hassamal Paris Diderot University Comparative adverbs form part of the bigger semantic class of degree adverbs and they alternate between two forms in Mauritian: osi and otan for equality ‘as … as’, mwin and mwins for inferiority ‘less’ and pli and plis for superiority ‘more’.

In a study of the inequality comparatives, based on the few available written corpus in Mauritian (Lalit- www.lalitmauritius.org, Virahsawmy) and informants, Hassamal & Abeillé 2014 propose a complementary distribution between the alternate forms; pli and mwin modify non verbal gradable categories, plis and mwins modify non verbal quantifiable categories and all verbs (gradable or not). Table 1 summarises the distribution of pli and plis and mwin and mwins in Mauritian.

45

with verbs with nouns with adjectives with adverbs intensity scale

quantity scale

intensity scale

quantity scale

intensity scale

quantity scale

*mo admir li pli / mwin. (‘I admire him her more / less.’)

*mo al sinema pli / mwin. (‘I go to the cinema more / less.’)

Pli / mwin per. (‘more / less fear’)

*pli / mwin liv (‘more / less books’)

Pli / mwin gran (‘more / less tall’)

*pli / mwin absan (‘more / less absent’)

Pli / mwin vit (‘more/less fast’)

Mo admir li plis / mwins. (‘I admire him/her more / less.)

Mo al sinema plis / mwins. (‘I go to the cinema more / less.’)

Plis / mwins per (‘more / less fear.’)

Plis / mwins liv (‘more / less books’)

*plis / mwins gran (‘more tall’)

Plis / mwins absan (‘more / less absent’)

*plis / mwins vit (‘more/less fast’)

To test this hypothesis more scientifically, we designed a production experiment on pli and plis based on psycholinguistic methods, with controlled context and distractors (Hemforth 2013). Since Mauritian is essentially a spoken language with a very recent standardised spelling (Hookoomsing 2004) and that speakers have difficulty with written input and are easily influenced by the French spelling, we had to build visual and oral stimuli (a few examples in Appendix).

The results from the Experiment confirmed that verbs select plis, adverbs select pli and that with adjectives, there is a semantic specialisation (pli for intensity modification and plis for quantity or frequency modification)(semantic factor only significant for adjectives). However with nouns, there is a significant preference for plis: only plis with countable nouns, and both plis and plis with gradable nouns.

We wondered whether the alternation may come from spoken French, which has two forms /ply/ and /plys/ (we disregard, here, a third form of liaison, /plyz/), for one written form (plus ‘more’). Since the distribution has not been studied for spoken French, we carried out two experiments: one with a reading task, and one with the same visual stimuli (and new oral ones). Our results show that the distribution is only syntax based in French: adverbs and adjectives combine with /ply/, and nouns and verbs combine with /plys/ (the semantic

46

factor was not significant). We conclude that the semantic spezialisation is an innovation of Mauritian. References Hassamal, S, & Abeille, A. (2014). Degree adverbs in Mauritian. In Stefan Müller (Ed.): Proceedings of the 21st

International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, University at Buffalo (pp. 259–279). Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications.

Hemforth, B. (2013).Experimental Linguistics. In Oxford Online Bibliographies. Mark Aronoff ed. New York: Oxford University Press.

Hookoomsing, V. Y. 2004. Grafi larmoni. Ministry of Education, Mauritius. Kennedy C. & McNally L. 2005. Scale Structure, Degree Modification, and the Semantics of Gradable Predicates.

Language 81, 345-381. Appendix

Below are a few examples of the visual and oral (indicated by ) stimuli we used in our experiment. (1) Noun, associated with a quantity scale

a. Lontan ti ena tigit kilomet ant nou de lakaz. Long ago PST have little kilometre between 1PL two houses ‘Long ago, there was a few kilometres between our two houses.’

b. Aster mo’nn demenaze, ena ____ kilomet ant nou de. Now 1SG’PERF move out, have ____ kilometre between 1PL two ‘Now that I’ve moved out, there are ____ kilometres between us two.’

47

(2) Adverb

a. Rita ek Sunil kondir vit. Rita and Sunil drive fast

‘Rita and Sunil drive fast.’ b. Me Sunil kondir ____ vit ki Rita. But Sunil drive ____ fast than Rita ‘But Sunnil drives ____ fast than Rita.’ An examination of the linguistic landscape in two neighborhood communities in South Florida: Riviera and Little Haiti Tometro Hopkins Florida International University This paper provides observations on the linguistic landscape in two neighborhood communities in South Florida: Riviera and Little Haiti, where Spanish and Haitian Creole are widely spoken respectively. The paper examines which language dominates in the public display of signs in each of the speech communities: Spanish vs English in Riviera and Haitian Creole vs English in Little Haiti. Photographs of the use of Spanish, Haitian Creole and English on advertising billboards, street names, place names, and commercial shop signs in each of the respective neighborhood communities provide the data for this study. The data evince significant discrepancies in the linguistic landscape in the public display of signs in Riviera and Little Haiti. In Riviera Spanish is more visibly used than English in the public display of signs, whereas in Little Haiti English dominates Haitian Creole in public signage. An analysis of the data strongly suggest that a triplex set of factors – political, economic and identity- may have strongly influenced the application of linguistic landscapes in the two neighborhood communities. The examination of the linguistic landscape in Riviera and Little Haiti hopes to provide information about the sociolinguistic

48

context and the use of the different languages in language signs in multilingual South Florida. Modeling the role of acquisition in contact-induced language change Anna Jon-And1 and Elliot Aguilar2

1Dalarna University, 2University of Pennsylvania Accelerated language change in contact settings, especially language shift, is generally attributed to innovation during the second language acquisition process (Weinreich, 1979; Thomason & Kaufman, 1988). The role of second language speakers in contact-induced change is investigated quantitatively by Bentz et al. (2013) who find negative correlations between the proportions of L2 speakers and morphosyntactic complexity in synchronic cross-linguistic data. At the same time, evolutionary models and experiments reveal learnability as a general force in language evolution (Kirby 2001, Kirby et al. 2008). This indicates that more learnable features, such as morphological simplicity, would be favored by all language acquisition and not only by second language acquisition. The aim of this paper is to use agent-based modeling and computational simulations in order to test if morphological reduction in a language shift setting may result from a general acquisition effect reinforced by large proportions of learners, or if special weight needs to be attributed to second language acquisition. The models’ predictions are compared to linguistic and demographic diachronic data from the ongoing language shift from Bantu languages to Portuguese in Maputo, Mozambique.

To model linguistic interaction, we have adapted Jansson et al. (2015)’s model of creole formation. Speakers interact pairwise and chose a variant of a linguistic feature based on their probability distribution of usage. Each agent modifies their distribution of usage based on what they heard by using a linear updating rule. The simulation starts with a conservative linguistic variant fixed. After a round of interactions, population turnover occurs with some individuals dying and new first and second language speakers entering. New individuals are assigned with a probability of introducing a novel variant during a period of acquisition. To investigate the role of first and second language acquisition, we test if a rate of innovation low enough not to spread in a situation with no recruitment of second language speakers, may result in the observed spread of reduced verbal morphology in Maputo Portuguese when demographic parameters are fixed to data on the number of first and second language speakers in Maputo over the period 1975-2007. We presume that the innovative form is non-existent before 1975, as the spread of Portuguese through massive second language acquisition started only after this year. The linguistic data comprehend recordings with 20 participants in similar circumstances from two time points (1993 & 2007), where variation between the conservative pre-contact variant (full verbal plural agreement) and the innovative variant (deletion of verbal plural suffix) is quantified and a diffusion of the novel variant is observed.

49

References Bentz, C., & Winter, B. (2013). Languages with more second language learners tend to lose nominal case.

Language Dynamics and Change, 3(1), 1-27. Jansson, F., Parkvall, M., & Strimling, P. (2015). Modeling the Evolution of Creoles. Language Dynamics and

Change, 5(1), 1-51. Kirby, S. (2001). Spontaneous evolution of linguistic structure-an iterated learning model of the emergence of

regularity and irregularity. Evolutionary Computation, IEEE Transactions on, 5(2), 102-110. Kirby, S., Cornish, H., & Smith, K. (2008). Cumulative cultural evolution in the laboratory: An experimental

approach to the origins of structure in human language. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105(31)

Thomason, S. G., & Kaufman, T. (1988). Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics. Univ of California Press.

Weinreich, U. (1979). Languages in contact: Findings and problems (No. 1). Walter de Gruyter. Analyzing variation in code-switching typology: the case of Limonese Creole-Spanish bilingual speech in Puerto Limón, Costa Rica Ashley LaBoda Franklin and Marshall College Definitions of code-switching are numerous, however it can be defined broadly as “the alternate use of two or more languages in the same utterance or conversation” (Grosjean 1982:145). Muysken (2000) argues that code-switching is not a uniform contact phenomenon, but rather code-switching production is varied, and dependent on the languages and the speech community involved.

The current study examines multiword code-switching in the speech of Limonese Creole (LC)-Spanish bilinguals in Puerto Limón, Costa Rica. This study aims to provide insight on the processes of code-switching within the context of a creole in contact with a language other than its lexifier, as well as determine any implications these processes may have on the future of LC. The research questions motivating this study are:

1) What are the type, frequency, and distribution of multiword code-switches in the data?

2) What code-switching pattern best describes the corpus? 3) What can the dominant code-switching pattern imply about the nature of LC-

Spanish individual and societal bilingualism? The data for this study come from sociolinguistic interviews and natural conversations with 21 LC-Spanish bilinguals. Interviews and conversations range between 15 and 50 minutes, and were recorded and transcribed. Upon analysis, 262 Spanish multiword insertions are extracted from the data and analyzed.

This study adopts the Mixing Typology Model (MTM) framework for analyzing variation in code-mixing strategies (Deuchar, Muysken and Wang 2007; Muysken 2000, 2013, 2015). The MTM proposes that multiword code-switches may be interpreted as either

50

insertions, alternations or congruent lexicalization, with one pattern emerging as dominant (although not exclusive) in a bilingual corpus. All three patterns were found in the current corpus. Insertion occurs when an element (most often a lone word or constituent) from one language is introduced into a recipient language.

(1) no becah el sábado is Cecilia birthday ‘no because Saturday is Cecilia’s birthday’

Alternation refers to when speakers vacillate between languages after stretches of words, akin to Poplack’s (1980) inter- and intra-sentential code-switching.

(2) She mussi wa’ah fi go back. Tiene que volver. Or she mussi ga’an ga’an buy a San José ‘She must have wanted to go back. She has to go back. Or she might have left to go buy [things] in San José.’

Congruent lexicalization occurs when languages share structures. Switches analyzed as congruent lexicalization are more or less “random” and do not necessarily conform to constituent boundaries (Muysken 2000:8; Deuchar, Muysken and Wang 2007:304; Lipski 2014:27).

(3) I didn like fi di shoes porque yo no sé dey look beta fi mi dey pair nice with di dress ‘I didn’t like her shoes because I don’t know, they look better on me they pair nicely with my dress’

Determining the dominant code-switching pattern in a corpus provides insight on speakers’ bilingualism and political competition between languages. Alternation as the dominant switch pattern indicates speakers’ fluent bilingualism and high proficiency in both languages involved (Muysken 2013:714), however it also implies more political competition between languages (Lipski 2009:31). Congruent lexicalization is also a pattern indicative of high proficiency in both languages and is influenced by the typological similarity of the language pair in question. Insertional code-switching is indicative of nonfluency (Muysken 2000).

It is hypothesized that the LC-Spanish corpus favors alternation as a dominant pattern as there is a tradition of language separation in Limón and bilingualism is fairly stable. However, although Limonese and Spanish are not so typologically similar that they are mutually intelligible, they are still typologically similar in some structures, such as SVO word order. These typological similarities may favor congruent lexicalization, and imply that the two languages are not socially sstratified.

51

References Deuchar, M., Muysken, P., & Wang, S.-L. (2007). Structured Variation in Codeswitching: Towards an Empirically

Based Typology of Bilingual Speech Patterns. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 10(3), 298–340.

Grosjean, F. (1984). Life with Two Languages: An Introduction to Bilingualism. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

Lipski, J. M. (2009). “Fluent dysfluency” as Congruent Lexicalization: A Special Case of Radical Code-Mixing. Journal of Language Contact, 2(2), 1–39.

Lipski, J. M. (2014). Spanish-English code-switching among low-fluency bilinguals: Towards an expanded typology. Sociolinguistic Studies, 8(1), 23–55.

Muysken, P. (2000). Bilingual speech: a typology of code-mixing. Cambridge, U.K. ; New York: Cambridge University Press.

Muysken, P. (2013). Language contact outcomes as the result of bilingual optimization strategies. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 16(04), 709–730.

Muysken, P. (2015). Déjà Voodoo or New Trails Ahead? Re-Evaluating the Mixing Typology Model. In R. Torres Cacoullos, N. Dion, & A. Lapierre (Eds.), Linguistic variation: confronting fact and theory. New York, NY: Routledge, 2015.

Spanish and Philippine possibility markers in Chabacano and its substrates Marivic Lesho University of Bremen With only a few exceptions (e.g., Frake 1980, Sippola 2011), little work has documented the TMA system of the Chabacano creoles beyond the perfective marker ya, the imperfective ta, and the irrealis/contemplative di or ay, especially in the area of modality. Modality is also underdescribed in the Philippine substrates of these creoles. In this paper, I analyze the sources and semantics of the possibility markers in Zamboanga and Cavite Chabacano and their respective substrates, Hiligaynon and Tagalog. The data come from elicitation with 6 Zamboangueños, 2 Caviteños, 1 Tagalog speaker, and 1 Hiligaynon speaker, as well as available texts.

The description follows typological semantic frameworks (e.g., Palmer 2001, Davis et al. 2009) that allow for a more fine-grained semantic description beyond the three “prototypical” creole TMA markers. Dynamic possibility can be divided into the following subcategories: participant-internal (learned ability and capability) and participant-external (circumstantial possibility and circumstantial nonvolition). The languages examined use Spanish and Philippine markers to cover these various notions: pwede or puwede ‘can’ (< Sp. puede ‘can.3SG’) in all four languages, sabe ‘know’ (< Sp. sabe ‘know.3SG’) in both Chabacano varieties, marunong ‘knowledgeable’ in Tagalog, maayo ‘good, effective’ in Hiligaynon, kaya ‘power, capability’ and maaari ‘can’ in Tagalog, and ma(ka)- in Tagalog and Hiligaynon.

Pwede ‘can’ is used in all four languages to mark circumstantial possibility (e.g., ZC tyéne yo sén, pwéde yo andá na párti ‘I have money, so I can go to the party’), although in the substrates, this marker alternates with ma(ka)- (and maaari in Tagalog). As in Spanish,

52

pwede can also mark deontic possibility (ZC el báta pwéde está akí esta noche ‘the child can stay here tonight’) and epistemic possibility (ZC pwéde ele saká kon el sen, kay ele ladrón ‘it could be him who took the money, because he’s a thief’). In dynamic contexts, the creoles have extended pwede to mark nonvolitional or accidental circumstances, which in the substrates can only be marked with ma(ka)- (Tag. natupunan ko ng pintura ‘I [involuntarily] spilled paint’; see also Rubino 2008).

There are also slight differences in how Zamboanga and Cavite Chabacano use pwede. In Zamboanga Chabacano, it can be used interchangeably with sabe in contexts of learned ability (e.g., el báta pwéde/sábe le buenaménte ‘the child can read well’), but in Cavite Chabacano, only sabe is acceptable. The substrate counterparts are maayo and marunong. Finally, Tagalog uses kaya in contexts of internal capability (e.g., kaya kong tumakbo nang mabilis ‘I can run fast’), which seems to be a fairly recent grammaticalization. In contrast, the creoles use pwede and Hiligaynon uses puwede or ma(ka)-.

This comparison reveals the similarities and differences in how these languages mark possibility. The analysis shows that contact between the Spanish and Philippine modal systems not only resulted in the restructured Chabacano system but also led to changes in the substrates, such as the use of ability markers to cover deontic and epistemic contexts. The paper documents an understudied area of Chabacano and Philippine grammar and offers insights into the complex dynamics of the Spanish-Philippine contact situation. References Davis, Henry, Lisa Matthewson, & Hotze Rullmann. 2009. ‘Out of control’ marking as circumstantial modality in

St’at’imcets.’ In Lotte Hogeweg, Helen de Hoop, and A. L. Malchukov (eds.), Cross-linguistic Semantics of Tense, Aspect and Modality, 205-244. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Frake, Charles. 1980. Zamboangueño verb expressions. Anwar, S. (ed), Language and cultural description. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 277-310.

Palmer, F. R. 1981/2001. Mood and modality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rubino, Carl. 2008. Zamboangueño Chavacano and the potentive mode. In Michaelis, Susanne (ed.), Roots of

creole structures: Weighing the contribution of substrates and superstrates. Creole Language Library Volume. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

Sippola, Eeva. 2011. Una gramática descriptiva del chabacano de Ternate. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Helsinki.

Syntactic variation and language change in Papiamentu/o: directional and resultative serial verb constructions Asuncion Lloret Florenciano University of Hamburg This paper deals with the synchronic variation and diachronic language change taking place in Papiamentu/o (Pp) within the directional and resultative serial verb constructions (SVCs). Evidence for the grammaticalization of the serial verbs in these constructions will be

53

presented. All examples come from my corpus of spoken data gathered during fieldwork on the ABC islands and texts written in Pp.

Regarding the directional serial verbs bai/bay ‘go’ and bin(i) ‘come’, two divergent paths of grammaticalization are attested. On the one hand, following the compounding and lexicalization of some directional SVCs in Pp, such as bula bai ‘fly go’, due to the frequency with which they are used (cf. Kouwenberg and Muysken 1995, Muysken 2001), I present syntactic and semantic evidence for the merge (cf. Heine and Reh 1984) of bai/bay into, at least, some motion verbs, i.e. bula, biaha ‘travel’: bai/bay cannot undergo predicate cleft, i.e. loss of syntactic properties, and prepositions na/pa begin to be introduced after the directional SVC to express the directionality, i.e. semantic bleach of bai/bay:

(1) Dos mucha homber ta biah-ando bay pa Surinam. two child man TA travel-GER go to Suriname ‘Two boys are travelling to Suriname’

The insertion of prepositions after directional SVCs may also be influenced by the increasing use of prepositions after directional verbs in monoverbal predicates. I argue that this shift can be explained by both internal (i.e. grammaticalization) and external aspects (i.e. contact to Indoeuropean languages). Thus, it is a case of contact induced grammaticalization (cf. Heine and Kuteva 2003).

On the other hand, bai/bay and bin(i) have undergone the process of grammaticalization from full lexical verb to preposition proposed by Lehmann (1995): i) full verb ii) serial verb iii) coverb iv) adposition i) Full verb.

(2) Mi ta bai Merca. 1SG TA go USA ‘I go to the USA’

ii) Serial verb: it is marked for aspect.

(3) E mucha ta kor-iendo ta bai skol. DEF child TA run-GER ASP go school ‘The child is running to school/is going to school fast’

iii) Coverb: it becomes defective, i.e. it is not marked for aspect and cannot be clefted. Furthermore, an adverbial can intervene between the verb constituents.

(4) a. Aki hende-nan ta bula bai Sürnam ku avion. Here person-PL TA fly go S. with plane ‘Here people are flying to Suriname by plane’

54

b. Dos hende tabata bul-ando den avion bai Sürnam. two people PST.IPFV fly-GER LOC plane go S. ‘Two people were flying by plane to Suriname’ iv) Preposition: locative and temporal meaning (cf. Heine, Claudi, Hünnemeyer 1991).

(5) Nos tabata nuebe ora den avion for di Kòrsou bai Hulanda. 1SG COP.PST nine hour LOC plan from of C. go H. ‘We were nine hours in the plane from Curacao to Holland’ (bai inside a PP) The grammaticalization of bai/bay into a preposition can also be influenced by attitudinal reasons, as some speakers said to avoid preposition pa to express directionality due to its connection with the Spanish preposition para. This factor may have accelerated the grammaticalization process of bai/bay from lexical verb to preposition. Moreover, since bai/bay is used as future, aspectual and assertative/purposive marker, there is a clear case of polygrammaticalization (cf. Craig 1991).

As for the grammaticalization of resultative serial verbs, three pieces of evidence can be presented: V2 cannot be clefted (6), V2 cannot be inflected for participle (7) and V2 alternatively juxtaposes/coalesces into V1 forming a resultative verb compound (8):

(6) *Ta mata outo a dal kabritu mata. FOC kill car PFV strike goat kill

(7) Un hòmber no identifiká a wòrdu tirá mata.

INDF man NEG identify.PTCP PFV AUX.PASS shoot.PTCP kill ‘A non-identified man was shot dead’

(8) Polis di Sint Maarten cu a tira mata un persona a police of S. M. REL PFV shoot kill INDF person PFV bin sinta castigo na Aruba. come sit punishment LOC A. ‘The policeman from Sint Maarten who shot a person dead came to sit his sentence in Aruba’

Further evidence for the resultative verb compound is the merger of V2 into V1, as V2 loses its valency when it takes part in the verb compound:

(9) Y. a wordo acusa di a tira mata riba H. Y. PFV AUX.PASS accuse.PTCP of PFV shoot kill at H. ‘York was accused of having shot H. dead’

55

The semantic action-result relationship can be expressed in Pp with resultative SVCs, verb compound and via (c)overt coordination. The use of the latter may entail semantic, pragmatic and stylistic differences. Lastly, dal ‘strike’ as V1 of a resultative SVC presents a similar path of grammaticalization in combination with some verbs. Translating drama in Lusophone West African islands: the Cape Verdean post-colonial stage Helder Lopes This paper aims to shed light on postcolonial theatre plays translated and performed in Crioulo - Cape Verde’s unofficial language, from when Cape Verde gained political independence in 1975 to now. The mid 1970s were a pivotal moment in the history of Cape Verde as it became then politically independent from the Portuguese Government. This period marked the initial post-independence period that brought a new intellectual movement, pursuing decolonisation and affirmation of multiple cultural identities. Although Portuguese is the official language in the archipelago, Cape Verdean Crioulo, as a creole language of Portuguese basis, it is used as a second language by the Cape Verdean diaspora. Moreover, it is the oldest (still-spoken) creole, and the most widely spoken Portuguese-based creole. Being based upon a phonetic system, ALUPEC, Alfabeto Unificado para a Escrita do Cabo-Verdiano (Unified Alphabet for Crioulo Writing) represents an attempt to acknowledge and establish Crioulo as an official language. It has been recorded that theatre troupes have performed Western canonical retranslated plays (from Portuguese into Crioulo) by Shakespeare, Victor Hugo, García Lorca, Oscar Wilde, Camus, Chekhov, Molière and Beckett. Hence, can translations represent ostensible evidence of decolonising linguistic processes on stage within a peripheral and subject insulated culture? Are translators and their work undermined in the process of cultural diffusion witnessed for, at least, the past forty years in Cape Verdean literary history? Despite relying on Western models for their creation, do translations defy social conventions imposed by the former coloniser? This analysis will be carried out by briefly looking at selected translators and their work, their profiles and patterns shifts or trends in the politics of Creolisation: an adaptation of theatre play within national context, in any period. It is the means to achieve a performative effect through the same characters, circumstances and the playwright’s plot. However, time and space are, sometimes, redefined, such as other minor aspects. Due to scarce national plays, those that are translated, not only represent one of the most achievable ways for local production of entertainment but also bring universality of canonical plays within Cape Verde’s performing arts. Creolisation combines both epic theatre and document-theatre to grasp how contemporary Cape Verdean theatre is bonded to social and political transformation.

56

Brotherhood of Our Lady of the Rosary of Black People: early written texts from Afro- Brazilian people Fernanda Maciel Ziober Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Researchers agree that the origin of a new contact variety must arise from the contact between two communities of speech, and for that reason, socio-history emerged as an important parameter of analysis of contact linguistics (Thomason & Kaufman 1988, Thomason 2008). The biggest challenge to solve this kind of question is to find rare and sparse data about the beginning of these communities. Because there were no recordings or film making back then, the only source of real linguistic data available from this early stages are written texts. Those can be texts written by early native speakers of theses contact varieties or written quotes of how they use to speak (Holm 1988).

In the present work, I bring into focus the texts of Brotherhood of Our Lady of the Rosary of Black People (Irmandade Nossa Senhora do Rosário dos Homens Pretos). It emerged from late medieval civil institutions, when Brotherhoods of Black People were important institutions during colonial times, in Brazil, Africa and Europe (Assis 1988). They were organizations authorized by the church and the State, and they could give some assistance and status to slaves and freedmen. A ‘brother’, as they used to say, could be a man or a woman, from any age, captive or free, and the rules would be established through a commitment (Compromisso). Usually, the enrolment involved the payment of a fee, and this would help the brotherhood to buy medical supplies or homes in order to help the ‘brothers’ in difficult moments and to build a catholic church with a cemetery, since there were no public cemeteries in Brazil back then.

Apart from their historical importance, their archives are an important source to linguistic data that could help researchers understanding the early stages of written language in afro-Brazilian varieties (Oliveira 2006). Here I focus on the early nineteenth century texts from Recife’s Brotherhood. Since Portuguese orthography was only officialised in 1910, it is possible to find some interference from oral language in those texts, contributing to the knowledge of the formation of Recife Portuguese Variety, as well as the Brazilian Portuguese spoken by Afro-Brazilian and Africans speakers.

I compare the texts written by an Afro-Brazilian scriba, called Manoel de Barros, because those text demonstrated less security on the writings, compared with more skilled scriba, based also on their fluency in writing, possibly a white man, because of institutional rules in early centuries (Ziober 2014). Slaves could not attend school, so the most common way to learn how to write was to copy other texts, like the Brotherhood did. For this reason, the variation among same words shows us how his perception of writing would vary according to his speech. The common structures that I am going to explore in this comparative work are phonological processes, like rotacism and vowel lowering. In this presentation, I hope to encourage new researchers to look for these brotherhoods and to

57

document data that in other way may be extinguished or destroyed by the action of time and human neglect. Pragmatics in Wernicke’s aphasia speech: understanding how languages (re)develop Rodolfo Mattiello In a world where communication has been facilitated by technological devices, a bi-lateral perspective has become outdated since speech is influenced by so many cultures and, therefore, thoughts are built upon the outcome of social interactions with people from around the planet. Likewise, it is now a time to bring two important linguistic sides to a more plural view of how languages are acquired through their usage. This research proposal aims to incorporate a better understanding of intention in speech of patients with aphasia, more specifically patients with Wernicke's aphasia, into studies using Tomasello’s Usage-based Learning theory with a contemporary view of language acquisition. Investigating the pragmatics in the speech of these patients with a Usage-based Learning lens might shed a light for this community, with regard of their intention in communication even though their utterances may not come out accordingly.

This proposal brings together two antagonistic linguistic perspectives – generativists and interactionists - laid on Morin’s premisses that theories should not impose a single outcome (Morin, 2011: 28). The goal is to have Tomasello’s Usage-based Learning studies as a basis to (re)build speech of people with aphasia, more specifically Wernicke’s aphasia since their communication is impaired for they struggle with conveying their intentions given that they cannot produce certain words and idioms as a result of neurological condition acquired via a stroke or another type of accident involving the brain (www.aphasia.org/aphasia-definitions). Tomasello’s studies support the perspective that languages are acquired through exposure to the language and then our biological ability to make statistical analyses is triggered to grasp intention (Tomasello, 2003, 2006). Thus, in this theoretical proposal, Usage-based Learning plays an important role as the foundation for the (re)acquisition of the aphasic speech since people with aphasia would then compensate their brain injury by using another hemisphere and then the pair interaction/cognition would generate the expected outcome.

Although people with aphasia (PWAs) do not produce what was expected when communicating, their intentions might be saved and this is in compliance with a contemporary revision of Austin's work on speech acts. Rajagopalan (2010) revisits Austin's theory of locutionary speech in which people now communicate with intentions, removing the idea that there could be a speech that would merely state something. According to Urmson and Sbisà (1962, 1975), Austin’s theory of performative acts extends to every act of speaking for there is instance of performance of an act when saying something. Therefore, even though their utterances do not comply with the rules of standard communication, intentions are there and they are accurate, for intentions give

58

communication the necessary information to interlocutors. If their intentions are preserved, PWAs need to receive a fair amount of exposure to stimulate the parts of the brain that remain intact to (re)acquire the language.

Thus, this proposal aims at using this linguistic study to support that people with Wernicke’s aphasia have their intention preserved even though their speech displays the opposite. If that is the case, then the study of Usage-based Learning will serve the purpose when people with aphasia receive a high exposure to language and frequent language classes having a chance to compensate their brain condition using another brain hemisphere to grasp meaning and then re-direct their oral production to match their intention. References AUSTIN, J.L. (1975). How to do things with words. Second edition. J.O. Urmson and M. Sbisà (eds.). Harvard

University Press. CHOMSKY, N. (1986). Knowledge of Language: Its Nature, Origin, and Use. Connecticut: Praeger.

http://www.aphasia.org/ RAJAGOPALAN, K. (2010). Nova Pragmática: fases e feições de um fazer. São Paulo: Parábola. ROBSON, H. et al. (2014). The anterior temporal lobes support residual comprehension in Wernicke’s aphasia.

Brain: A Journal of Neurology, p. 931-943. Oxford University Press. SCHUMANN, J. H. (2009). The Interactional Instinct: The Evolution and Acquisition of Language. New York:

Oxford University Press. TOMASELLO, M. (2003). Constructing a Language: a Usage Based Theory of Language Acquisition. Harvard

University Press. TOMASELLO, M. (2006). Acquiring Linguistic Constructions. In D. Kuhn & R. Siegler (Eds.), Handbook of

Child Psychology, Vol. 2: Cognition, Perception and Language. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 255-299. Asymmetry in path coding: creole data support a universal trend Susanne Michaelis University of Leipzig It seems to be a robust empirical observation that in path constructions, motion-from (‘I come from Leipzig’) is coded with more (or at least the same amount of) linguistic material than motion-to (‘I go to Leipzig’). Since motion-to constructions are also much more frequent in discourse than motion-from constructions, this universal can be subsumed under the grammatical form–frequency correspondence principle (Haspelmath et al. 2014, and related work). In other words, the fact that motion-from constructions are longer can be seen as a functional response to the need to highlight rarer, less predictable constructions.

In this talk, I will show that data from high-contact languages, such as pidgins and creoles support this universal claim (see Michaelis & APiCS Consortium 2013a, 2013b, 2013c), as in examples (1)-(2).

59

(1) Vincentian Creole (Prescod 2013) a. Mi gaan a maakit. 1SG gone LOC market ‘I’m off to the market.’ b. Mi bin a kuhm fram maakit. 1SG PST PROG come from market ‘I was coming from the market.’ (2) Sri Lanka Portuguese (Smith 2013) a. eev jaa-andaa maaket 1SG PST-go market ‘I went to the market.’ b. eli kaaza impa jaa-vii teem 3SG.M house from PST-come PRS.PRF ‘He has come from home.’ In both pairs of examples, the (b)-examples (motion-from) are coded with more segmental material, here by an adposition (fram and impa), than the (a)-examples (motion-to), which show an adposition (a) in Vincentian Creole and a zero-marked locative argument in Sri Lanka Portuguese, respectively. In the latter case, the specific orientation (motion-to) can only be inferred from the semantics of the verb ‘go’.

Interestingly, a certain number of creole languages show identical marking of motion-to and motion-from constructions, a case which does not contradict the implicational universal cited above. One example is shown in (3). (3) Krio (Finney 2013) a. a di go na di makit 1SG PROG go LOC ART market ‘I am going to the market.’ b. A jɛs kɔmɔt na di makit 1SG just come LOC ART market ‘I just came back from the market.’ But many other creoles have different constructions for motion-to and motion-from. The constructional difference can be achieved in various ways. Motion-to constructions often show zero-marking whereas motion-from constructions tend to have an overt marker, as seen from the Sri Lanka Portuguese examples in (2). Some languages have overt motion-to

60

markers, but the corresponding motion-from markers are at least equally long or longer (as shown in Vincentian Creole).

I also want to examine the diverse diachronic pathways which lead to the innovative creole patterns. We will see that longer motion-from constructions in creoles have two main sources, adpositions (as in examples 1 and 2) and serial verb constructions, as in (4), where fo ‘come.from’ is the serial verb. (4) Principense (Maurer 2013) a. N we fya. 1SG go market ‘I went to the market.’ b. N vika fo fya. 1SG come come.from market ‘I came from the market.’ Often, but not always, the creole patterns reflect substrate imitation, either the identical marking of motion-to and motion-from constructions (which is a widespread phenomenon in the languages of Subsaharan Africa, see Creissels 2006), or the special marking of motion-from by a serial verb construction (as in West African languages, Creissels 2006) or postpositions (as in South Asian languages). But regardless of the source patterns, the creole data are in line with the universal tendency of motion-from constructions being longer than motion-to ones. References Creissels, Denis. 2006. Encoding the distinction between location, source and direction: a typological study. In:

Hickmann, Maya & Stéphane Robert (eds.), Space in languages, 19-28, Amsterdam: John Benjamins Finney, Malcolm Awadajin. 2013. Krio structure dataset. In: Michaelis, Susanne Maria & Maurer, Philippe &

Haspelmath, Martin & Huber, Magnus (eds.) Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology.

Haspelmath, Martin, Andreea Calude, Michael Spagnol, Heiko Narrog & Elif Bamyacı. 2014. Coding causal-noncausal verb alternations: A form-frequency correspondence explanation. Journal of Linguistics 50(3). 587–625.

Maurer, Philippe. 2013. Principense structure dataset. In: Michaelis, Susanne Maria & Maurer, Philippe & Haspelmath, Martin & Huber, Magnus (eds.) Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology.

Michaelis, Susanne, Philippe Maurer, Martin Haspelmath & Magnus Huber (eds.). 2013. The atlas of pidgin and creole language structures. Oxford: Oxford University Press

Michaelis & APiCS Consortium 2013a. Going to named places. In: Michaelis et al. (eds.). 2013, 314-17. Michaelis & APiCS Consortium 2013b. Coming from named places. In: Michaelis et al. (eds.). 2013, 318-21. Michaelis & APiCS Consortium 2013c. Motion-to and motion-from. In: Michaelis et al. (eds.). 2013, 322-5. Prescod, Paula. 2013. Vincentian Creole structure dataset. In: Michaelis, Susanne Maria & Maurer, Philippe &

Haspelmath, Martin & Huber, Magnus (eds.) Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology.

61

Smith, Ian R. 2013. Sri Lanka Portuguese structure dataset. In: Michaelis, Susanne Maria & Maurer, Philippe & Haspelmath, Martin & Huber, Magnus (eds.) Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology.

Assessing a collaborative dictionary project Bettina Migge University College Dublin In a meeting (les Etats généraux du Multilinguisme en Outre-mer) held in December 2011 in Cayenne that brought together linguists and educators interested and engaged in work on multilingualism in French overseas regions (DOM/TOM) it was decided that a concerted effort needs to be made to ‘equip’ the languages of France so that they can play an active role in public life. In the case of French Guiana, one of the most linguistically heterogeneous DOMs where about 30 languages are spoken, it was decided that dictionaries should be developed in the first instance for those language that are already partially integrated in the education system, the so-called regional languages of French Guiana – French Guianese Creole, Kali’na, Teko, Nengee and Saamaka. In 2012 a project entitled « Dictionnaires et lexiques bilingues. Langues de Guyane » (DicoGuy) was created. I consisted of four working groups made up of speakers of the language and a linguist. All groups were supported by pedagogical staff from the Réctorat de la Guyane and a technical engineer from the CNRS who has experience with the creation of dictionaries and the necessary electronic tools such as toolbox. The project was initially funded for two years by a variety of regional funders such as the local branch of the ministry of culture (La DAG), La Région, le Réctorat and the ministry responsible for the overseas regions of France (MOM) and is now projected to continue until 2018. The aim of this presentation is to present and critically assess this project from a social and Applied Linguistic perspective with special reference to the Nengee sub-project. The project was highly welcomed by local decision makers and even today is it seen as a major milestone in France’s relationship with its heterogeneous linguistic heritage. However, despite this positive official disposition, it has been subject to a number of problems. For once, after the initial phase and due to changes in personnel in some of the organizations supporting the project, the financial support has been highly variable. Many of the financial and political decision makers have little understanding of the process and do not properly liaise with the language groups and therefore fail to adequately support the project. It is the dedication of some people in key positions that have allowed the project to continue. Although the work on individual dictionaries was supposed to have been led by the speakers of the language with the support of the linguist and pedagogical staff, lack of time, the variability in linguistic knowledge among speakers and logistical issues has meant that the linguist leads the project, receiving support from speakers. Linguistically, there are

62

issues around language competence (in the European language), the relationship between local and European language parts of the entries, ideologies (e.g. audience, purity, purpose), structural linguistic and pragmatic matters and approaches to obtaining and developing lexical resources as well as technical issues, namely the use of the toolbox. The discussion highlights that dictionary making is socially and a linguistically complex process. A survey of the provenance of enslaved Africans in colonial coastal Georgia Simanique Moody Leiden University This paper examines new and existing evidence to determine what is known about the provenance of enslaved Africans in coastal Georgia during the first 25 years after the ban on slavery was overturned (ca. 1750-1775). Coastal Georgia is one of the few regions in the United States outside of South Carolina and Louisiana where the existence of a creole language spoken alongside African American English (AAE) is well documented (cf. Harris 1880, 1883; Turner 1945, 1948, 1949). In fact, contact among speakers of AAE and the English-lexifier creole Geechee (also known as Gullah or Sea Island Creole, especially in South Carolina) has persisted for over two centuries in coastal Georgia, with sociocultural and linguistic ramifications that are present even today. Rickford’s assertion (1997: 328) that Georgia “may have been a factor in the wider dissemination of creolelike varieties” to regions such as Louisiana and Texas reveals the significance of Georgia and the language varieties spoken by its early African American inhabitants. Determining the provenance of the captive Africans that arrived during the first 20-25 years after 1750 has implications for the languages that might have been spoken during the critical period that the African presence was being established in Georgia. Although much of Georgia’s earliest enslaved black population came from South Carolina prior to 1750, subsequent arrivals came via the Caribbean and directly from Africa (Littlefield 1981; Smith 1985). Whether the majority came from the Caribbean or from Africa is the subject of debate that has implications for the languages that might have been spoken during the critical period that the African presence was being established in Georgia. Origins evidence from both sides of the Atlantic has been brought to bear on this issue, including the work of Georgia historian Julia Smith (1985), who concludes that there were no direct importations from Africa to Georgia until 1765 and provides data to show that the 25 ears following the end of the ban on slavery saw the increase of Georgia’s black population from around 19% (1,000) in 1750 to around 48% (16,000) in 1776, with much of this population concentrated along the coast. Rickford (1997: 327) uses Smith’s research to support his claim that nearly half of the blacks in Georgia during its “critical founding period” may have been creole speakers. A more recent study of coastal Georgia by historian Karen Bell (2010) suggests that roughly 41% of the captive Africans that arrived to Georgia’s main port of Savannah between 1765-1767 came directly from Africa, a percentage that increased in the following decades. This paper

63

examines the Caribbean Collection archives, recently made available by the KITLV/Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies, together with other historical sources, to determine what information is available about the origins of the captive Africans on ships from the Caribbean that sailed to Georgia during this time period. From an unstable to a stable pidgin lexicon – circumlocutions and their replacements in early Tok Pisin, Solomons Pijin and Bislama Damaris Neuhof Justus Liebig University Giessen The Pacific Pidgins Tok Pisin, Solomons Pijin and Bislama came about as a result of plantation economy and colonial expansion. In their beginnings they were restricted to the particular domain of plantation work. As the functional domains of these languages expanded, speakers felt the need to fill gaps in the pidgin lexicons.

Looking at early colonial reports of Pidgin English in Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, it becomes evident that circumlocutions represented one important strategy to fill these lexical gaps to guarantee a successful communication between Pacific islanders and European colonizers, as the following quote from Friederici (1911: 101) shows:

The Pidgin-English is very poor; for all things which are foreign to the native, for abstract terms […] and the like there are no expressions. Some can be replaced by circumlocutions […]. (translation mine)

Though some of the circumlocutions found in early accounts most probably were invented by European writers in their attempt to illustrate the ‘inadequacy’ of the pidgins, it seems reasonable to assume that many in fact are genuine examples, resulting from an important strategy in contact situations which allows speakers to communicate when a lexical item for a referent is lacking.

Circumlocutions are unstable and can vary from speaker to speaker so that different phrases can be used to describe the same referent. While circumlocutions are common in early contact situations, they are said to be replaced in stable pidgins, for instance, by “phrase-like formulas for the description of new concepts” (Romaine 2005: 1094). In addition, they are said to “give way to compounding” (McMahon 1994: 263) while developing from a pidgin to a creole. Circumlocution Phrase-like formula Translation master he get four fellow eyes (Schnee 1904: 303) Galas Belong Hai “spectacles” E got glass along eye belong im (Helton 1943: 51) (Shelton-Smith 1929: 10)

64

This paper will analyse circumlocutions in early sources of Tok Pisin, Solomon Islands Pijin and Bislama. The paper aims to reveal in what kind of lexical domains circumlocutions were used. In addition, it aims to detect when the early circumlocutions were replaced, which can be an indication that the three languages turned into more stabilised varieties. The second part of the paper will focus on the word formation processes involved in replacing the analysed circumlocutions, such as borrowing, compounding etc. The sources which form the basis of this analysis contain travel accounts, missionary reports, early dictionaries and grammars which date from 1850 to 1950. References Friederici, Georg. 1911. Pidgin-Englisch in Deutsch-Neuguinea. Koloniale Rundschau (2). 92–106. Helton, E.C.N. 1943. Booklet on Pidgin English as used in the mandated territory of New Guinea: With Dictionary

of Nouns and Phrases. Brisbane: Adams. McMahon, April M. S. 1994. Understanding Language Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Romaine, Suzanne. 2005. Lexical Structure in Pidgins and Creoles. In Alan Cruse, Franz Hundsnurscher, Michael

Job, Peter Rolf Lutzeier, Lexicology. An International handbook on the nature and structure of words and vocabularies. Vol. 2. 1092-1095. Berlin & New York: de Gruyter.

Schnee, Heinrich 1904. Bilder aus der Südsee. Unter kannibalischen Stämmen des Bismarck-Archipels. Berlin: D. Reimer.

Shelton-Smith, W. 1929. Pidgin Pie. English as she is spoke in New Guinea. The Brisbane Courier, 22.04.1929. 10.

Subject omission in world Englishes Hanna Parviainen University of Tampere The tendency to omit subject pronouns in sentences such as “Actually one day Ø must go to the beach and collect more shells” (ICE-SIN) has been noted to be a common feature in a number of Englishes spoken around the world (Platt et al. 1984; Bhatt 2004; Wee 2004), while the electronic World Atlas of Varieties of English (eWAVE) (Kortmann and Lunkenheimer 2013) also presents some estimates of its frequency in different varieties. However, there are no quantitative studies based on comparative data which would examine the use of this feature in a number of world Englishes.

This paper examines the frequency in which subject pronouns are omitted in the local English varieties spoken in Britain, Fiji, Hong Kong, India, Jamaica, Kenya, the Philippines, Singapore and the United States. The focus of the study is on private conversations; the data for American English come from the Santa Barbara Corpus of Spoken American English (SBCSAE), while data for all other varieties were obtained from the International Corpus of English (ICE), a family of corpora that provides comparable spoken and written data on several varieties of English. For this study, an equal number of files were selected from the nine corpora, and the text files were then manually tagged, marking all expressed and omitted subjects in the data. The results show that speakers of Singapore English have the

65

strongest tendency to omit subjects, whereas the differences between other varieties are less pronounced. The paper suggests that the results can mostly be explained with the subject/topic prominence of the substrates (Li and Thompson 1976), although other possible explanatory factors such as Schneider’s (2007) Dynamic Model will also be discussed. References Bhatt, Rakesh M. 2004. Indian English: syntax. In Bernd Kortmann, Kate Burridge, Rajend Mesthrie, Edgar W.

Schneider and Clive Upton (eds.), A Handbook of Varieties of English, Vol 2: Morphology and Syntax. 1017-1030. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Kortmann, Bernd & Lunkenheimer, Kerstin (eds.) 2013. The Electronic World Atlas of Varieties of English. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. (Available online at http://ewave-atlas.org, Accessed on 2017-02-03.)

Li, Charles N. and Sandra A. Thompson. 1976. Subject and Topic: A New Typology of Language. In Charles N. Li (ed.), Subject and Topic (458-489). New York: Academic Press.

Platt, John, Heidi Weber and Ho Mian Lian. 1984. The New Englishes. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Schneider, Edgar W. 2007. Postcolonial English: Varieties around the world. Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press. Wee, Lionel. 2004. Singapore English: morphology and syntax. In Bernd Kortmann, Kate Burridge, Rajend

Mesthrie, Edgar W. Schneider and Clive Upton (eds.), A Handbook of Varieties of English, Vol 2: Morphology and Syntax. 1058-1072. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Standardizing the non-standard or Namdeutsch as a stylistic feature in current Namibian online media: a quantitative and qualitative corpus-based analysis Henning Radke Universiteit van Amsterdam Since the rise of computer-mediated communication (cmc), the need to use contact varieties in a written form has significantly increased. This development leads to the question of whether such varieties should be standardized. If so, which form should be chosen to become the new standard of a non-standard variety and how frequently should we use it in cmc? After all, we wonder what the expected effects are of such new language usage.

These questions shall be addressed in the proposed talk which is based on a self-compiled corpus covering cmc-examples of Namdeutsch. Namdeutsch is a German variety which evolved in Namibia in the course of the 20th century. It has adopted numerous lexical and morpho-syntactic structures from Afrikaans, English and indigenous Namibian languages. Moreover, it is one of the very few German-based varieties which is exposed to such a diverse contact situation. Therefore, it is surprising that this variety has received little attention in research thus far. Researchers have carried out a fairly large number of diachronic studies on the German language in Namibia (see Wiese 2015, p.7) but “there is hardly any systematic, empirically-based research on the current usage of this variety in peer-group situations” (ibid.).

The proposed presentation helps to bridge this gap by researching Namdeutsch as a stylistic feature in computer-mediated communication. This includes a description of

66

stylistic features such as phonographic integration of loan words, nominal composition, intensifiers and pejorative word choice. Those features will be compared to metalinguistic statements of both authors and recipients of Namdeutsch related texts. Selected examples of Namdeutsch will illustrate the various ways in which this contact variety is used in present-day cmc. The examples will be complemented by a quantitative analysis of the self-complied corpus. Wiese et al. (2015), Shah (2007) and Böhm (2003) are among the important references. References Ammon, Ulrich (2015): Die Stellung der deutschen Sprache in der Welt. Berlin: de Gruyter Böhm, Michael Anton (2003): Deutsch in Afrika. Die Stellung der deutschen Sprache in Afrika vor dem

Hintergrund der bildungs- und sprachpolitischen Gegebenheiten sowie der deutschen Auswärtigen Kulturpolitik. In: Duisburger Arbeiten zur Sprachund Kulturwissenschaft, Band 52. Frankfurt/Main: Peter Lang Verlag

Crane, Thera (2004): Hai ti! A Beginner’s Guide to Oshikwanyama. Onlinebuch frei verfügbar unter https://wingolog.org/pub/hai-ti/hai-ti.pdf [zuletzt aufgerufen am 27.09.2016)

Deumert, Ana (2009): Namibian Kiche Duits: The Making (and Decline) of a Neo-African Language. IN: Journal of Germanic Linguistics 21.4, S. 349–417

Gretschel, Hans Volker (1985): Südwester-Deutsch – eine kritische Bilanz. IN: Logos 13, S. 44-60 Haase, Martin et al. (1997): Internetkommunikation und Sprachwandel. In: Weingarten, Rüdiger (Hrsg.).

Sprachwandel durch Computer? Opalden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 51-85 Nöckler, Herbert Carl (1963): Sprachmischung in Südwestafrika München. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen.

Stuttgart: Hueber Rampton, Ben (1995): Language Crossing and the Problimatisation of Ethnicity and Socialisation. IN: Pragmatics.

International Pragmatics Association, S. 485-513 Riehl, Claudia Maria (2004): Sprachkontaktforschung. Eine Einführung. Tübingen: Narr Schmidt, Gurly (2000): Chat-Kommunikation im Internet – eine kommunikative Gattung? IN: Soziales im Netz.

Sprache, Beziehungen und Kommunikationskulturen im Internet. Opladen. S. 109–130 Schmidt-Brücken, Daniel: Sprache und Kolonialismus : Eine interdisziplinäre Einführung zu Sprache und

Kommunikation in kolonialen Kontexten / Thomas Stolz, Ingo H. Warnke, Daniel Schmidt-Brücken, 2016 Schneider-Wiejowski Karina et al (2013): Vielfalt, Variation und Stellung der deutschen Sprache. Berlin: Walter

de Gruyter Stolz, Thomas / Warnke, Ingo H. / Schmidt-Brücken, Daniel (2016): Sprache und Kolonialismus: Eine

interdisziplinäre Einführung zu Sprache und Kommunikation in kolonialen Kontexten Storrer, Angelika (2001): Sprachliche Besonderheiten getippter Gespräche: Sprachwechsel und sprachliche Zeigen

in der Chat-Kommunikation. IN: Beißwenger, Michael (Hrsg.). Chat-Kommunikation. Stuttgart: Ibidem, S. 3-24

Shah, Sheena (2007). German in a contact situation: The case of Namibian German. eDUSA2: 20-45 Pütz, Joe (2001); Das grosse Dickschenärie, Dickschenärie I & II – Kommbeind, Riekonndischend,Gemoddifeid

und Gesuhpt. Swakopmund. Tophinke, Doris (2002): Schreiben gegen die Regel – Formen und Funktionen orthographischer Abweichungen im

Internet Relay Chat (IRC). IN: Bommes, Michael et al. Sprache als Form. Westdeutscher Verlag Trümpelmann, Georg (2015): Großes Wörterbuch Afrikaans-Deutsch, Deutsch-Afrikaans = Groot Woordeboek

Duits-Afrikaans, Afrikaans-Duits / G. P. J. Trümpelmann ; E. Erbe. - Erw. und - Gießen : Laufersweiler Wiese, Heike et al. (2015): Deutsch im mehrsprachigen Kontext: Beobachtungen zu lexikalisch-grammatikalischen

Entwicklungen im Namdeutschen und im Kiezdeutschen. In: Zeitschrift für Dialektologie und Linguistik 81.3, S. 274-307

67

Recontextualizing Chocoano: a clarification on the history of a Colombian contact variety Eliot Raynor Indiana University This paper considers the sociohistorical conditions and linguistic status of an Afro-Hispanic language variety found in western Colombia. Chocoano1 is spoken primarily by African descendants in the Chocó department situated on the Pacific coast of Colombia, a vast, decentralized region that has been geographically and culturally isolated from the rest of Colombia since its settlement.

Over the past 30 years, Chocoano has come to comprise an important tenet of several conflicting proposals regarding the origins of Afro-Hispanic speech varieties. McWhorter’s (1995, 2000) efforts to explain the lack of true Spanish-based creoles depend crucially on Chocoano as negative evidence in favor of his Afrogenesis hypothesis and against theories of creole genesis based upon the concept of limited access. Schwegler (1991) points to a non-canonical negation strategy as in (1) below to suggest that Chocoano shows vestiges of an earlier creole and that its present state may be derived from a gradual process of decreolization.

(1) Yo no lo sé no. (Schwegler 1991: 98) I NEG it know NEG ‘I don’t know’

Ruiz Garcia (2000) shows that Chocoano’s structural idiosyncrasies may derive from different sources including Ibero-Romance creoles, vernacular Spanish, and bozal or Afro-Hispanic varieties of Spanish. Finally, Sessarego (2016) argues that a series of factors including processes of advanced second language acquisition and Spanish laws permitting African slaves to purchase their own freedom are sufficient to account for the origins and persistence of Chocoano as a Spanish vernacular with no earlier creole phase.

In the present analysis I provide an account of the demographic and historical facts that contributed to the origins of Chocoano as a unique speech variety, based on Sharp’s (1976) and Williams’ (2005) analyses of the Spanish colonists’ dealings with African and indigenous populations, respectively, in the region of the Chocó. This review challenges claims made in McWhorter (2000: 8) about the insignificance of indigenous input in the Chocoano speech variety, as well as Sessarego’s (2016: 128-129) suggestion that criollo slaves born in the colony and already speaking Spanish were central to its development. It also highlights a critical period for the demographics of the Chocó region during three decades spanning 1778-1808, in which census data demonstrates there was an abrupt spike in the number of libres, or freed slaves, and a corresponding decrease in the number of indigenous and African slaves. It is postulated that intense contact between the African and indigenous communities and the Spanish in this period may help explain why Chocoano does not fit most linguistic feature-based definitions of creoles yet diverges from

68

neighboring Spanish dialects in certain features that suggest some substrate influence and at least partial restructuring. 1I have chosen the term Chocoano as opposed to the more commonly used Chocó Spanish because the latter explicitly suggests that this variety should be considered a dialect of Spanish. Because the status of this variety is widely debated, for the purposes of this discussion I simply employ the demonym used within Colombia. References McWhorter, John. 1995. The scarcity of Spanish-based creoles explained. Language in Society, 24(2), 213–244. McWhorter, John. 2000. The missing Spanish creoles: recovering the birth of plantation contact languages.

Berkeley: University of California Press. Ruíz García, M. 2000. El español popular del Chocó: evidencia de una reestructuración parcial. Doctoral

dissertation, University of New Mexico. Schwegler, Armin. 1991. El habla cotidiana del Chocó (Colombia). América negra, 2, 85-119. Sharp, William. 1976. Slavery on the Spanish frontier: the Colombian Chocó, 1680-1810. University of Oklahoma

Press. Sessarego, S. 2016. On the non-(de) creolization of Chocó Spanish: A linguistic and sociohistorical account.

Lingua, 184, 122-133. Williams, Caroline. 2004. Between resistance and adaptation: indigenous peoples and the colonisation of the

Chocó, 1510-1753. Liverpool University Press. Lexical innovation in the formation of the Cape Dutch Vernacular Paul Roberge University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Creolist approaches to the history of Afrikaans have tended to focus on the relative proportion of substrate lexical material, concluding mainly that the Dutch element is dominant. This study approaches the topic from a developmental perspective.

The precolonial period of Afro-European contact at the Cape of Good Hope (1590–1652) saw the formation of a reconnaissance jargon that drew its lexical material from three languages, viz. Dutch, English, and the dialects of the indigenous Khoekhoe. Jargon lexis had a very small stable core and a large variable area, for groups of speakers used whatever words of their own language appeared useful for establishing communication with other groups. Combinatory principles were pragmatic rather than grammatical. Individual interlocutors had to rely on context and nonverbal cues to mitigate ambiguity.

After the Dutch East India Company established a permanent outpost on Table Bay in 1652 and introduced an economy based on nonindigenous slave labor (from 1658), this mixed jargon developed into a basic medium of interethnic communication. Lexification of the Cape Dutch Pidgin obtained from the language of the socioeconomically dominant caste, with Khoekhoe and later Malay and Creole Portuguese words thrown in. Stable norms began to develop in the form of a standard range of meanings of words and recurring semantic elements, such as the expression of animates and agents by concatenation of (respectively) a base noun or verb to ‘man’ (ordinarily unmarked for number), e.g., Kaepman ‘Cape man’

69

(native people who had control over the pastures of the Cape Peninsula and adjacent hinterland), Saldanjaman ‘Saldanha man’ (cattle-keeping peninsular and nearby inland Khoekhoe), teckeman ‘take man, i.e., thief’, bijteman ‘bite man, i.e., lion’. Yet, the process is not that simple. A rapprochement between Dutch goed [xut] ‘goods, things, stuff’ and the near homophone Khoekhoe xu [xu] ‘thing, possession, cause’ gave rise to a Pidgin formative attested in the source material as goed ‘collection, group, bunch’, goeds ‘things, stuff’, which in combination with other morphemes conveys a collective sense (e.g., tovergoeds ‘magic things, stuff, i.e., medicine’; cf. Afrikaans toorgoed ‘charms, magic objects, muti’). The syntax, rudimentary though it was, extended a restricted lexical inventory. The Pidgin could generate new verbs by employing a phrase of the type ‘Adj + make’ (e.g., doodmaak ‘dead make, i.e., kill’) and phrasal formulae for the description of new concepts (boe makem goet ‘boom make stuff, i.e., gunpowder’).

The second half of the eighteenth century saw the elaboration of the basic medium of interethnic communication. Lexical expansion occurred by means of transfer from the contact languages and system-internal innovation. Of particular significance is the lexicalization of such forms as hardloop ‘run’ (lit ‘hard go’) and hybrid harbeeshuis ‘hut with water-resistant roof’ (cf. Nama xaribe ‘wipe away (water)’, which trace their origins to the developing linguistic system of the labor caste, even though they look basically Dutch. It is at this point when yet another means of word formation, reduplication, enters the picture.

By the turn of the nineteenth century, the elaborated medium of interethnic communication has transitioned to a medium of caste socialization. This Cape Dutch Vernacular underwent convergence with Euro-Cape Dutch, the spoken variety of the rural ownership caste. Afrikaans, which is a focused, standardized variety that began to take shape only from the last quarter of the nineteenth century and appropriated lexis from the Cape Dutch Vernacular, with its own modifications, e.g., harbeeshuis folk-etymologized as hartebeeshuis (Dutch hartebeest ‘hartebeest, i.e., a species of buck’ + huis ‘house’). On the importance of legal history for the study of creole languages: the legal hypothesis of creole genesis Sandro Sessarego University of Texas at Austin It still has to be explained why we do not find creole languages in certain regions of Spanish America, where the socio-demographic conditions for creole languages to emerge appear to have been in place in colonial times. Nowadays, in contrast, we can find such contact varieties in similar former colonies, which were ruled by the British, the French or the Dutch (McWhorter 2000). Several hypotheses have been proposed to account for this situation, but no common consensus has yet been achieved (Granda 1968; Mintz 1971; Laurence 1974;

70

Schwegler 1993; Chaudenson 2001; etc.). The pull of different views on the issue has been labelled in the literature as the “Spanish creole debate” (Lipski 2005).

This study focuses on the legal systems that regulated black captivity overseas to cast some light on the Spanish creole debate. Findings indicate the presence of a highly heterogeneous legislation, whose origins must be sought back in Europe, where the bases of slave law were originally laid down—by the Romans. This research shows that the juridical figure of the ‘serf/slave’ had been received by the Spanish legal system in ancient times, from the Roman Corpus Juris Civilis; it had been gradually modified and progressively softened into the medieval Spanish code, called Siete Partidas, and then further smoothed in the Leyes de Indias ‘colonial laws’. In particular, the Spanish slave, unlike the Roman one, was granted legal personality and a series of legal rights that derived from it. By contrast, the juridical concept of ‘serf’/‘slave’ followed a significantly dissimilar evolutionary path in the other European codifications, which did not receive it in ancient Roman times. Thus, by the time the Americas were “discovered”, the English, the French and the Dutch found themselves borrowing directly from the Corpus Juris Civilis to fill such a legal gap and introduced slaves into their overseas plantations. As a consequence, English, French and Dutch slaves did not have legal personality and the living conditions set by these legal systems for black captives were much more brutal than the ones dictated by the Spanish Crown (Watson 1989). The Portuguese, on the other hand, had received Roman slave law in ancient times but over time did not modify it to the extent the Spaniards did. As a result, Brazilian slaves were not considered legal persons, and had many more restrictions constraining their freedom than Spanish saves did.

The Legal Hypothesis of Creole Genesis highlights the impact that these legal differences had on the development of black-white relations and therefore on the evolution of contact varieties in the Americas. In particular, it stresses the importance of the reception of Roman slave law in Europe as a significant factor for understanding the evolution of Afro-European languages overseas. The point here conveyed might be summarized as follows: if certain colonial societies in the Americas were more or less conducive to creolization than others, it is in great part due to the degree of legal Romanization their homeland countries went through in ancient times. On the reconfiguration of a prosodic system: aspects of Chincha Spanish intonation Sandro Sessarego1, Rajiv Rao2 and Brianna Butera2

1University of Texas at Austin, 2University of Wisconsin-Madison This study employs the Autosegmental Metrical (AM) model of intonational phonology to examine the broad focus declaratives of Chincha Spanish (CS), an Afro-Hispanic dialect spoken in Peru (Sessarego 2015). It provides a novel approach to the study of Spanish intonation by: i. targeting a relatively unexplored Afro-Hispanic variety; ii. using a spontaneous rather than a controlled data set.

71

Ten informants from the rural communities of San Regis and El Guayabo, Chincha Province, participated in the study. All were older than eighty, spent their entire lives in this region, and did not speak any other language. Data were collected through sociolinguistic interviews in which speakers talked about any topic and were also asked follow-up questions, in line with the principle of Tangential Shift (Labov 1984: 37). The goal was to reduce the Observer’s Paradox (Labov 1972), and thus, obtain naturalistic speech samples. All recordings were done with a laptop computer, Praat software, and a Plantronics DSP-400 microphone. From the data set as a whole, a subset of declaratives that were perceptually judged as sounding neutral or non-emphatic was extracted for acoustic and phonological examination.

Our analysis of 1,022 stressed CS words, and the prosodic phrases to which they belong, demonstrates phenomena that are not commonly attested in most previous work on Spanish broad focus declaratives. Fundamental frequency (F0) peaks, or highs reached by F0 rises from valleys anchored at stressed syllable onsets, are located within stressed syllables at high rates in both nuclear (i.e., final; 100%) and prenuclear (87%) phrase position. The latter is particularly noteworthy given that in most varieties of Spanish, prenuclear peaks in broad focus show displacement to a post-tonic syllable (L*+H or L+>H* pitch accent; cf. Face & Prieto 2007). In AM notation, our alignment findings translate to the predominant use of the L+H* pitch accent, which, in the broad focus declaratives of most Spanish varieties, is typically expected in nuclear position or under prenuclear narrow focus conditions. We also fail to notice the gradual peak decay (i.e., downstepping) typical of the broad focus declaratives of most Spanish varieties. Within phrases, peaks and valleys are either at similar F0 levels or increased to higher levels than previous peaks and valleys, respectively. Regarding intermediate phrase (ip) boundaries (i.e., non-terminal juncture), where H- boundary tones are common in Spanish, our data contain 67% of the L- boundary tone. Conversely, the 98% frequency of L% intonational phrase (IP) boundaries (i.e., terminal juncture), corresponding with F0 suppression, reflects Spanish trends.

We analyze our results in light of the findings provided by researchers working on other Afro and Spanish contact varieties (e.g., Colantoni & Gurlekian 2004; O’Rourke 2005; Lipski 2007, 2010; Hualde & Schwegler 2008; Michnowicz & Barnes 2013; Rao & Sessarego 2016). We suggest that in CS, the inventory of phonological targets at the word and phrase levels is much more reduced than those commonly attested in other native varieties of Spanish. We analyze these phenomena as the conventionalization of a smaller set of phonological targets interacting across different types of pragmatic meaning. We adopt Jackendoff’s (1997, 2002) framework of linguistic interface architecture to explain the origin of these tonal configurations. We relate them to a unique acquisition of the intonation/pragmatics interface (Zubizarreta & Nava 2011), which lends support for recent proposals classifying Afro-Hispanic varieties as “advanced conventionalized interlanguages” (Sessarego 2013) rather than products of a previous (de)creolization phase.

72

Finally, the study’s implications are discussed with respect to the origins of this vernacular and several other Afro-Hispanic varieties of the Americas. References Colantoni, L. & J. Gurlekian. (2004). Convergence and intonation: historical evidence from Buenos Aires Spanish.

Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 7(2), 107-119. Face, T. & P. Prieto. (2007). Rising accents in Castilian Spanish: a revision of Sp_ToBI. Journal of Portuguese

Linguistics 6(1), 117-146. Hualde, J.I. & A. Schwegler. (2008). Intonation in Palenquero. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 23, 1-31. Jackendoff, N. (1997). The Architecture of the Language Faculty. Cambridge MA: The MIT Press. Jackendoff, N. (2002). Foundations of Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Labov, W. (1972). Language in the inner city. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Labov, W. (1984). Field methods of the project on linguistic change and variation. In J. Baugh & J. Sherzer, (eds.).

Language in use. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 84–112. Lipski, J. (2007). Castile and the hydra: the diversification of Spanish in Latin America. Available at:

http://www.personal.psu.edu/jml34/hydra.pdf. Lipski, J. (2010). Pitch polarity in Palenquero. Romance Linguistics 2009, ed. Sonia Colina, Antxon Olarrea, and

Ana Maria Carvalho. 111-127. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Michnowicz, J. & H. Barnes. (2013). A sociolinguistic analysis of pre-nuclear peak alignment in Yucatan Spanish.

In Selected Proceedings of the 15th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium, ed. by C. Howe, S. Blackwell & M. Lubbers Quesada, 221-235. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project.

O’Rourke, E. (2005). Intonation and Language Contact: a case study of two varieties of Peruvian Spanish. Doctoral dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign.

Rao, R. & S. Sessarego. (2016). On the Intonation of Afro-Bolivian Spanish Declaratives: Implications for a Theory of Afro-Hispanic Creole Genesis. Lingua 174: 45-64.

Sessarego, S. (2013). Afro-Hispanic Contact Varieties as Conventionalized Advanced Second Languages. IBERIA.5, 1: 96-122.

Sessarego, S. (2015). Afro-Peruvian Spanish. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Zubizarreta, M. L. & E. Nava (2011). Encoding discourse-based meaning: Prosody vs. syntax. Implications for

second language acquisition. Lingua 121, 652–669. Evidence for infinitival status in contact language complementation Peter Slomanson University of Tampere Mufwene and Dijkhoff (1989), following Bickerton (1984), argued that what is called an infinitive in the Atlantic creoles is not in fact an infinitive, and that syntactic criteria commonly invoked to justify the characterization of certain embedded clauses as infinitival argue against this characterization in the relevant creoles. In this paper, I first apply their argumentation specifically with respect to Papiamentu in the analysis of data from the Sri Lankan contact varieties of Portuguese and Malay, arguing that the evidence for infinitival status is strongest in Sri Lankan Malay (SLM). I then draw a parallel between the development of infinitival complementation in Old English and apparent infinitival complementation in SLM, whose lexifier unambiguously lacks a finite/non-finite distinction. The late Old English and SLM constructions both involve to-infinitives

73

seemingly based on adpositional phrases, specifically infinitival to + lexical verb in Old English and lexical verb + infinitival nang in SLM, where nang is also a dative marker. There is no evidence however that these verbs were ever nominalized in SLM. Los (2005) argued that the apparently dativized forms found in Old English obscure the fact that their actual syntactic status was verbal and that the constituents containing them were clausal. While nang is post-verbal, SLM infinitives simultaneously bear a prefix that only marks infinitival status. Etymologically, this element is irrealis, which parallels the subjunctives that the English to-infinitive progressively replaced. Cross-linguistic comparisons with early stages of well-attested languages can help us to reconstruct the development of underattested contact languages lacking diachronic corpora, and more specifically, in this particular case, to understand pathways to the development of new complementation strategies in these languages. References Bickerton, D. 1984. The language bioprogram hypothesis. The Behavioral and Brain Sciences 7, 173-221. Los, B. 2005. The Rise of the To-Infinitive. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mufwene and Dijkhoff. 1989. On the so-called ‘infinitive’ in Atlantic creoles. Lingua 77: 297-330. Creole features in Barbadian English phonology Christine Stuka Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen This paper investigates the phonetic and phonological influence of Bajan on Barbadian English. Although Barbados played a crucial role in the diffusion of English-lexified Creoles in the Caribbean, being among the earliest colonies and an important hub for the distribution of slaves, both Bajan and Barbadian English are among the lesser-studied contact languages in the West Indies.

Bajan, the language variety described as “the dialect” by Barbadians, has received quite some attention, as the questions whether it can be defined as a creole language and whether it used to be more basilectal in the past (cf. Hancock 1980, Cassidy 1980) have been issues of contentious debates among experts. Despite these controversies, it is widely agreed today that Bajan is more acrolectal than the creoles spoken on neighboring islands and can therefore only be labelled ‘intermediate creole’ – if anything (cf. Winford 2000).

Barbadian English, unlike Bajan, is completely under-researched and very little is known about its phonetic and phonological structure in particular. The few works that have been published about this variety in the past (i.e. Blake 2004, Belgrave 2008) lack quantitative data analysis.

This study investigates variation in the phonology of Barbadian English with special focus on creole features that are characteristic of Bajan (cf. Haynes 1973, Wells 1982, Blake 1997) or other Caribbean creoles. The speech samples examined in this analysis were

74

recorded in Barbados in 2016. In a quantitative approach, a selection of diagnostic features such as the palatalization of /k/ or /ɡ/ before low back vowels or th-stopping and th-fronting will be identified in Barbadian English. In the analysis, two different levels of formality are contrasted: word list reading and free conversation. Furthermore, all results will be tested for sociolinguistic variation (gender, age, etc.). Preliminary findings indicate that many non-standard features assigned to Bajan can be found in the phonology of Barbadian English as well. References Belgrave, Korah L. 2008. “Speaking the Queen’s English: attitudes of Barbadians to British, American and

Barbadian accents.” La Torre: Revista General de la Universidad de Puerto Rico 49-50: 429-44. Blake, Renée (1997). All O’We is One. Race, class and language in a Barbados community. Ph.D. dissertation,

Stanford University. Blake, Renée (2004). “Bajan: Phonology.” In: Kortmann and Schneider (eds.), A handbook of varieties of English,

501-507. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Cassidy, Frederic G. (1980). “The place of Gullah.” American Speech, 55, 3-16. Hancock, Ian F. (1980). “Gullah and Barbadian - origins and relationships.” In: American Speech, Vol. 55: 17-35. Haynes, Lilith (1973). Language in Barbados and Guyana. Attitudes, behaviours and comparisons. PhD

Dissertation, Stanford University. Wells, John C. (1982). Accents of English. Beyond the British Isles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Winford, Donald (2000). “‘Intermediate’ creoles and degrees of change in creole formation: The case of Bajan.”

In: Neumann-Holzschuh and Schneider (eds.), Degrees of Restructuring in Creole Languages, 215-146. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Morphosyntactic features of Nigerian Pidgin English (NPE) Eke Uduma Joseph Ayo Babalola University Morphosyntax can be described as incorporating linguistic strategies and operations to represent syntactic features through morphological marking as opposed to mere combinatorial or syntactic strategies. Operations in morphosyntax involve a relation between one linguistic form and another that correlates with a conventionalized meaning distinction.

The process shows a relationship that is ordered from simpler to more complex forms. For instance, from the root (simplest form) to the complex by adding one or all of prefix, suffix, stress shift or adding overt operation (zero morpheme).

This paper examines the morphosyntactic features of Nigerian Pidgin English (NPE) and the language-internal mechanisms that transform lexical items into morphosyntactic items. Nigerian Pidgin (henceforth NP) is an indo-exogenous language. It abridges the gap between English (an exogenous language) and the numerous indigenous languages of Nigeria (Adegbija 2001) NP is a variety of the West African Pidgin English (WAPE). Pidgin has been is a contact/trade language (see Elugbe & Omamor 1991:1). It started off as a language of business communication and with the passage of time expanded diverse

75

domains and functionalities. NP derives the bulk of its vocabulary from English, the lexifier and superstrate language, while its structure and function are closely affiliated to languages like French, Portuguese, and Nigeria's indigenous languages are its substrate languages., and source of lexical influence(c.f. Mensah2012, Osisanwo 2012 & Aziza 2015).

The evolution of historical morphosyntax of NP is a major change which occurs at its developmental stages. Morphosyntax is the unification of morphology and syntax i.e. the principles that apply above and below word level. A real unification of morphological and syntactic selection implies one of two things: that all morphological and syntactic heads must be base-generated in a position that is in accordance with their selectional requirements that syntactic affixation is allowed, or that the selectional requirements of a syntactic head do not have to be met in the base (see Ackmena 1999).

Data for the study were gathered from primary and secondary sources. Some reflects recording of natural occurring speech of speakers of diverse varieties of NP spoken in Calabar, Warri, Port Harcourt and Lagos. The data reflect speeches and responses of respondents of different age groups, educational backgrounds, experiences and statuses. Also, data from previous researches were also select for analysis.

NP exhibits the presence of tense but also predominant loss of inflectional and derivational morphology which is a feature of pidgin languages. The derivational and inflectional morphemes in NP have their base forms through the processes of blending, borrowing, affixation, clipping, extension and reduplication. While syntactic peculiarity of Example1: shows NP used in objective as singular and plural personal pronouns me in the subject and object positions, Example 2 shows a placing of independent plural marker dem after the noun. The structure of a plural noun is N+dẹm. (dẹm is also used for the third person plural) Mafeni (1971:110). Example 3 shows derivation of the Yes/No question remains the same in both statement forms with a rising intonation on the final syllable of the statement. Example 1 Me wan follow come. 1SG want follow come ‘I want to come as well.’ Una no dey follow me. 2PL NEG PRES follow pro ‘You cannot come with me.’ We wan follow come. 1PL want follow come

76

Example 2 Di drayva dẹm de kọm. A no si di ticha dẹm The driver pl aux. come I neg. see the teacher pl. ‘The drivers are coming.’ ‘I did not see the teachers.’ Example 3 Yù dè kráì ‘You are crying’ Wì gò gó dì pàtí ‘We will go to the party’ Màì pìkín dè plê ‘My child is playing’ Yù dè kràí? ‘Are you crying?’ Wì gò gó dì pàtǐ? ‘Are we going to the party?’ Màì pìkín dè plě? ‘Is my child playing?’ References Ackmena, P. (1999). Issues In Morphosyntax. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Adegbija (2004). The Domestication of English in Nigeria. In Awonusi and Babalola (eds.) The Domestication of

English in Nigeria: A Festshrift in Honour of Abiodun Adetugbo. Lagos: University Press, Pp. 20-40. Buell, L. C. (2005). Issues in Zulu Verbal Morphosyntax. A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction. University

of California, Los Angeles. Elugbe, B. and Omamor, A. (1991). Nigerian Pidgin: Backgound and Prospects. Ibadan: Heinemann Educational

Books. Faraclas, N. G (1996). Nigerian Pidgin. London: Routledge. Mafeni, B. (1971). Nigerian Pidgin: The English Language of West Africa. In John Spencer (Ed) 95-112. London:

Longman. Mensah, E. (2012). Grammaticalization in Nigerian Pidgin. Ikala, revista de lenguaje y cultura, 17(2), 167-179. Osisanwo (2012). A Morphological Analysis of Nigerian Pidgin: The Example of Selected Advertisement Jingles.

In Journal of the Linguistic Association of Nigeria Volume 15 Nos. 1 (pp. 41-54). Todd, L. (1974). Pidgins and Creoles. London: Routledge. The grammaticalization of Nigerian English (NE) Eke Uduma and Adebola Otemuyiuwa Joseph Ayo Babalola University Grammaticalization is the transformation of lexical items and phrases into grammatical forms The first involves etymology and the taxonomy of possible changes in language, in which semantic and cognitive accounts of words and categories of words are considered to explain the changes, and the discourse contexts within which grammaticalization occurs. The term grammaticalization appears to have been first used by the French linguist Meillet who coined the word to refer to the “attribution of a grammatical character to a formerly autonomous word.

Meillet described two processes by which grammatical forms come into being. One is analogy, the emergence of new forms through formal resemblance to already established ones, as when for some speakers brang replaces brought as the past tense of bring by

77

analogy to sing/sang, ring/rang, etc. the second way is grammaticalization—“the passage of an autonomous word to the role of grammatical element” and “the progressive attribution of a grammatical role to autonomous words or to ways of grouping words”. The ‘grammaticalization’ of certain words creates new forms and introduces categories which had no linguistic expression and changes the system as a whole. In grammaticalization, synchronic realities are often explained in terms of diachronic changes.

This study examines grammaticalization in Nigerian English (NE) The emergent and development of English in the shores of Nigeria has been a fallout of the European incursion in Nigeria, the missionary era and the experimentation and independence era from 1400 through 1990 (Awonusi 2009:46). The arrival of the British as trading partners and later as missionaries and colonial administrators further increased the demand for communication. The year 1843-1914 witnessed serious missionary activities and the influx of European missionaries into Nigeria to take the gospel to the pagans and the unbelievers. To achieve this it was compulsory for them to preach the gospel in a language or languages understood by the local people. Since the European missionaries did not understand the Nigerian languages they had to use Nigerian interpreters and eventually taught the people how to read the Bible which is written in English. The missionaries in their effort to reach out to people established schools where children were trained and the basic subject was English language.

The Antera Duke’s Diary and was the first documented evidence of English in Nigeria forms the primary data for this study. Grammaticalization has been described as a language-internal development and conceived as a slow, diachronic, progressive and unidirectional process (Hopper & Traugott, 1993; Miller, 2000; Traugott & Heine, 1991).

The data for this study is gathered from the language repertoire of the palm wine drinkers club (a social network group made up of undergraduate students). Several lexical items have been transformed into grammatical items in Nigerian English (NE) in palm wine drinkers/Keggite’s communication: fantabullous (fantastic/fabulous), overgasted (overwhelmed/flabbergasted), flabberwhelmed (flabbergasted/overwhelmed), carnibration (carnival/celebration), edutainment (education/entertainment) and terrubious (terrible/dubious). References Hopper, P J (1996). Some Recent Trends in Grammaticalization. Annu.Rev. Anthropol, 25:217–36. Kachru, Y. and L. E. Smith (2008). Cultures, Contexts, and World Englishes. New York: Routledge. Klausenburger, J. (2000). Grammaticalization: Studies in Latin and Romance morphosyntax. Amsterdam: John

Benjamin Publishing Company. Meillet A. (1958). (1915–1916). Le renouvellement des conjonctions. In Linguistique Historique et Linguistique

Générale, pp. 130–48. Paris: Champion. Mensah, E. (2012). Grammaticalization in Nigerian Pidgin. Ikala, revista de lenguaje y cultura, 17(2), 167-179. Ogunwale, J. A. (2013). Harnessing multilingualism in Nigeria for development: The challenges and strategies.

International Journal of English Literature Vol.3 (8). Pp. 367. www.academicjournals.org/IJEL

78

Traugot, E. C and B. Heine (1991) Approaches to Grammaticalization. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Motion events in Haitian Creole Carolin Ulmer Freie Universität Berlin In this talk, I will present a study on strategies for the expression of motion events in Haitian Creole. The data comes from descriptive literature and a study currently being conducted with native speakers using a picture story, a picture naming task and acceptability judgements.

The aim of the talk is to classify Haitian Creole within the typology of verb-framed and satellite-framed languages (Talmy 1991; Slobin 2004).

Verb-framed languages like French express the direction in which an entity is going (PATH) in the verb; see (1); satellite-framed languages like German express PATH in elements associated with the verbs, like e.g. particles, see (2). The motion verb in satellite-framed languages often encodes the MANNER of motion. Such languages are called high manner salient languages (Slobin 2004:250). Satellite-framed languages, on the other hand, often exhibit low manner salience, that is, the MANNER component is often not encoded at all. In French, MANNER can only be encoded by a gerundive; the head of the structure is the PATH verb. (1) Elle sort de la maison (en boitant), descend la rue

She exits from the house (limping), goes.down the street PATH MANNER PATH

et entre dans le magasin. and enters the store.

PATH (2) Sie rannte so schnell sie konnte aus dem Haus.

She ran as fast as she could out of the house. MANNER PATH

The first investigation using existing research literature has shown that Haitian Creole has two ways of expressing motion events: It possesses a great lexical inventory of French origin and also many motion verbs (used with or without preposition in (3a) and (3b), among them several PATH verbs, see (4) and (5).

79

(3) a. I ale lopital. (Damoiseau 2012:61) ‘go’

b. Li ale nan lopital-la.

‘go’ to (4) Li rantre. (Valdmann 2015:201)

‘enter’ PATH

(5) Yo rive yè. (Valdmann 2015:205)

‘arrive’ PATH

Besides that, motion events can be expressed via verb serialization (see (6) and (7)). Such structures can also be found in African languages (Schaefer/Gaines 1997), but not in French. (6) Tiddjo kouri desann al wè sa l t ap fè. (Valdmann 2015:246)

‘run’ ‘descend’ MANNER PATH

(7) Li vole kite peyi a. (Valdmann 2015:244)

‘fly’ ‘leave’ MANNER PATH

The hypothesis of my study is based on these observations: When non-complex motion events without MANNER-component are expressed in Haitian Creole, French PATH-verbs are used. In complex motion events, in which both PATH and MANNER are encoded, verb serializations are used. As in verb serializations, neither of the two verbs can be interpreted as the head (Aikhenvald 2006:1), the verbal head is neither the PATH- nor the MANNER-verb. Therefore, Haitian Creole is not a verb-framed language like French, but also not a satellite-framed language like German. A language possessing a construction to express both PATH and MANNER in an equivalent way rather constitutes a hybrid type between both poles of Talmy’s typology (Slobin 2004:227-228). This hypothesis is tested on the basis of a study currently being conducted in Berlin. References Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 2006. Serial Verb Constructions in Typological Perspective. In: Aikhenvald,

Alexandra/Dixon, Robert (Hgg.). Serial Verb Constructions. A Cross-Linguistic Typology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1-68.

Damoiseau, Robert. 2012. Syntaxe créole comparée, Martinique, Guadeloupe, Guyane, Haïti. Paris: Karthala.

80

Schaefer, Ronald/Gaines, Richard. 1997. Toward a typology of directional motion for African languages. In: Studies in African Linguistics 26:2. 193-220.

Slobin, Dan. 2004. The many ways to search for a frog: linguistic typology & the expression of motion events. In: Strömqvist, Sven/ Verhoeven, Ludo (Hgg.). Relating Events in Narrative, Vol 2: Typological and Contextual Perspectives. Mahwah, NJ: LEA. 219-257.

Talmy, Leonard. 1991. Path to realization: a typology of event conflation. In: Sutton, Laurel/ Johnson, Christopher/ Shields, Ruth (Hgg.). Proceedings of the 17th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society. Berkeley, CA: Berkeley Linguistics Society. 480-519.

Valdman, Albert. Haitian Creole. Structure, Variation, Status, Origin. Sheffield: Equinox. Kreol Morisien as a Bantu language Tonjes Veenstra Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft Kreol Morisien (KM) is a French-related creole spoken on Mauritius. A major part of the slave population involved in the creation of this language were speakers of several Bantu languages (Allen 2008, Baker 2008). The leading question in this paper is whether there is also linguistic evidence for this link. We will discuss two areas of grammar: (i) article incorporation; (iii) verb alternation. The conclusion is that from the perspective of linguistic typology KM is best viewed as a Bantu language.

Article Incorporation. The form of the incorporated article in KM does not vary at random (Baker 1984). In particular, it seems to underlie a process of Vowel Harmony (VH: Strandquist 2005). A process of VH has also been documented in a wide range of Bantu languages (Hyman 1999). We show that these VH processes are different in nature: (i) Bantu: progressive VH, verbal domain; (ii) KM: regressive VH, nominal domain. We argue for Bantu influence in terms of co-occurrence restrictions on vowel combinations inside the root, which is a general trait of Bantu languages (Odden 1996). French articles in essence were reanalyzed as noun class prefixes that occur in noun phrase initial position in Bantu languages.

Verb Alternation. In KM and in Eastern Bantu languages we find two alternating verb forms expressing the same TMA semantics but differing in the relation with what follows (Henri 2010, Van der Wal & Veenstra 2015). We compare the synchronic properties of the alternations in KM and the Bantu languages of northern Mozambique, concluding that it is the syntactic basics of the Bantu alternation that motivated the persistence of the alternation in KM. Semantic-pragmatic effects of Focus are indirectly involved with the alternation, only surfacing in the deviations from the canonical use. References Allen, Richard B. 2008. The constant demand of the French: The Mascarene slave trade and the worlds of the

Indian Ocean and Atlantic during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Journal of African History 49. 43–72.

Baker, Philip. 1984. Agglutinated French articles in Creole French: Their evolutionary significance. TeReo, 27, 89-129.

81

Baker, Philip. 2008. Elements for a sociolinguistic history of Mauritius and its Creole (to 1968). In Philip Baker & Guillaume Fon Sing (eds.), The making of Mauritian Creole, 307–334. London, Battlebridge Press.

Henri, Fabiola. 2010. A Constraint-based approach to verbal constructions in Mauritian: morphological, syntactic and discourse-based aspects. Dissertation, University of Mauritius & Université Paris Diderot, Paris 7.

Hyman, Larry. 1999. The Historical interpretation of vowel harmony in Bantu. In J.-M. Hombert & L. Hyman (Eds.) Bantu historical linguistics: theoretical and empirical perspectives, 235-295. Stanford, CSLl Publications.

Odden, David. 1996. The phonology and morphology of Kimatuumbi. Oxford, Clarendon Press. Strandquist, Rachel E. 2005. Article Incorporation in Mauritian Creole. M.A. Thesis, University of Victoria. Van der Wal, Jenneke & Tonjes Veenstra. 2015. The long and short of verb alternations in Mauritian Creole and

Bantu languages. Folia Linguistica 49(1). 85–116. Competition, selection and creole formation Donald Winford The Ohio State University The Competition and Selection framework (Mufwene 2008, Aboh 2009), treats creole formation as a process by which learners select competing variants or features from the languages present in the contact situation. Mufwene (2008:120) raises “the question of what principles or constraints bear on such unconscious selections into speakers’ idiolects”. However, as Aboh (2009:320) points out, Mufwene’s model mainly treats competition and selection at the population level and leaves it unclear how they operate “on language structural properties (i.e., in the mind of the speaker)”. Aboh seeks to address this shortcoming by showing how creole grammars arise from “the recombination of various semantic and syntactic features derived from the competing languages” (2009:328). But while such approaches offer interesting formal descriptions of the hybrid structures that arise in creoles, they offer little explanation of the processes or principles by which they arise in the first place. I argue that such an explanation is possible only within the context of an adequate model of language learning. I suggest that performance-based, functionalist approaches such as MacWhinney’s Competition Model of second language acquisition provide us with such a model. This model adopts a connectionist view of language learning, which “assumes that all mental processing uses a common interconnected set of cognitive structures” (MacWhinney 1997: 119). Consequently, the model predicts competition between inputs from the TL and the L1, leading to a potentially massive amount of transfer from the latter to learners’ versions of the L2. For instance, the model predicts that, in lexical acquisition, the initial referent of a new L2 vocabulary item will be the full conceptual structure of the most closely corresponding L1 word. This explains the emergence of a wide range of creole lexical phenomena involving calques on substrate structures, for example the well-known cut-eye and suck-teeth in Caribbean creoles (Rickford & Rickford 1976). Similarly, the Completive aspectual marker kaba in the Surinamese creoles is modeled on a lexeme meaning ‘finish’ in the Gbe languages. In addition, this model views the acquisition of syntactic constructions as a process of inductive generalization by which groups or types

82

of item-based constructions are organized into lexical group constructions, thus associating particular types of predicates with pertinent types of arguments. For example, in creole formation, groups of verbs like ‘send’, ‘carry’, ‘haul’ etc, which involve transfer of objects to recipients, adopt the argument structure associated their counterparts in the substrate languages, as in examples (1-2). (1) Paamaka Den e hali a boto e go a liba

3pl PROG haul DET boat PROG go LOC river ‘They are hauling the boat to the river.’

(2) Wacigbe ɔ la dɔn saki a yi afí-mé 3pl FUT drag bag DET go house-in ‘They’ll drag the bag to the house.’

These kinds of transfer are understood as constructive, data-driven processes that rely on universals of cognitive structure. Hence the model places strong emphasis on analogy and pattern generalization as basic mechanisms of restructuring in language acquisition and creation. This brings it in line with functionalist perspectives on the cognitive mechanisms that are associated with language acquisition, language use, and language change (Bybee 2008:110). Again, creole formation offers many examples of these mechanisms at work. Approaches like this can help integrate research in the fields of language acquisition and contact language formation. References Aboh, Enoch O. 2009. Competition and selection: That’s all! In Enoch O. Aboh & Norval Smith (eds.) Complex

processes in new languages, 317-344. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Bybee, Joan L. 2008. Formal universals as emergent phenomena: The origins of structure preservation. In J. Good

(ed.) Language universals and language change, pp 108-121. Oxford: Oxford University Press. MacWhinney, Brian. 1997. Second language acquisition and the Competition Model. In A.M.B. de Groot & Judith

F. Kroll (eds.), Tutorials in bilingualism: Psycholinguistic perspectives, 113-142. Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Publishers.

Mufwene, Salikoko. 2008. Language evolution: Contact, competition, and change. London: Continuum. Rickford, John & Angela Rickford. 1976. Cut-eye and suck-teeth: African words and gestures in New World guise.

Journal of American Folklore 89, No. 353, 294-309. Kodramintu di Kristang: the reawakening of Kristang in Singapore Kevin Martens Wong National University of Singapore Kristang, Cristang, Papiá Kristang, Papiá Cristang, Malaccan Portuguese, Malaccan Creole Portuguese, Malaccan Patois, Portugis di Malacca, Portugis, Bahasa Serani or Serani (iso 639-3:mcm; referred to as Kristang in this abstract and in the talk) is a critically endangered language spoken by less than 2,000 people in Malaysia and Singapore, and the heritage

83

language of the Portuguese-Eurasian community in both cities. Two key documents developed at the 2016 Institute for Collaborative Language Research (CoLang 2016) guide ongoing Kodrah Kristang (‘Awaken, Kristang’) revitalization efforts for Kristang in Singapore: the Kaminyu di Kodramintu (‘The Path of Awakening’), a thirty-year revitalization plan for Kristang, and the Karnilisang (‘The Substance of Lessons’), a curriculum plan for classes in Kristang for adult learners, which form the core of the revitalization initiative. This presentation highlights key elements of the Kodrah Kristang initiative, especially those described in these documents.

I will begin with a short overview of Kristang’s history and current status in Malaysia and Singapore, before presenting the Kodrah Kristang (‘Awaken, Kristang’) initiative, the Kaminyu di Kodramintu and the Karnilisang. I then explore Kodrah Kristang learner needs, the thirty-year timeline provided in the Kaminyu di Kodramintu, the structure of ongoing Kodrah Kristang classes, and the proficiency guidelines detailed in the Karnilisang. I close with a brief discussion of why the revitalization of Kristang is important, including so-called ‘functional’ or ‘economic’ reasons for its importance, and a sketch of future directions and challenges for the initiative. Romancing with tone: prosodic systems in language contact Kofi Yakpo1 and Guri Bordal Steien2

1University of Hong Kong, 2University of Oslo There is a widespread tendency to see tone as a crosslinguistically marked feature that either gets lost or is “reduced” in language contact (e.g. McWhorter 2001). This view is Eurocentric. It suggests that stress, which happens to prevail in Europe, is a norm towards which contact varieties (pidgins, creoles, transplanted languages, etc.) converge. It is unempirical because the evidence suggests otherwise. We propose an alternative view based on two hypotheses:

(1) Contact varieties develop lexical tone or stress, in accordance with the dominant type in their respective ecologies. What needs to be explained are the exceptions, e.g. why do some contact languages feature stress in spite of predominantly tonal substrates/adstrates?

(2) The tonal systems that emerge in contact varieties will reflect the possibilities and limitations of stress-to-tone mapping. Tonal contrasts might therefore appear to be more predictable than those of other languages in the ecology.

The analysis of a corpus of primary field data in the African Romance varieties of Central African French (CAF) and Equatorial Guinean Spanish (EGS) suggests that they are lexical tone languages (e.g. Bordal Steien 2012). CAF and EGS differ from their “intonation-only” (i.e. “stress”; cf. Gussenhoven 2004) siblings European Standard Spanish (ESS) and French

84

(ESF) in significant ways: Every syllable in CAF and EGS bears a low or high tone and we find tonal minimal pairs; a lexical tone may not be altered for pragmatic purposes; only utterance-final boundary tones fulfil the functions associated with intonational melodies in ESS and ESF. The opposition between stressed and unstressed is converted into a two-tone distinction and the largely phonotactic conditioning of stress assignment in individual words translates into equally “predictable” H tone placement in the contact variety. We propose a dynamic model for the development of prosodic systems during contact in accordance with the nature of the ecology: Tone systems emerge through similar mechanisms as in CAF and EGS in tonal ecologies. Intonation-only systems are, in contrast, found in ecologies where tonal languages played no, or a minor part (e.g. Cape Verdean Creole). In Afro-European and Euro-Asian creoles, the intensity and duration of contact with the non-tonal superstrate on the one hand, and with tonal substrates and adstrates on the other indicates whether a tonal prosodic system emerges or survives. Continuous contact with African adstrates has ensured the retention of such systems in African contact languages (e.g. the West African English-lexifier Creoles, CAF, EGS, Ghanaian and Nigerian Standard English, as well as all Niger-Congo-lexicon creoles, e.g. Criper-Friedman 1990; Yakpo 2009; Gussenhoven & Udofot 2010). Lack of contact with African tonal adstrates and simultaneous intense contact with a non-tonal superstrate has led to (the abandonment of tone systems and) emergence of intonation only systems (e.g. Jamaican, Haitian). Languages without contact with African tonal adstrates that have for a long time been isolated from non-tonal superstrates can however retain tonal systems under specific circumstances (e.g. Saramaccan and Ndyuka).

85

Workshop Linguistic fieldwork Eeva Sippola In this course, students will study theoretical, ethical, methodological and ethnographic aspects of linguistic fieldwork. The course is aimed at the description and documentation of a lesser-studied creole language. Students learn how to organize a fieldtrip, collect linguistic material, and analyze aspects of the sound system and grammatical structure of a contact language. The use of recording equipment, available software, and other practical matters will also be dealt with. The course will consist of pre-course readings and exercises, and lectures including group discussions and examples from the instructor’s fieldwork in the creole communities in the Philippines and in Lisbon. At the end of the fieldwork course you will be able to:

• identify ethical, theoretical and ethnographic challenges of fieldwork • gain insight into methods used in fieldwork

Outline

1. Fieldwork preparations a. Practical matters b. People: consultants, community, researcher c. Data organization and archiving

2. Fieldwork ethics a. Frameworks and guidelines b. Permissions, informed consent

3. Data collection methods a. Grammar and phonetic: Elicitation and experiments b. Sociolinguistic fieldwork: Interviews and questionnaires

Working methods Work load

• Readings (~180 pages) 1 ECTS (28h) • Exercises 0,75 ECTS (20h) • Lectures 0,25 ECTS (6h) • Optional essay

o based on extra literature or data analysis o to be handed in 6 weeks after the workshop

2 ECTS (50h)

86

Pre-course exercises 1. Reflect on the following questions. Please be prepared to share your answers in class.

What is the relationship between my studies and fieldwork? What kinds of fieldwork methods are used in my subject area? What kind of fieldwork methods am I familiar with?

2. Watch Daniel Everett’s monolingual fieldwork demonstration at the 2013 LSA

Summer Institute and answer the following questions. How did it seem to you? Was it what you expected fieldwork to be like? What did he try to find out? Did he forget something? Is there something you would have done differently? What was the language the consultant spoke? You will find the video here https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sYpWp7g7XWU

Pre-course readings Dixon, R. M. W. 2007. Field linguistics: a minor manual. Sprachtypologie und Universalien Forschung (STUF),

Berlin 60.1, 12–31. http://www.romanistik.uni-freiburg.de/pusch/Download/korpuslinguistik_2010/Dixon_2007.pdf

Leipzig Glossing Rules. Conventions for interlinear morpheme-by-morpheme glosses. http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php

Lesho, Marivic & Eeva Sippola. 2013. The sociolinguistic situation of the Manila Bay Chabacano-speaking communities. Language Documentation and Conservation 7, 1–30. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/4547

Macaulay, Monica. 2004. Training Linguistics Students for the Realities of Fieldwork. Anthropological Linguistics 46(2), 194–209.

Majid, Asifa. 2012. A guide to stimulus-based elicitation for semantic categories. In Thieberger, Nick (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Fieldwork. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 54–71.

Meyerhoff, Miriam, Chie Adachi, Golnaz Nanbakhsh & Anna Strycharz. 2012. Sociolinguistic fieldwork. In Thieberger, Nick (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Fieldwork. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 121–146.

Rice, Keren. 2006. Ethical issues in fieldwork: an overview. Journal of Academic Ethics 4, 123–155. Sippola, Eeva. forthcoming. Collecting and analyzing creole data. In Ayres-Bennett ,Wendy & Carruthers, Janice

(eds.). Romance Sociolinguistics. De Gruyter Mouton. (Manuals of Romance Linguistics 18) Readings Anderson, Victoria B. 2008. Static palatography for language fieldwork. Language Documentation &

Conservation 2 (1). 1–27. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/1808 Boynton, Jessica, Steven Moran, Helen Aristar-Dry & Anthony Rodrigues Aristar. 2010. Using the E-MELD

School of Best Practices to create lasting digital documentation. In Grenoble, Lenore A. and N. Louanna Furbee (eds.), Language Documentation: Practice and values. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 133–146.

Grinevald, Colette. 2003. Speakers and documentation of endangered languages. Language Description and Documentation 1. London: SOAS. 52–72. http://www.hrelp.org/events/workshops/eldp2008_6/resources/grinevald.pdf

Himmelmann, Nikolaus P. 2012. Linguistic Data Types and the Interface between Language Documentation and Description. Language Documentation and Conservation 6, 187–207. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/4503

Johnson, Heidi 2004. Language documentation and archiving, or how to build a better corpus. In Austin, Peter K. (ed.), Language Documentation and Description, 2. London: SOAS. 140–153.

87

Ladefoged, Peter. 1997/1999. Instrumental techniques for linguistic phonetic fieldwork. In Hardcastle, William J. & John Laver (eds.), The handbook of phonetic sciences. Oxford: Blackwell. 137–167.

Leipzig Glossing Rules. Conventions for interlinear morpheme-by-morpheme glosses. http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php

Mithun, Marianne. 2012. Field methods in syntactic research. In Luraghi, Silvia & Claudia Parodi (eds.), Continuum Companion to Syntax and Syntactic Theory. London & New York: Continuum. 32–50. http://www.linguistics.ucsb.edu/faculty/mithun/pdfs/%28In%20Press%29%20Field%20Methods%20in%20Syntactic%20Research.pdf.

Nathan, David and Peter K. Austin 2004. Reconceiving metadata: language documentation through thick and thin. Language Documentation and Description 2. London: SOAS. 179–87. http://www.hrelp.org/events/workshops/eldp2008_6/resources/nathan-austin.pdf

Pawley, Andrew. 2011. Chapter 11. What does it take to make an ethnographic dictionary? On the treatment of fish and tree names in dictionaries of Oceanic languages. In Haig, Geoffrey, Nicole Nau, Stefan Schnell & Claudia Wegener (eds.), Documenting Endangered Languages. Achievements and Perspectives. De Gruyter. 263–288.

Sakel, Jeannette & Daniel L. Everett. 2012. Linguistic fieldwork. A student guide. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Supplementary toolkits and materials E-MELD School of Best Practice in Language Documentation http://emeld.org/school/index.html Typological tools for field linguistics. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Department of Linguistics http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/tools-at-lingboard/tools.php L&C Field Manuals and Stimulus Materials. Language and Cognition Department, MaxPlanck Institute for Psycholinguistics http://fieldmanuals.mpi.nl/

88

89

90