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PROCEEDINGSOF THE

Ninth Annual ConventionOF THE

SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY,HELD AT

Grand Central Palace, 43rd St. & Lexington Ave., N.Y. City,JULY 4th to JULY 10th, 1896.

FIRST DAY’S SESSION.

Saturday, July 4th, 1896.The Convention was called to order by Henry Kuhn, Secretary of

the National Executive Committee.Delegate Lucien Sanial was unanimously elected temporary

chairman, and Delegate Charles B. Copp temporary secretary.On motion of Delegate Hugo Vogt two committees, of five mem-

bers each, were elected as follows:On Credentials, Delegates Herrschaft, Jonas, Bennetts, Ruther

and Kreft.On Rules and Regulations, Delegates Vogt, Curran, De Leon,

Nagler and Watkins.A recess of thirty minutes was then taken.The Committee on Credentials being ready to report, the Con-

vention was again called to order. The following is a complete listof the ninety-four delegates who were admitted, including one fromChicago, Ill., and one from Pawtucket, R.I., who arrived on the fol-lowing day:

CONNECTICUT—F. Serrer ................................................................................................. New Haven.M. Goldsmith ...................................................................................... New Britain.F.O. Pilgrim .................................................................... Waterbury, American.J.S. Powell ................................................................................................... Hartford.

ILLINOIS—Fr. Kalbitz ................................................................................. Chicago, German.Lewis C. Fry .................................................................................... East St. Louis.

IOWA—F. Kraemer .......................................................................................................................

N I N T H N A T I O N A L C O N V E N T I O N


MARYLAND—Ernest H. Wenzel .................................................................................. Baltimore.

MASSACHUSETTS—James F. Carey ................................................................. Haverhill, American.Fr. Hoedecker ................................................................................................ Adams.Thos. C. Brophy ..................................................................... Boston, American.Mrs. A. Konikow .......................................................................... Boston, Jewish.Wm. Isenecker .......................................................................... Boston, German.Herman Keiser .............................................................. Fitchburg and Clinton.Philip Connor ..................................................... Greylock and North Adams.Moritz Ruther ............................................................................................. Holyoke.George R. Peare ............................................................................................... Lynn.Anthony McDonald ............................................................................... Lawrence.John Palme ........................................................................................ New Bedford.Herman Koepke ...................................................................................... Pittsfield.F.A. Nagler ............................................................................................ Springfield.

MISSOURI—Albert Sanderson ..................................................................................... St. Louis.G.A. Hoehn ................................................................................................. St. Louis.

NEW HAMPSHIRE—Benj. T. Whitehouse ..................................................................................... Dover.F.G.R. Gordon .............................................................. Manchester, American.John Mansfeld ................................................................. Manchester, German.

NEW JERSEY—Joseph Eulenstein .................................................................................... Camden.James Grundy ................................................................... Elizabeth, American.Chas. Dahmen ...................................................................... Elizabeth, German.A. Mundt ............................................................................................... Hackensack.Geo. Herrschaft. ....................................................................................... Hoboken.Fred. Finke .................................................................. West Hoboken, German.Joseph B. Keim ................................................................................. Jersey City I.John A. Morhart .......................................................... Jersey City, Greenville.Harry Carless ............................................................... Newark, Essex County.Frank W. Wilson ......................................................... Newark, Essex County.B. Rosenbloom ............................................................................ New Brunswick.Chas. Boether ............................................................................................ Paterson.Chas. Duff ................................................................................................... Paterson.Matthew Maguire .................................................................................... Paterson.William Ufert ........................................................................................ Union Hill.William Kamps ...................................................... West Hoboken, American.J.W. James ............................................................................................... Plainfield.Julius Gerber ............................................................................................... Trenton.W.F. Wegener ..................................................................... Jersey City Heights.

NEW YORK—John C. Wieland .......................................................................................... Albany.B. Reinstein ................................................................................................... Buffalo.H. Reynolds ................................................................................................... Buffalo.Wm. Bergmann ............................................................................................. Elmira.Louis Hahn ................................................................................................. Glendale.Arthur Lange ...................................................................................... Gloversville.J. Thissen ........................................................................................... Hornellsville.

S O C I A L I S T L A B O R P A R T Y


Chas. H. Matchett ......................................................................... Kings County.Peter Fiebiger ...................................................................................Kings County.E.T. Neben ........................................................................................ Kings County.Max Forker ....................................................................................... Kings County.Hugo Vogt ......................................................................................... Kings County.Walfrid Ossberg ....................................................................... Long Island City.F. Languth ...................................................................................... Mount Vernon.Samuel W. Felter ................................................................................. Newburgh.August Jahn ..................................................................................... New Rochelle.Alexander Jonas .......................................................................... New York City.Lucien Sanial ................................................................................ New York City.Daniel De Leon ............................................................................ New York City.Howard Balkam .......................................................................... New York City.Chas. B. Copp ............................................................................... New York City.Patrick Murphy ........................................................................... New York City.Chas. F. Wilson ............................................................................ New York City.Frances Macdaniel ..................................................................... New York City.William N. Reed .......................................................................... New York City.Chas. Franz .................................................................................... New York City.E. Sjoholm .................................................................. New York, Scandinavian.F. Hug ..................................................................................................... Amsterdam.Jacob Zimmer ......................................................................................... Northfield.F. Mannier ..................................................................................................... Oneida.F.W. Gasteiger .................................................................................. Port Chester.Frank A. Sievermann .......................................................................... Rochester.Erasmus Pellenz ............................................................... Syracuse, American.Rudolph Katz ...................................................................................................... Troy.E. Liebing ........................................................................................................... Utica.Christian Pattberg ........................................................................ Williamsburg.Frederick Bennetts .................................................................................. Yonkers.

OHIO—Abe Urison .............................................................................................. Cincinnati.W. Krumroy ............................................................................................. Cleveland.C. Ibsen ..................................................................................................... Cleveland.William Watkins ......................................................................................... Dayton.

PENNSYLVANIA—Peter Herriger ....................................................... Allentown and Bethlehem.Donald L. Monro ............................................................................. Blair County.Fred. Long ........................................................................................... Philadelphia.Leonard Fish....................................................................................... Philadelphia.Ernest Kreft ....................................................................................... Philadelphia.

RHODE ISLAND—Thos. Curran ......................................................................................... Providence.E.W. Theinert ....................................................................................... Providence.Timothy Muldowney .......................................................................... Pawtucket.

California was to be represented by Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Stet-son, whose credentials had been transmitted by mail, but the dele-gate did not appear.

The report of the Credential Committee was approved, and theabove-named delegates were seated by States, in the order ar-



ranged by the Organizer of Section New York, at the request of theConvention.

Comrade Joseph Powell, of Section Hartford, as to whom no ac-tion had been taken by the Credential Committee, was also seatedas a delegate.

The Committee on Rules and Regulations, by Delegate Vogt,Chairman, thereupon submitted the following report:

The Committee recommend the following:1. The election of a Chairman and Vice-Chairman for each day.2. The election of a permanent Secretary, to act in conjunction

with Comrade Kuhn, Secretary of the National Executive Commit-tee.

3. The election of a Committee on Constitution and Resolutionsaffecting the same.

4. The election of a Committee on Platform and Resolutions af-fecting the same.

5. The election of a Committee on Appeals and Grievances.6. The election of a Committee on Party Press.7. The election of an Auditing Committee.The Committee also recommend the following order of business

for each day:1. Election of Chairman and Vice-Chairman.2. Communications.3. Report of Committees.4. Unfinished business.5. New business.6. The last half hour of each afternoon session to be devoted to

the receiving of resolutions, to be referred to the appropriate com-mittees after their purport has been stated.

The committee further recommend the morning sessions to befrom 9 a.m. to 12 {p.}m.; and the afternoon sessions from 2 p.m. to6 p.m.

The Committee further recommend that the order of business forthis day’s session be as follows:

1. Organization.2. Report of National Executive Committee.3. Roll call of delegates for introduction of resolutions for refer-

ence to Committees.4. Adjournment.The Committee further recommend that on Sunday morning,

after the reading of communications, the floor be granted to a dele-



gation of the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance.The Committee further recommend that on the last day of the

Convention the nomination of candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States be the first order of business.

The report was approved.By acclamation Delegate Brophy was then elected chairman for

the day.Recess until 2 p.m.

AFTERNOON S ES S I ON.

Chairman Brophy in the chair.The Convention immediately proceeded to the election of a Vice-

Chairman for the day, and Delegate Kreft was elected as such byacclamation.

The Convention then proceeded to the election of a permanentSecretary to act in conjunction with Delegate Kuhn. Delegate Coppwas elected as such by acclamation.

The Convention then proceeded to the election of a Committeeon Constitution and Resolutions pertaining to the same.

It was moved and carried that the vote for members of thisCommittee be taken by ballot. The chair appointed DelegatesKreft, Vogt and Peare as tellers.

The Convention then proceeded to the election of a Committeeon Platform and Resolutions. Delegates Fish, Vogt, Murphy, Car-less and Nagler were unanimously elected.

The Convention then proceeded to the election of a Committeeon Appeals and Grievances. Delegates Long, Whitehouse, Forker,Jonas and Ch. Wilson were unanimously elected.

The Convention then proceeded to the election of a Committeeon Party Press.

Moved and carried that the vote be taken by ballot. The Chairappointed Delegates Chas. Wilson, Fiebiger and Nagler as tellers.

The tellers appointed by the Chair to canvass the vote cast formembers of the Committee on Constitution and Resolutions re-ported as follows:

Total number of votes cast, 72. Matchett, 71; Ruther, 68; DeLeon, 67; Maguire, 61; Fry, 45; Boether, 40; Mrs. Stetson, 2; Ufert,1; Vogt, 1; Whitehouse, 1.

Delegates Matchett, Ruther, De Leon, Maguire and Fry werethereupon declared elected.

The Convention then proceeded to the election of an Auditing



Committee, with the following result: Delegates Pilgrim, Munro,Duff and Ossberg.

Moved by Delegate Copp that Chas. Wagner, the messenger ap-pointed by the National Executive Committee, be chosen Sergeant-at-Arms and Messenger of this Convention. Carried.

Moved that the Convention hear the report of the National Ex-ecutive Committee. Carried.

The report of the National Executive Committee for the preced-ing three years was thereupon submitted by Comrade Henry Kuhnas follows:

REPORT OF THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE,SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY,

to the Ninth National Convention, July 4th, 1896.

I NTRODUCTORY.

“The fact that we are but a national division of a world-wideworking class movement, makes it necessary, when rendering areport to a national convention, to embody in that report a briefretrospect of the movement abroad; a short review of the most sali-ent points that stand out prominently as so many symptoms, indi-cating the forces that are at work shaping the destinies of the vari-ous countries, where the rapid development and expansion ofcapitalism has brought about with inevitable certainty a corre-sponding development and expansion of its counterpart, its night-mare, its ultimate destroyer—the Socialist movement.

“In the political life of the industrial nations of continentalEurope Socialism has indeed become so potent a factor, that to-dayall legislation and all manifestations of public life seem to revolvearound that one question, and all acts of the governments of thesecountries seem to be undertaken with an eye single to their effectupon that movement, either with a view to suppress and restrict,or perchance to cajole and appease, the grim spectre of the socialrevolution.

“And yet while the bourgeoisie feels instinctively the impendingdoom of its infamous system and is vaguely conscious of the comingof a catastrophe, the logic of events and the economic laws of itssystem are driving it from one foolhardiness to another and head-long down the road to perdition.

“This class, in its mad chase for more markets to dispose of theever growing accumulation of wealth, wrung from the toilers in all



the so-called civilized countries of this planet, by an ever expand-ing system of production, is now drawing the nations of Europeinto wild schemes of colonial acquisition, while even on this conti-nent it makes Uncle Sam view with mixed emotions the war or in-surrection on the island of Cuba, and causes him to lick his chopsand throw longing eyes upon the ‘Pearl of the Antilles.’

“But while the capitalist class is thus engaged in its mission of‘civilizing’ (i.e., appropriating) the continents of Africa and Asia,and is carrying stone after stone for its own tomb, the workers athome are forming their phalanxes, are drilling their battalions andare getting ready for its overthrow.

“When we pass in review the countless hosts of the world’s mili-tant Social Democracy, when we bear in mind that the same idealfires their hearts and the same cause animates their action, thencan we see most vividly the full grandeur of the idea that has con-nected so many minds, developed amid different conditions, andhas encircled those countless thousands with one common bond ofsympathy.

“The bourgeoisie of the various countries may snarl at one an-other, may be ready at times to fly at each other’s throats, but theSocialist workers of one country know of no such feeling towardsthe toilers of another, and while they are the mortal foes of thecapitalist class at home and abroad, there is no greater securityagainst war than the existence of a powerful Socialist movementon the European continent.

“The rulers know what is underneath them, and they are apt tohave a care.

“And there is ample reason for their apprehension, for trulywonderful has been the advance of the Socialist movement in somecountries, notably in France and Belgium.

“Especially in the former, events have tumbled over one another,each showing clearly the irresistible momentum by which thatmovement is carried along. Though Germany is still leading withits vast Socialist vote, its splendid organization and the soundgrasp of the principles of Socialism by so many of her workers,France bids fair to press on for first place, if things keep on goingat the present rate.

“Before the rising power of its Social Democracy a President hasgone down, ministry after ministry has tumbled after him, andonly recently our French comrades have again demonstrated whatthey can do, when they captured town after town and city after city



at the municipal elections, controlling now a whole network ofcommunities all over the country.

“Our comrades in Italy, who had gone through a period of relent-less persecution since the so-called Sicilian riots, have come outunscathed and stronger than ever, as each succeeding election hasshown, despite all the repressive measures and wholesale disfran-chisement of the workers by the Crispi government. And when atlast the felon Crispi fell in disgrace, in consequence of the awfuldisaster and fiasco of the Abyssinian adventure, inaugurated byhim, the Socialists of Italy and all others with them rejoiced; themore so because his fall was the prelude to the liberation of theband of brave comrades who had been wrongfully imprisoned byhim.

“Thus wherever we look, we see the Socialist movement forgingahead, in England as in France, in Belgium, Germany, Austria,Italy and the Scandinavian countries.

“Even in far-off Australia, even in Argentina, our comrades aresowing the seed, and who knows but what the latest participant inthe capitalist St. Vitus’ dance—Japan—may not soon witness thefirst manifestation of the spirit of Socialism. Even the Japs maytake it into their heads to try to cultivate that everywhere “foreign”idea, no matter if the capitalists of that country and their hiredscribblers do denounce it as ‘un-Japanese.’

“Such are the gains Socialism has made all over the world, andsuch are its prospects for future advancement; but while we maywell be exultant at seeing our cause move forward, it is fitting thatwe should also make mention of a loss which the Socialists of allcountries have sustained—the death of Frederick Engels.

“After a life of many years of prolific work for the cause that hadenlisted his whole personality, Frederick Engels has joined hismate and co-worker, Carl Marx.

THE S I TUATI ON AT HOME.

“When after this brief review of the situation abroad, we turn toour own country and look back these three years, we can atteststeady and healthy progress. Our organization has grown, we havegained a foothold in many places where we had none before, andmany more States are now ready to unfurl the banner of the S.L.P.than we could muster in 1892.

“And what is of equal, if not greater importance, there has beena visible growth of confidence among workingmen in general in the



future of our party and of our movement, as is evidenced by thereception our speakers and agitators have found almost every-where.

“Owing to the fact that the National Executive Committee, forreasons to be explained later, has been in a more fortunate positionfinancially than ever before, there has been a greater amount ofagitation carried on. The tours of Comrades Frank Gessner, Mar-tha Moore Avery, J. Wilson Becker (who is now again on a tour outWest), Daniel De Leon and Lucien Sanial, in English, and those ofMax Forker and Alexander Jonas in German, have been conduciveto very good results in many respects.

“So far as organization is concerned, we desire to say that muchcredit is due for the splendid work done in that line by ComradeMax Forker, who has organized a great number of sections in vari-ous States and greatly extended the influence and the connectionsof the party. Very good work has also been done by J. WilsonBecker in the State of Pennsylvania, where he has organized anumber of sections.

“As may be supposed, not all of the sections so organized couldmaintain themselves after the agitator had left, but enough ofthem have come to stay to make this work exceedingly valuable, tosay nothing of the fact that even in places where the sections can-not be upheld there is usually some one left who keeps alive thespark, ready to leap into a flame as soon as the time is ripe, or afew energetic men take hold.

“Quite recently a Polish agitator, Comrade Karol Dolski, hasbeen making a tour through a number of Western and EasternStates, evidently with remarkable success. This agitation was un-dertaken by our Polish comrades in New York, in conjunction withthe Polish Agitation Committee of London, England, and ComradeDolski was sent to America for a few months for the express pur-pose of drawing the Polish workers into the movement, building uporganizations among them and paving the way for a Polish Social-ist paper.

“Outside of these tours over a great range of territory, the agita-tion connected with the conduct of our campaigns is not to be un-derrated. Our speakers are then taxed to their utmost, and the ac-tivity of our comrades in spreading literature, preparing formeetings and agitating in the one hundred and one ways that areopen to a zealous Socialist, goes far to enlist new recruits for thecause.



“Most auspicious is the political situation this year for a sub-stantial advance of our movement.

“It begins to look as though at last economic conditions wouldassert themselves in the political field to the extent of shapingparty formations in accordance with these conditions, and wouldbring out into full view the class antagonism inherent in capitalistsociety. The time-worn tariff issue seems to be played out, much tothe sorrow of capitalist politicians, who never had a better meansof befuddling the minds of workingmen; of arraying them in hostilecamps and of diverting their attention from their own class inter-ests by the noise of a battle between two sets of capitalist interests.

“The political results of the growing pressure brought to bear bythe large capitalists upon the middle class, bids fair to burst asun-der the ‘party of Jeffersonian principles.’ While the larger portionof it will take up the cudgels for that middle class, the other por-tion may not be strong and numerous enough to paddle its own ca-noe, and may seek refuge in the haven of the party of capitalismpar excellence, the ‘G.O.P.’

“The events that are to come after the Socialist Labor Party hasplaced its Presidential ticket in the field, may not shape things inexactly the way outlined above, but enough will come true to giveus a field full of opportunities for Socialist propaganda and rifewith promises for substantial growth.

“The People’s Party will have the wind taken out of its sails bythe silver development in the Democratic camp; it will be strippedof its Socialistic pretensions as soon as there is a chance to attainincreased strength along the lines of its true character as a middleclass movement; it will cease to stand in our way and hinder thegrowth of our party in Western States, where the allurements heldout by Populist politicians served to give them quite a large follow-ing from among the working class. The lines will be drawn muchclearer and more distinct, and it will be easier for men to know onwhat side of the fence they really belong.

“The rest will be taken care of by the S.L.P., and it will to an ex-tent take care of itself.

“When we leave this political aspect of the situation and glanceat the economic phase of the labor movement, we find that thatparticular back-number form of a labor organization, the pure andsimple trade union, has about reached the end of its tether. If inthe report of the Brooklyn Executive Committee to the Conventionin Chicago in 1893, it could be said that: ‘The implicit faith in the



possibility of guarding their material interests by means of purelyeconomic organizations and action, hitherto exhibited by so manyAmerican workingmen, is on the wane,’ it can now be said withequal force that this faith is about gone. The ever-growing power ofconcentrated capital has made short work of it.

“The pure and simple union is no longer an organization thateven pretends to better the condition of its members by fighting theboss, who seeks to lower that condition. Instead of the capitalist, itis content to fight the poor devil of a fellow worker who happens tobe out of work. Instead of being a militant class-conscious organi-zation, ever watchful of the interests of the workers and ever readyto battle against conditions that tend to degrade them, it has beenreduced. and has reduced itself to a mere benevolent organization,doling out charities for sick and death benefits, thus taking uponitself the functions of an ambulance service on the industrial bat-tlefield, taking care of the wounded, burying the death {dead?} andstripping itself of all other functions.

“Thus, if they do not combat capitalism, they at least succeed inhiding a good deal of the ravages of the capitalist system and tothat extent relieve capitalist society from the responsibility of car-ing for its victims.

“While there may be a good deal of virtue in that, yet it may beasked whether that is the mission of a labor organization andwhether labor organizations are to be formed for such a purpose.When viewed from the standpoint of the class interests of labor, itwould seem that the only beneficiaries of these ‘benefit’ organiza-tions are that pestiferous crew—the labor fakirs—who grow fat onthe backs of their dupes; the very fellows who are ever ready toraise the cry: ‘No politics in the trade union!’ while hobnobbingwith capitalist politicians and striving with might and main for asnug berth of their own by the grace of one or the other of the capi-talist political parties.

“But the class antagonism in modern capitalist society willsometimes bring about collisions between the opposing forces, de-spite the humility, the submissiveness and the cowardice of thepure and simple unions. When they do, the political supremacy ofthe capitalist class, created and backed up by the votes of theworkers themselves, soon asserts itself with disastrous effect.

“Most of the important strikes within the last four years oc-curred in the railroad business;{:?} the A.R.U., or Pullman strike,in 1894, and the trolley strikes in Brooklyn, Philadelphia, and



quite recently in Milwaukee.“But the capitalists in each case were safely sheltered; they had

at their disposal an enormous army of unemployed, courts, judges,injunctions, bayonets, clubs and prisons, and they used all of these.The end was defeat, destruction of the organizations, demoraliza-tion of the workers, and the—blacklist.

“But there has appeared a silver lining to these black clouds; theSocialist Trade and Labor Alliance is born. To the superficial ob-server it may seem that this organization was formed only becauseof the reeking corruption among the general officers of the oncepowerful Order of the Knights of Labor.

“Yet this was only an incident, the lever as it were, to relieveand set free the pent-up disgust of so many workers with the inac-tivity, the impotence of the fakir-ridden older organizations.

“The reaction among thinking workingmen against that elementand its methods was inevitable, and now that it has come, it is tobe hoped that the National Convention of our party will utter itselfin no uncertain language upon this new departure and by an em-phatic endorsement of the S.T. & L.A. will give notice to the laborfakir that he had better stand from under, thus making it clear toall that the Socialists and the new trade unionists have joinedhands and are coming, determined to put an end to and tear downthat artificial barrier between the economic and political phase ofthe American labor movement, which has too long served as ameans not only to prevent the working class from using all theweapons at its command in the struggle with the capitalist class,but also prevent it from using the most potent and most effectiveone—the Socialist ballot.

“As is the case every time an important step is to be taken, thereare some in our own ranks who would favor a faint-hearted andnon-committal attitude on the part of the party, fearing, as itseems, that a firm and decided stand would involve us in conflicts.These seem to forget that the whole Socialist movement is the childof conflict, born of a struggle and in its whole make-up a militantmovement if it is anything. Are we, therefore, as Socialists, whendetermining upon a policy to be pursued, to ask ourselves first ofall whether such policy may involve us in conflicts; or is the ques-tion, whether such policy is best adapted to advance our cause, thequestion to determine our course, conflicts or no conflicts?

“The answer should lie near at hand.



THE PARTY ORGANI ZATI ON. —S TATE COMMI TTEES .

“At this writing the party has State organizations in California,Connecticut, Illinois, Iowa, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, NewJersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Rhode Island.

“In Missouri a State organization was also formed at a timewhen there were sections in various cities and towns of the State,but all of these, except St. Louis, have dissolved, and it remains forthe Convention to provide in our constitution how such cases are tobe governed in the future as regards the privilege accorded to Stateorganizations.

“A great impetus was no doubt given to the State organizationsby the introduction of the new system of collecting dues underwhich the State Committees share the per capita of 10 cents withthe National Executive Committee for every due stamp sold withinthe State.

“This system was suggested by the National Executive Commit-tee because the growth of the party made it necessary that Statecommittees, in order to be of any use, should have a fixed revenueand be brought into more direct touch with the sections.

“A general vote, called for by several sections, adopted the plan,which has been in operation since October 1, 1894. It was under-stood, however, that it would be left to the next National Conven-tion to embody this system into our constitution.

“Reports from the various State Committees have been called foras to the operation of the system in their respective States. Suchreports should be turned over to the Committee on Organization,with instructions to present to the Convention a set of regulationsfor the guidance of State Committees, the present provisions of ourconstitution being rather meager in that respect.

THE S ECTI ONS .

“The sections, ranged according to States, show up as follows:New York State, 40 sections; New Jersey, 27; Massachusetts, 26;Pennsylvania, 18; Connecticut, 14; Illinois, 15; Ohio, 11; California,6; Minnesota, 5; Iowa, 4; Michigan, 4; New Hampshire, 4; RhodeIsland, 4; Nebraska, 4; Indiana, 3; Maine, 3; Colorado, 2; Delaware,2; Kentucky, 2; Georgia, 1; Maryland, 1; Missouri, 1; Texas, 1;Vermont, 1; Wisconsin{,} 1. Total, 200 sections in 25 differentStates, as against 113 sections reported to the Chicago Conventionin 1893.

“The membership is rather difficult to ascertain—first, because



of its fluctuations, and secondly, because a great many membersare at any given time out of work. These, as a rule, pay no dueswhile not working; hence the sale of stamps does not furnish a veryreliable standard to calculate the membership by, but it may besafely put at between five and six thousand.

“There were some sections located in Canada, attached to ourparty for a time (in Montreal, London, Toronto and Rat Portage),but recently our Canadian comrades have organized a NationalExecutive Committee of their own and launched the latest additionto the Socialist movement of the world, the Socialist Labor Party ofCanada. Long may it live!

“All things considered, we may well be pleased with the steadygrowth of our party as an organization, and we have still more rea-son to be pleased with the growth of our movement, as expressedby the ever rising number of votes that are being cast for the So-cialist Labor Party and all that this implies.

“In 1894 the party, as it stands to-day, scored its first victory atthe ballot box in the city of Paterson, N.J., where Comrade Mat-thew Maguire was elected a member of the Board of Aldermen.

“In 1896 the Eighth ward of Paterson showed its good sense byrepeating the experiment and re-electing Comrade Maguire withan increased majority.

“In Holyoke, Mass., Comrade Connor was elected a member ofthe City Council, and it is now safe to predict that within the nextfew years we shall hear of more Socialist victories, the cheeringnews of which will gladden the hearts of our comrades everywhereand spur them to renewed efforts.

“Outside of these incidents, there is the very gratifying growth ofthe Socialist vote in the cities of New York and Brooklyn, where itgrew in New York city in one year from 6,000 to 11,000, and inBrooklyn from 2,700 to nearly 5,000.

“Evidently the lesson of the Brooklyn trolley strike was notwholly lost upon the workers; some had seen the beast of capital-ism in its true form, divested of all its allurements, and, heedingthe lesson, they voted the Socialist ticket. In the interior of theState the party did not fare quite so well. While some placesshowed an increase, others fell off, even where we had sections,and in unorganized districts, the falling off was very marked, due,no doubt, to the fact that in many instances the canvassers, withnothing to hinder them, counted our ballots as scattered, instead ofcrediting them to our vote.



“In Pennsylvania our organization has been much improved bythe formation of new sections, principally in Luzerne and Westmo-reland Counties. In the former County some ground has again beenlost, owing in a great measure to the extreme poverty or the minerswho furnished the membership of these sections. To properly buildup the movement among these mine workers, it would be neces-sary to station a good agitator among them for some time, untilsome men could be developed to take charge of affairs.

“In Allegheny County, where for a time the party had almostdisappeared, and where the condition of the movement seemed ut-terly hopeless, a change has taken place for the better and activework is now being done.

“The vote of Pennsylvania at the last election fell below the fig-ures of the year before, and this must be charged to the absoluteinactivity and almost incredible indifference of the State Commit-tee then in charge. So flagrant had been their neglect of duty, thatSection Philadelphia, where the State Committee is located, feltcalled upon to remove and completely reorganize it. Since then itappears that better work is being done, and Pennsylvania has nowall the chance in the world to retrieve the losses sustained by agood round vote this fall.

“One of the States that have {has?} but recently entered the So-cialist column is New Hampshire. At first there was but one Ger-man section at Manchester, which was later followed by an Ameri-can section in the same city. Then came Dover and Concord, and aState Committee was formed. It is safe to predict that consideringthe material our New Hampshire comrades seem to be made of,that State will give a good account of itself when next November itwill cast its maiden vote under the banner of Socialism.

“Then there is California, where we have made remarkable pro-gress within a very short time. For a number of years we had buttwo cities organized in the whole State, and there seemed to be nobreak anywhere. But then came Oakland, followed after a while bySan Jose, San Diego and Santa Cruz in rapid succession. A StateCommittee has been organized recently and is now in working or-der. An effort will be made to overcome all legal obstacles in theshape of ballot laws that discriminate against smaller parties andto put an electoral ticket in the field. That done, we may look toCalifornia as having entered for good the list of States where a So-cialist election is a matter of course.

“Ohio is another State where, as in Pennsylvania, a determined



effort was made to gain a foothold among the miners, and wherefor much the same reasons that are given for Luzerne County, Pa.,most of the sections formed could not be maintained, though, ofcourse, there has been ever since a considerable Socialist senti-ment. It would help the party very much if an economic organiza-tion, based upon Socialist principles, was to take hold of the minersfirst and prepare them for political work; and right here there is asplendid opening for the S.T. & L.A.

“Our experience has been that among the miners our agitatorsfind ready listeners and much sympathy. But there is absolutely nomoney to be found among them to maintain an organization on apurely political basis, for, much as they may sympathize, they evi-dently do not care to spend much from their scant earnings for athing that seems so far off to them.

“The economic organization, however, which takes up for themthe fight of to-day and to-morrow could draw them into the Social-ist movement and keep them there.

“Outside of the mining regions the organization in Ohio is ingood condition. Cincinnati, which had for so long a time been ahotbed of dissension and wholly in the hands of the dissensionists,has at last been redeemed.

“The German sections that were organized there were invariablydestroyed by these men, who came to the meetings, quarreled, anddisgusted and repelled new members. But later on a Jewish sectionwas organized, followed by an American one. During March, 1896,Comrade De Leon was invited by them to stay in Cincinnati for awhole week. This was done, with the most gratifying results. Thereputation of the party, which had for so long a time been at themercy of a gang of slanderers and falsifiers of that city, was re-deemed, and when shortly after Comrade Forker came to Cincin-nati, he found that the honest element, so long misled, was readyto turn their backs upon their misleaders and to swing into line.

“In Toledo, where the former German section had to be sus-pended, for reasons to be explained later on, there is now an activeand pushing American section, which has taken up the fight forSocialism in good earnest; and with two Polish sections added,through the agitation of Comrade Dolski, it may be said thatToledo is now in excellent shape, in better shape indeed than it hasever been before.

“In Connecticut the number of sections has risen to 14, asagainst 8 in 1893. This advance has been gradual and is in large



measure due to the work of an efficient and active State Commit-tee. Last year there were no general elections in Connecticut;hence our vote could not be measured, but the State has at eachsuccessive election shown an advance.

“Massachusetts has also increased the number of her sections by11. The vote in that State has not shown any marked progress oflate, but has remained stationary.

THE PRES S .

“At all former party conventions the burden of the reports wasthe large deficiencies of our party organs. This is all changed now.The Executive Committee is no longer obliged to sink the greaterpart of its income in covering these deficits.

“‘The People’ has developed splendidly, resting now on a soundfinancial basis, with its circulation constantly increasing (it is nowmore than 6,000). It reaches out into new fields all the time, andhas become a recognized power in the land.

“A short time ago the idea was conceived to still further andmore rapidly increase its circulation and its influence by reducingthe subscription price to 50 cents a year. A circular was addressedto the sections for the purpose of getting their opinions and to seewhether they would guarantee support for the period of transitionand until the loss was made good by an increased subscription list.

“While a great number of sections favored the plan and promisedsupport, yet there were so many opposing it for various reasons,that the matter was left undecided.

“As our movement grows, there arises also a growing desire for adaily Socialist paper. The outcome of this desire has been the start-ing of a Daily People Fund, for which the sum of $1,283.91 has sofar been collected. No extraordinary efforts have as yet been madefor this fund; all are looking to this Convention in a way, to give anew impetus to the collections by its endorsement, if, after due de-liberation, it is thought that the time is ripe to make the attempt.

“In regard to the ‘Vorwärts,’ our German party organ, a changehad to be made owing to the fact that the paper in its old shapecould be maintained only at an enormous sacrifice. So large werethe sums that had to be appropriated to make both ends meet, thatthe Executive Committee were tied hand and foot, unable to planand execute any agitation on a larger scale. The sections were re-peatedly appealed to and urged to increase the circulation, but itwas all in vain.



“Instead of growth there was decline, until the circulation hadsunk to about 1,500, while the deficit had risen to about $30.00 perweek. When it was plainly to be seen that we could not possibly goon in this way, unless we were ready to sink nearly every dollarthat came in, the Executive Committee concluded, after havingsent out another fruitless appeal, not to begin the new volumearound November, 1894, but to make instead an arrangement withthe Socialist Co-operative Publishing Association, by adopting theweekly edition of the New York “Volkszeitung” as the party organ.

“This was done, the weekly assuming the name ‘Vorwärts,’ whilein all other respects the same agreement was entered into as existsbetween the party and the Publishing Association in regard to ‘ThePeople,’ viz., the National Executive Committee of the party andthe Board of Directors of the Publishing Association jointly electingthe editor. In case of disagreement between these two bodies uponthe choice of an editor, the party alone decides by general vote.

“The party was thus relieved of a pressing burden; the sectionswere supplied with a large eight-page paper, for which it was notdifficult to obtain new subscribers, and the number of subscribersto whom the paper goes is now 5,000, instead of 1,500.

“When the change was made, there were some sections that pro-tested, while others approved of it. Upon the whole it may be saidthat at the present time the number of those who clearly realizethat it would be most unwise to go back to the old condition isvastly greater than when the change was made.

“A growing party like ours cannot afford to almost bleed itself todeath and to forego almost all other agitation, in an attempt tomaintain a non-supporting paper, when there is an opportunity toutilize another under absolute Socialist control and without anycost whatever.

“Moreover, we found that when our financial reports were sentto the sections, during the time when they showed the heavy ap-propriations made for the ‘Vorwärts,’ some American sectionsfound fault with the Executive Committee for expending so large aportion of the funds for such a purpose.

“Still another paper has been added to the list of official organsof the party, namely, the Jewish ‘Arbeiter-Zeitung,’ a weekly pub-lished in New York city.

“The paper was declared a party organ on the recommendationof the Board of Arbitration, which had been appointed by the Na-tional Executive Committee at the request of the Convention of



Jewish Socialists held in New York city from December 28th, 1893,to January 2d, 1896{4?}.

“This Convention found itself hopelessly entangled in factionalstrife about the control and management of the Jewish Socialistpapers. Unable to settle the trouble, it adopted a resolution callingfor the creation of a Board of Arbitration, to be appointed by theNational Executive Committee, the decision of which was to be fi-nal and binding upon all concerned. The Board appointed on thisunderstanding and on these pledges, sat through 18 sessions,heard all the evidence presented by both sides to the controversy,to wit: A committee representing the Jewish convention, on the onehand, and another committee representing the side of the Publish-ing Association, an organization of Jewish Socialists formed for thepurpose of issuing Socialist publications in the Jewish language.

“After much deliberation and laborious work, the Board ren-dered a unanimous decision which has been published in ‘The Peo-ple,’ and which recommended among other things that the editorialmanagement of the ‘Arbeiter-Zeitung’ be placed under party con-trol, and that it be made an official organ.

“Outside of these papers, there have been added to the list ofSocialist papers since our last Convention, the weekly ‘Arbetaren,’organ of our Scandinavian comrades, and the ‘Volks-Tribun,’ aweekly which appears in the Dutch language and is published bythe Dutch Socialists of Grand Rapids. For a short time there ex-isted also an Italian paper, ‘Avanti,’ which was at first published inPhiladelphia, but afterwards removed to New York. It could not,however, be maintained, there being as yet not enough of a move-ment among Italian workingmen to carry the paper along.

“The Polish paper ‘Swiatlo,’ which existed at the time of the lastConvention, had also to be discontinued, but with the recent re-vival of Socialist agitation among the Poles, our comrades of thatnationality expect to be soon in a position to again have a paper inthe field.

“In San Francisco there appeared for a time two papers, the‘Coming Age’ and the ‘Socialist.’ The former discontinued after ashort life, while the latter had to be repudiated by our section be-cause of its ‘Christian Socialist’ tendencies.

“As to the German Socialist papers of the country, there hasreally been no change except that in Pittsburgh, Pa., the weekly‘Volkszeitung’ had to be discontinued, but in its stead there is nowanother paper, the ‘Pittsburger Echo.’



“Our Jewish comrades in New York have, however, launched amost successful daily—the ‘Abendblatt’—a one-cent paper whichhas now a circulation of 15,000.

“In connection with this chapter of the report, we must now ap-proach a most unpleasant subject. It is the role which another pro-fessed Socialist paper, the ‘St. Louis Labor,’ has played during thelast two years.

“At the Chicago Convention, in 1893, one of the delegates fromSt. Louis, Comrade Sanderson, who was at that time the editor ofthe paper, introduced a resolution to the effect that the Conventionindorse the work of the Socialist Newspaper Union, and that theNational Executive Committee should aid the same.

“The resolution was adopted unanimously. It may be safely as-sumed that the bulk of the delegates present at the Conventionand voting for the resolution, did not suspect the kind of interpre-tation that was to be put upon it, but did so vote under the impres-sion that it would promote an amicable understanding, harmoni-ous work, and, above all, sound Socialist propaganda.

“In the early part of 1894, the Executive Committee communi-cated with St. Louis with a view to ascertain how their system oflocal editions was carried on and to introduce that system with‘The People,’ if possible. The information received seemed to showthat we could not very well and successfully adopt that system, be-cause we had not the facilities that were given in St. Louis, wherethe Populist movement had created an establishment that wasgrinding out alleged local papers by the wholesale. But while thiscorrespondence was still on, there appeared suddenly an article in‘Labor,’ headed: ‘Common Sense! Comrades!’ wherein a propositionwas made, the essence of which was to discontinue ‘The People’and in its stead adopt ‘Labor’ as the official organ of the party.

“We received a letter from St. Louis containing the same propo-sition, but it came simultaneously with the issue of ‘Labor’ contain-ing the foregoing article. Thus all further discussion upon the mat-ter was cut off; St. Louis had come out into the open, had shown itshand and had proclaimed to the party how it wanted the Chicagoresolution to be understood.

“The Executive Committee realized that something had to bedone, that its position in regard to the proposition had to be de-fined, and deeming the preservation of ‘The People’ a matter of fargreater importance to the party and the movement, than the realor fancied interests of those who stood behind ‘Labor,’ we issued a



circular to the sections, warning them against any scheme lookingtowards the discontinuance of ‘The People’ and setting forth thenecessity of maintaining for our propaganda an organ of superiorqualities.

“From that time on began the campaign of abuse, slander andvilification that has intermittently been waged in the columns of‘Labor’ against the National Executive Committee, ‘The People’and the comrades of New York in general, this being at times theforemost and leading feature of that publication.

“The campaign was conducted by innuendo, insinuation and di-rect attack, in editorial articles and outside communications, manyof the latter coming from outspoken enemies of the party. ‘Labor’became the organ of all who had, or thought they had, a grievanceagainst New York, and it became also a sort of side organ to whatis known as the ‘Cleveland’ or the ‘perambulating faction,’ a smallnumber of malcontents who call themselves the Socialist LaborParty of America and of whom we shall speak later on.

“The Executive Committee realized fully, and had ample oppor-tunity to see, the evil effects of this state of affairs. Whenever anew field was opened by the party, ‘Labor’ entered it and sought topoison the minds of the newly-won comrades, not only against theefficiency, but also against the integrity of the party’s manage-ment. Many local conflicts, connected with much bitterness andpersonal friction, may be ascribed to its work and its spirit of acri-mony. There are even cases where the decline of certain sectionscan be traced to this and to the fact that a so-called local edition of‘Labor’ had sapped their energies and had absorbed their funds ina vain endeavor to go beyond the limits of the possible.

“Yet we never answered in kind and in public print, principallybecause we considered it unwise to give a public exhibition of aninternal quarrel and because we did not wish to fill the pages of‘The People’ with matter that would only stand in the way andhinder the work for which ‘The People’ had been called into being.

“But when in 1895, ‘Labor,’ under the editorial management ofG.A. Hoehn, reached the pink of perfection in the art of scolding,and was trying to fructify certain troubles which Section New Yorkhad with some members who inclined towards Populism, the Ex-ecutive Committee came to the conclusion that it was time to call ahalt.

“A circular was issued making reply to the many wild, un-founded and venomous charges of ‘Labor’ and wherein the mem-



bers of the party were called upon to put a stop to these disgracefulproceedings, so far as it lay within their power. That circular hadthe effect of ending the indecent manifestations of open hostilityhitherto displayed, and ‘Labor’ has since confined itself to a policyof veiled attack.

“But this is not all, for the paper has been injurious to those intowhose hands it has fallen. Articles conveying false economic theo-ries, false tactics and such matter as capitalist papers could use tomislead the working class, have been frequent enough in its col-umns to deprive it of the right to call itself a Socialist paper.

“It will be the mission of this Convention to find a way that willmake impossible a repetition of this kind of thing, so injurious tothe movement and so well calculated to hamper our growth as aparty. We can well stand all the abuse heaped upon us by enemiesfrom without, but to have a professed Socialist paper, and one thatdemands the support of the Socialist movement, indulge in prac-tices that no self-respecting foe would resort to, is more than can betolerated, all hypocritical pleas for the right of ‘free speech’ and‘fair criticism’ to the contrary notwithstanding. The right of freespeech and the right to express opinion do by no means imply aright to vilify, to distort facts and to thus sow discord and carrysuspicion into the ranks of the party.

“There are also complaints coming, from Section Louisville, Ky.,which throw a side light upon another side of this case, i.e., the un-scrupulousness of the methods employed by ‘Labor’ in foisting uponLouisville a ‘local edition’ and calling it the ‘Official Organ of Sec-tion Louisville,’ despite the repeated protests of that section.

“Section Louisville demanded from the Executive Committee arectification, which could not be given, because we knew by previ-ous experience that it would be worse than useless to appeal toSection St. Louis for redress.

“The Section then decided to appeal to the Convention for theprotection of its rights.

OTHER PARTY MATTERS .

“We now come to a series of concurrences {occurrences?} withinthe party that grew out of and were more or less connected withthe sickly sentiment which still exists here and there in our ranksin regard to what is now known as the ‘Cleveland faction’ and usedto be known under a number of other names.

“To the Chicago Convention a complete report was given of the



attempt that was made in 1892, to end this quarrel, but was frus-trated by the breach of faith on the part of the ‘faction,’ which re-fused to abide by the result of a general vote, when that result wasnot to their liking. And it was the Chicago Convention which, al-though it extended one more invitation to the ‘faction’ to join theparty, did adopt a provision to be inserted in the constitution ac-cording to which every section connected with a State organizationhad also to be connected with the National organization.

“This provision, so necessary for the building up of a well-knitorganization of the party, was disregarded by the Ohio StateCommittee located at Toledo. When a State Convention was to beheld at Cleveland on July 4th, 1894, the State Committee, in viola-tion of this provision, permitted bodies outside the party to voteupon this question against the protest of Section Cleveland.

“The latter section then appealed to the Executive Committee,demanding the enforcement of the constitution. The ExecutiveCommittee called upon the State Committee, but was met with arefusal on the plea that since the State Committee had been cre-ated previous to the Chicago Convention, they were not bound byits action, but had to proceed in accordance with the action takenat a State Convention held on December 26th and 27th, 1892, atToledo.

“The State Committee having thus declared its unwillingness toabide by the constitution, Section Toledo was called upon to with-draw the members of the committee and to prefer charges againstthem. In a most illogical reply the Section declined to do so, declar-ing that although the Executive Committee were correct accordingto the letter of the constitution, they could not proceed against thecommittee because the State organization had been formed previ-ous to the Chicago National Convention, and because the StateCommittee had been elected by all sections represented at theToledo State Convention, and was bound by its action until anotherConvention was held.

“Upon receiving this reply, it was decided to suspend SectionToledo. Some time thereafter the section was asked to surrenderits charter in case they did not intend to appeal against the sus-pension. They returned the charter, with the remark that theythought an appeal was superfluous inasmuch as they did not seehow the Board of Grievances could decide otherwise than the Ex-ecutive Committee had done.

“The Executive Committee, in accordance with a request from



Section Cleveland, had called a State Convention to be held at Co-lumbus on June 14th, 1894, which was attended by all sections ofour party. Since then our organization in Ohio, with a clear line ofaction before it, has much improved, as already stated in a preced-ing part of the report.

“As soon as our present National Convention hove in sight, the‘factionists’ on the outside and their friends on the inside of ourparty, made frantic attempts to squeeze themselves to the front.Especially did they try to get into our party organs with long reso-lutions, wherein our party was spoken of as a faction and whereinthe necessity of acceding to the dictatorial demands of an outsidebody was advocated.

“These attempts finally culminated in a proposition of SectionBaltimore, which has always been honeycombed with such senti-ment, demanding a general vote on the following question:

“‘The Executive Committee S.L.P. of the New York faction shall requestthe Executive Committee of the Cleveland faction to see to it that a com-mittee of that faction appear at the National Convention of the New Yorkfaction for the purpose of reconciling and uniting both factions of theparty.’

“This proposition was indorsed by some sections of bona-fidestanding and by others who had no standing at all.

“The Executive Committee was now placed in a position to eitheraccept and submit this proposition and thereby officially drag ourparty down to the level of a faction, to injure its prestige, and, inview of the treachery displayed by the ‘factionists’ once before, toask our sections to undergo another farce, or to deny the motion asbeing neither in the interest of the party as prescribed by the con-stitution, nor in any way calculated to work anything but injury toit.

“The Committee decided to choose the latter horn of the di-lemma, and feeling that something should be done to bring thiswhole affair before the Convention in as prominent a form as pos-sible, it was also decided to issue a circular giving a clear state-ment of the reasons that prompted the refusal to submit.

“We believe that this Convention should take action that willput an end once and for all to the nagging and annoying tactics ofthe inside friends of these outside enemies of the party.

“Because there are in some localities a few people who are fight-ing the party, these men jump at the conclusion that their localtroubles must at once be transferred to the whole party organiza-



tion. Instead of fighting it out with them to the last ditch and thusestablishing the only harmony that is at all worth having,they—either from weakness or secret collusion with the en-emy—seek to pacify them, by asking the whole party to prostrateitself and invite the dictation of a pitiful few, most of whom haveshown repeatedly by word and deed that they can hardly be con-sidered valuable acquisitions to our ranks.

“We believe also, that the Convention by an unqualified in-dorsement of the circular reply of the Executive Committee to theBaltimore proposition, will give notice to all whom it may concern,that it too means to uphold the dignity of the party, and that theparty is by no means ready to surrender to anybody. It should beplainly stated that he who is a Socialist and is willing to join theparty can do so at any time, but that in doing so he must subject{himself} to its discipline and its rules and regulations, but withperfect liberty to agitate in a legitimate way for any change he maydesire.

“Experience has shown that the only solution to this vexatiousquestion is to kill every ray of hope that the party will ever befound ready to submit to have any conditions forced upon it fromthe outside and to strictly forbid the coming Executive Committeeto entertain any propositions aiming and purporting to stigmatizethe party as a faction of anything.

THE S US PENS I ON OF S ECTI ON CLEVELAND.

“Local organizations, in their eagerness to build up the move-ment more rapidly, are sometimes apt to forget that for a party likeours the most consistent way is also the best and withal the short-est route to ultimate success. They are apt to deviate from the nar-row but straight course when, apparently, there is a chance to cap-ture something.

“Thus it happened in Cleveland. The section there, when a po-litical conference was called by the Central Labor Union of thatcity, sent delegates to that conference, as did also the Populists,Prohibitionists, and a number of labor organizations.

“A municipal ticket was nominated under the name of Inde-pendent Labor Party, and owing to the efforts of our comrades theconference adopted almost word for word the platform of our party.

“The ticket, however, was by no means a Socialist ticket, and thewhole affair could not be looked upon in any other way than acompromise with other political parties, and a plain violation of



that clause of our constitution which says that ‘no section shall en-ter into any compromise with any other political party.’

“There being no way of mistaking the meaning of that clause,the National Executive Committee was forced to suspend the sec-tion.

“Section Cleveland thereupon appealed from the decision of thecommittee to the Board of Grievances and was restored, the sus-pension being lifted on the ground that the spread of the ideas ofSocialism was more rapid than the organization of our party, andthat Cleveland had fused with workingmen who, though not Social-ists, were in sympathy with Socialist principles.

“This, it seems to us, is a rather dangerous practice, which, ifsustained, is fraught with serious complications for the future.

“It is clear that if the policy of the party is to be shaped accord-ing to the decidedly vague notions of Socialism entertained by amultitude of workingmen who consider themselves sympathizers;so that the party will have to follow them through the whole laby-rinth of errors in which they are certain to wander before reachinglight, then we might as well give up the idea of having any fixedpolicy at all.

“While the Convention cannot possibly utter itself upon thequestion of compromise any more distinctly than is done by theconstitution, there should be a passing of judgment upon that deci-sion, so that it be made known to all what the S.L.P. means by for-bidding a compromise. To let the decision stand as it is will not do,there being danger of it being used as a precedent in future cases ofa similar nature.

“Another decision of the Board of Grievances in which the Ex-ecutive Committee is concerned, is that of an appeal taken byGerman Section Syracuse against the decision of the committeesustaining the editor of the ‘Vorwärts’ in editing out of a communi-cation of the organizer a portion which we held was insulting to themembers of Section New York, and unduly interfered with theirrights of membership. It was thought that to print such an attackwould inevitably lead to a rejoinder in kind, and the result wouldbe a bitter wrangle between two sections in our party organs.

“The Board of Grievances sustained the Syracuse section, and inits decision ordered the objectionable portion printed in ‘The Peo-ple.’

“This decision seemed so much out of keeping with the appeal ofthe Syracuse section, to say nothing of the general merits of the



case, that the Executive Committee decided to appeal from the de-cision of the Board to the National Convention on the followingthree points:

“(1) That the decision unduly curtails the prerogative of an edi-tor and compels him against better judgment to print matter whichmay be prompted by mere prejudice and antipathy, and which inthis concrete case would have engendered bad feeling between twosections of the party;

“(2) That the decision orders the contested portion to be printedin ‘The People,’ though ‘The People’ had nothing whatever to dowith the whole controversy;

“(3) That the decision has been voted for by a minority of theBoard of Grievances, only five of its members voting upon the case,and the vote cast being 3 for and 2 against.

“We hold that the Board to all intents and purposes is a court ofappeals, to which the rules of a quorum that hold good for ordinarymeetings do not apply, and since the Board is composed of sevenmembers it would require four votes for a majority.

“Upon these grounds the Executive Committee appeals from thedecision of the Board and requests the Convention to investigateand hear the evidence of this case.

ABOLI TI ON OF THE AGI TATI ON AS S ES S MENT.

“The Chicago Convention, with the most laudable desire to in-crease the funds of the Executive Committee and to enable it to domore effective work, had decided that semi-annual agitation as-sessments of 25 cents each be levied, payable in January and Julyof each year. This was confirmed by general vote, and an attemptmade to call in the first of these assessments after January 1st,1894, at the very height of the industrial crisis. It was the mostdifficult task the Executive Committee ever undertook and wefound it simply impossible in many cases to collect. Some sectionsdeclared that to try and collect would be equal to annihilating theorganization, because members could not pay for the reason thatthey had nothing to pay with, and it was all they could do to collectregular dues from at least a portion of the members.

“The latter assessments—July, 1894, and January, 1895—wereequally difficult to collect. The whole matter had become a dragupon the party, when Section New Haven submitted a propositionfor a general vote to abolish those assessments, which was carried.

“The experience gained shows that this method of raising funds



is certainly not the best that can be devised.“It is certain that in case of an emergency an appeal to our sec-

tions to raise funds by voluntary contributions would yield farmore than any assessment, with the additional advantage that itwill be in itself an agitation, whereas an assessment really acts asa check upon the growth of membership, whereby a part of what isgained in one way is lost in another.

“Viewed in this light the conclusion is inevitable that regularassessments in our organization are a mistake, and that we hadbetter steer clear of them, for, although we are firmly enough orga-nized, we are at the same time a body of volunteers with whomthat method of raising funds will work but poorly.

ESTABLISHMENT OF A CENTRAL PRESS ASSOCIATION.

“This was also referred to the Executive Committee by the Chi-cago Convention. It was thought in Chicago that the sum of $4,000might suffice for that purpose, but when the matter was ap-proached, it was found that $4,000 would not begin to cover theamount needed to establish an efficient plant, to say nothing of allother requirements for the proper execution of the plan.

“The Executive Committee discussed the plan repeatedly, butcould not see their way clear to raise even the amount of $4,000without seriously impairing the general agitation for which therewas an ever growing demand.

“Shortly after the Chicago Convention had adjourned, the crisiscame upon us; banks broke, factories shut down, thousands uponthousands of toilers were thrown out of work—in short, we hadonce more a graphic illustration of capitalism having overburdenedits stomach and throwing its whole industrial mechanism into dis-order and confusion. It was the time when various ‘generals’ ledvarious ‘industrial armies’ through the country to Washington, inthe vain hope that a ‘petition in boots’ would impress capitalistpoliticians more than ordinary petitions are known to do.

“Under such circumstances it was plainly impossible to raise somuch money for such a purpose, the less so because the situationdemanded that we try our utmost to fructify it by intensifying ouragitation, and to bring home to as many workers as we could reach,the object lessons furnished by that situation.

“And we believe that even to-day it is too early to attempt to un-dertake such a task.

“We believe that the only thing worthy of extraordinary effort on



these lines is the establishment of a Socialist daily in the Englishlanguage, as soon as the time will be deemed ripe for such a move.

“In order to stir our comrades to action and have them pitch inwith a will to collect funds, there must above all things be a press-ing need for the object in view felt all around.

“This is manifestly the case with an English daily; it is, however,not so with the other plan.

CONCLUS I ON.

“This, delegates to the Convention, is the report we have tomake to you of our work during these three years.

“So much has occurred during that space of time that it would beimpossible to record it all, but enough has been said to make itplain that our party and our cause are marching on.

“When we cast a glance over the past, we find that though therehave been some squabbles and some friction, such as are likely tooccur in a movement that has a future before it and is pushingahead towards it, there has also been progress and a growth fromwhich we can draw renewed strength. And when we look at thepresent, or when we try to penetrate the veil of the future, we finda field big with promise of a good harvest, waiting to be tilled.

“But with the inexorable logic of their system, our very foes arepaving the way for our movement; one prop after another is crum-bling from under that system, and the day when the whole struc-ture will come down, the day that will witness the triumph of So-cialism, may be nearer at hand than most of us dare to hope.

“And as we place our functions back into the hands of the party,we do so feeling that with the means at our command we havedone the best our ability permitted us to do.

“We have tried most strongly to preserve that clear-cut, uncom-promising class character of our movement, which we believe is theonly sound foundation to build upon, and we have sternly resistedall wobbling attempts at ‘broadening’ the so-called narrow-mindedand bigoted policy of the S.L.P.

“It now rests with you, delegates of the Convention, to approveor disapprove, to indorse or to repudiate that policy, but in passingjudgment upon it you will bear in mind that to-day there is for thewhole labor movement of America but one rallying point that loomsup in the darkness, but one haven in the sea of despond—the So-cialist Labor Party.

“Owing to that policy and its closer enunciation of the principle



of the proletarian class struggle, the movement has maintained itscorrect poise, and as we are pressing onward, with our crimsonbanner flung to the breeze, bidding defiance to our foes and wel-come to our friends, we are what we should be—America’s militantSocial Democracy.

“With fraternal greeting,“THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE S.L.P.

“CHARLES B. COPP,“CHARLES FRANZ,“ADOLF JABLINOWSKY,“CHARLES LUCK,“WILLIAM N. REED,“HENRY STAHL,“AUGUST WALDINGER,“HENRY KUHN, Secretary.”

Moved to approve the report as read.Delegate Sievermann moved an amendment that the report

shall be received and placed on file.Amendment to the amendment offered that the report be re-

ceived and its various parts be referred to the various committeesto which the same respectively relate.

Delegate Fry moved a substitute that the report be received,placed on file and a printed copy given each delegate as soon aspossible. Lost.

Vote taken on the amendment to the amendment. Carried.Vote taken on the amendment, as amended. Carried.Moved and seconded that the Convention adjourn. Lost.Moved and seconded that Cushing’s Manual be adopted as the

parliamentary authority of this body. Carried.The tellers appointed by the chair to canvass the vote cast for

members of the Press Committee reported as follows:Total number of votes cast, 82. Sanial, 63; Jonas, 57; Brophy, 51;

Sanderson, 46; Ibsen, 42; Reinstein, 39; Pellenz, 33; Balkam, 26;Bennetts, 22; Gordon, 21; De Leon, 4; Murphy, 1.

Delegates Sanial, Jonas, Brophy, Sanderson and Ibsen werethereupon declared elected.

The Convention then passed a resolution severely denouncingthe New York “Staatszeitung” for its slanderous attack upon Dele-gate Sanial in its report of the mass-meeting held on the previousevening and at which the said delegate presided.



The Secretary read a number of telegrams received from the fol-lowing organizations who strongly expressed their devotion to thecause of International Socialism, and the interest they felt in theproceedings of the Convention:

The Social Students of the University of Minnesota; the SocialistSingers, assembled at New Haven, for the celebration of their firstnational festival; Section Minneapolis, S.L.P.; Workingmen’s Sickand Benefit Fund, Branch 1; Section Pittsburgh, S.L.P.; SectionBuffalo (American), S.L.P.; Section Buffalo (German), S.L.P.; LocalAlliance 68, S.T. & L.A. (Clothing Cutters and Trimmers), NewYork; Socialists of California; Section Milwaukee, S.L.P.; SectionChicago, S.L.P.; Scandinavion Cooperative Socialist PublishingAssociation; Socialists of Guttenberg, N. J.; Boston Jewish Section,S.L.P.; Seventh Assembly District, S.L.P., New York; Russian So-cial Democratic Society; Polish Section, Trenton, N.J.; ChildrenJacketmakers of Brooklyn; Section Cleveland, S.L.P.; Essex CountySocialist Club, Newark, N.J.; Socialist Literary Society, New York;the joint Jewish Branch Sections of New York City; Twelfth As-sembly District, S.L.P., New York; Thirty-fourth and Thirty-fifthAssembly Districts, S.L.P., New York; Section New York, S.L.P.;Section Yonkers, S.L.P.; West Side Assembly Districts, S.L.P., NewYork.

The Convention then adjourned.

SECOND DAY’S SESSION.

Sunday, July 5th, 1896.The Convention met at 9 a.m. Delegate De Leon was elected

chairman for the day.Delegates Krumroy, Fry and Wilson were nominated as vice-

chairman for the day. Delegate Wilson declined.Moved that the vote be taken by ballot. Carried.Delegates Bennetts, Boether and Pellenz were appointed as tell-

ers and reported as follows:Total number of votes cast, 60: Krumroy, 30; Fry, 30. The vote

being a tie, a new ballot was taken.The tellers reported again a tie, as follows: Total number of

votes cast, 66: Krumroy, 33; Fry, 33.A rising vote was then taken with the following result: Krumroy,

34; Fry, 29. Delegate Krumroy was thereupon declared elected.



The Committee on Credentials reported Mrs. Martha MooreAvery present, with a credential from Worcester, Mass.

Delegate Konikow protested against the seating of the delegatefrom Worcester on the ground that she was a proxy delegate, notbeing a member of Section Worcester, but of American Section,Boston.

Delegate Brophy moved that the credential from SectionWorcester be referred back to the Committee on Credentials topass upon and report after giving the delegate a hearing. Secondedand carried.

On motion, a roll-call was then taken to receive resolutions forreference to the proper committees.

The Committee on Credentials reported on Comrade MarthaAloore Avery’s case, stating that they did not regard her admissibleas a delegate, and referring the question to the Convention.

The report was received, and upon motion, by a vote of 49 to 17,the matter was referred back to the Committee on Credentials tobe acted upon when Comrade Avery appears.

Moved that the report of the National Board of Grievances beheard. Carried.

The report was read by Delegate Kuhn.Moved and seconded that an additional report of the majority of

the Board of Grievances be read.A division was asked for and the motion was lost, 38 voting for

and 41 against it.The Credential Committee reported upon Delegates E.T. Neben,

of Kings County, and A. Urison, of Cincinnati, and recommendedthat said comrades be seated as delegates.

The report was accepted.Moved and carried that the chairman for each day act as a com-

mittee of distribution of resolutions to the appropriate committees.Recess until 2 p.m.


The Committee on Rules and Regulations recommended theadoption of the following resolutions, offered by Delegate Grundy,and referred to the said committee: “That no delegate be allowed tospeak more than once on any resolution, with the exception of themover, and that no speech of any delegate shall exceed ten min-utes, with the exception of the mover of any resolution, who shallbe allowed five minutes to close; it being understood that this ex-



cludes the putting of the previous question so long as any delegatewho has not spoken desires the floor or desires to assign his time.”Carried.

Delegate Vogt stated that the chairman of the delegation fromthe Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance was unable to attend, andrequested the laying over of this matter until the following day.The request was granted.

The Convention then adjourned.

THIRD DAY’S SESSION.

Monday, July 6th, 1896.The Convention met at 9 a.m. Delegate Watkins was elected

chairman, and Delegate Kraemer vice-chairman for the day.The privilege of the floor was granted to W.L. Brower, chairman

of the delegation from the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance, whoannounced that the statement of the said delegation would bemade by Delegate Vogt. The latter comrade thereupon addressedthe Convention; he said, in substance:

“The Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance is not an experiment; it is theresult of a growing conviction among the wage workers that the time hascome in the economic as well as in the political movement to make an endof experimenting.

“During the last twenty years the American wage workers have shiftedfrom one position to another in their efforts to obtain some immediate im-provement. They first tried the isolated union of each trade; then wentinto the concentrated system of the K. of L.; then turned back to the planof independent trades, somewhat modified by a loose connection through anational federation. In each of these forms of organization they were sorelydisappointed. As soon as the test came the very feature that was relied onto give strength proved an element of weakness. The weakness of the iso-lated trade union was evidently in the lack of solidarity between thetrades. But when consolidation had been effected it was found that insteadof acquiring solidarity, organized labor had merely placed itself under theautocratic rule of a centralized power. Under that despotic and corruptrule the masses suffered defeats which they ascribed to the principle ofconcentration. Many went over to the American Federation of Labor. Butwhen this organization was in turn put to the test, its distinguishing fea-ture—the absence of centralization—made it inefficient for all practicalpurposes. It could give no aid to any affiliated trade, because its autono-mous constituencies acted as the isolated trade unions of a former period;one would not submit to a sacrifice for the other, and, indeed, felt no con-cern for any except its own members.

“In each of the three forms of organization that I have just mentionedthe spirit of solidarity was wanting. As I have already observed, this ab-sence of solidarity is the fundamental weakness of the economic labor



movement. It plainly shows that the workers do not yet comprehend theirposition in the industrial system; that they do not see the robbery prac-tised on them, nor the factors that make such robbery possible and con-stantly intensify their subjection, economic and political, to the robberclass.

“Trade unionists have construed solidarity to mean an exchange of serv-ices: ‘You help me to get more wages, and I assist you in turn.’ But this isvery far from touching the real solidarity of interest of the working class.The $4 a day worker may be truly warned that the sinking of the level ofthe lower paid trades will eventually drag down his own standard of living;but, as a matter of fact, he will be little impressed by so indirect a danger.Moreover, there are many instances where the immediate interests of theworkers on the labor market are directly antagonistic, for on that marketthe workers are competitors for an opportunity to sell their labor power.The private ownership of machinery, that compels the proletarian to sellhis labor power, tends not only to remove the barriers of skill between dif-ferent branches of the same industry, but also to make the tailor the com-petitor of the railroad man, the machinist of the shoemaker, the woman ofthe man, and the child of the woman.

“The system that reduces labor power to a commodity and throws anever increasing surplus of it on the market, thus creates a law of deprecia-tion that affects all trades and grades of labor alike. And that law cannotbe combated on the trade unionist plan of ‘Help me and I will help you,’because it renders all ever more powerless to help either themselves ortheir fellow wage workers. Its destructive action can only be stopped bythe overthrow of the system of which it is the inevitable result. Thus itbecomes not the reciprocal but the direct personal interest of each wageworker to overthrow that system. The tailor has an interest in its over-throw, not because it will help the machinist, and the latter may help him,but because it is his—the tailor’s—own and only salvation. He will co-operate with all other trades and these again with him, because only by acombination of all can each one secure his own salvation. This identicaland common interest of each and all wage workers in the overthrow of thewage system is the essence of the solidarity of labor.” (Applause.)

In illustration of the extent to which the fundamental principles of classsolidarity are still ignored or unknown in the organizations of labor nowcontrolling the labor movement, the speaker quoted a passage from apamphlet issued by the A.F of L., in which the manufacturers and mer-chants are spoken of as “our fellow sufferers, with whom we would com-bine against bankers and landlords, but they will not.” He referred also toa resolution presented at a labor meeting in Newburgh by a certain JohnBogert, organizer of the A.F. of L. for New York State, and in which it issaid that “the employer and workman are simply parties who exchangecommodities that are equally needed” (!); that “the substance of the laborproblem is the discovery and application of the just terms on which thisexchange should be made” (!!); and that “labor organizations are practicalmeans of promoting righteous and peaceful relations between the indus-trial factors, Capital and Labor” (!!!). The speaker then continued:

“The most ordinary action of the trade union is hopeless without thespirit of solidarity. Boycotts depend entirely upon it, and strikes verylargely. I shall go further and say that the time is near when no union willbe able to maintain its existence unless its members are imbued with thatsolidarity, which means the active soldiership in the struggle for the over-throw of capitalism. The treasuries that some of the old unions have ac-



cumulated do not and will not prevent defeat. The American Flint GlassWorkers’ Union has for three years carried on a strike in which the sum of$377,000 has already been expended with the usually weakening, demor-alizing and destructive effects of a hopeless conflict. The carpenters andthe cigarmakers hold their membership by their sick, death and out-of-work fund features. The International Typographical Union is no longer ina position to conduct any important contest successfully. The Mine Work-ers’ Union lives a precarious existence by the boasts of its officers, ambi-tious politicians, who, in order to make themselves felt, have repeatedlyengaged their followers in disastrous conflicts, and have always takengood care that their dupes did not go too far astray from the old politicalparties. It has now fewer members than belonged to one of the first min-ers’ national unions twenty years ago, when the trade employed less thanone-third of the present number of men. The organizations I have justnamed are the largest bodies of the A.F. of L., and constitute more thanone-half of its affiliated membership.

“It must not be thought, however, that because the present trade unionorganization is becoming weaker and weaker, the economic struggle isgetting to be a thing of the past. Figures disprove this. According to thestatistics of the United States Labor Department in 1892 there were265,000 working people engaged in strikes, whereas in 1894 the numberhad increased to 482,000. The fact is that the growing despotism of capital-ists and the repression exercised by their political agents drive the work-ers into more frequent and more gigantic contests of despair; but thatthose contests will become more and more hopeless, more and more disas-trous, unless a change is brought about by some action of the Socialists.{”}(Great applause.)

The speaker here gave many illustrations of the reckless conduct andcorrupt practices of the politicians, who, as officers or leaders, still controlthe labor organizations. He showed how those intriguers, those betrayersof their class, had successfully contrived to prevent the American workingpeople from learning anything by the severe lessons which such strugglesas those of Homestead, Briceville, Coeur d’Alene, Buffalo, Brooklyn, Chi-cago, etc., could otherwise have been expected to teach; how they used thefunds of the unions, not to merely pay sick and other benefits to members,not to support men on strike, but to corruptly maintain their own power byemploying agents whose chief work was to stifle Socialist agitation amongthe rank and file.

“Now,” continued the speaker, “it seems to us that no Socialist, no manwho has the interest of his class at heart, can observe with coolness thesquandering of these immense sums—$400,000 in one case, $112,000 inanother, and so on throughout these great unions—without feeling thatsomething was neglected; without feeling that the American working classcannot be left to the mercy of the leaders it has had.

“I am aware that some of our Socialist friends, going to an extremewhich is not at all warranted by facts, think that they need not botherabout labor union movements. But I again call attention to the figures Ihave given. The fact that an economic movement which can at times mar-shal an army of 500,000 men is controlled by schemers directly opposed toSocialism, cannot be a matter of indifference to us. No influence must beallowed to thus overshadow the influence of Socialism. There are no twoways about it. The whole of this labor movement must become saturatedwith Socialism, must be placed under Socialist control, if we mean to bringtogether the whole working class into that army of emancipation which we



need to accomplish our purpose. (Great applause.) If some stupendous po-litical uprising should take place, the outgrowth of some strike, you maybe sure that the masses of wage workers who are not to any extent ac-quainted with the history of labor affairs, and who recognize the trade un-ion officials as the noted leaders of labor, will immediately turn to thosemen, raise them to political leadership, and thereby defeat the purpose oftheir own spontaneous, honest, well intended movement. The SocialistLabor party is not safe against such complications so long as the purelyeconomic struggle, strong and full of possibilities as it still is, and will con-tinue to be, brings to the surface leaders who owe their prominence to ac-cident or intrigue, and can therefore be turned into instruments of capital-ism whenever capitalism so desires.

“It seems to us, then, that all those conditions make it a duty for thehonest element of organized labor, for the class-conscious element, for theSocialist element, to stand up and make a determined fight, so as to re-lieve the American wage working class from that particular species ofleeches who suck its life blood as hungrily as the capitalists do; who, whenthey do not or cannot squander the funds of the union, contrive at least tosuppress the development of that spirit of solidarity which alone can en-able the working class to effectively resist the capitalist class. And in orderto free the labor movement from those leeches—that do not belong to it,that actually have turned the trade union organization into agencies ofcapitalism—the Socialist Trade & Labor Alliance was established.” (Greatapplause.)

The speaker then reviewed in broad outlines and chronologically thecircumstances and developments which, beginning with the separation ofthe New York Central Labor Federation from the New York Central LaborUnion, led step by step to a simultaneous movement of the progressiveforces in various parts of the country along the lines of “new trade union-ism,” finally taking shape in the Socialist Trade & Labor Alliance. By theexperiences of Socialists in both the A.F. of L. and the K. of L.—where theywere able at times to drive conservative leaders into a corner, but soonlost, through the trickery of those leaders, all the ground gained—heshowed that it was impossible to bring about any change whatever in theconduct of those two organizations. In reference to the last convention ofthe A.F. of L., held at New York in December, 1895, he said:

“I understand that Mr. Weissmann persuaded these conservativeAmerican Federationists to come to New York for the purpose of impress-ing the Socialists here. Oh, yes! He has succeeded in impressing the NewYork Socialists! He gave us an exhibition of what pure-and-simpledom is.We saw them in convention; we saw them on the stage of Cooper Union;and we heard their words of despair. They said to us: ‘You must keep on inthis old rut, and after we have tried that for two hundred years you maythink of that Co-operative Commonwealth, which is, after all, a dream inthe clouds.’ (Laughter.) The New York workingmen said in reply: ‘If we areto wait so long, why, then, we might as well abandon those fake unionsand try the revolutionary movement.’ (Great laughter and applause.)

“There is some truth in the statement that this A.F. of L. conventioninspired the S.T. & L.A., although the formation of the latter body hadbeen already then decided upon. It did give us courage; it did show us thatthere was absolutely no hope from the old leaders. There they stood, manafter man, and none of them even mentioned the great force of the modernindustrial movement; none of them seemed to know that there was such athing in existence as the reserve army of unemployed labor. They did not



know it, they could not explain it; they therefore had no hope, no idea, ex-cept that this old-style thing would go on for two hundred years, and thatthe workers who have been ground down and down would be dazzled atsuch a prospect, and would continue to pay to each of the leaders, for thenext two centuries, from $3,000 to $4,000 a year.

“So, in that sense, we did feel encouraged by that convention.“Since then we have accomplished as much as we could expect. In the

first announcement we made we said to the working class: ‘We do not giveout any berth; we do not expect this organization to suddenly spring intoexistence with immense numbers. But we were quite clear that it would beable to grow only by the gradual working of the experiences through whichAmerican labor was passing. We relied upon the logic of events. In the old-style unions there were forces at work that would make the old policy odi-ous and intolerable to a constantly growing number of their members. Thedissatisfaction with leaders who relied so much on bluff and deceptionwould steadily increase, until the dissatisfied were at last ready to enter amovement that accorded better with their aspirations. They would not thistime repeat the experiment of passing from the K. of L. to the A.F. of L.,and conversely; from one corrupt, reactionary organization to anotherequally corrupt, equally reactionary.

“Again, we thought we would see the time when the 60,000 Socialists,at least, who are now in the unions of this country, instead of paying duesto corrupt officials, and thus helping those officials to corrupt and retardthe labor movement, would contribute their mite in the economic as wellas in the political field to the organizing of the army of emancipators. Forvarious reasons it is impossible to get the great bulk of the Socialist votersto become regular members of the S.L.P.; but it is possible that most ofthem belong to trade organizations in which their money is now partlysquandered and partly used against Socialism, whereas they might con-tribute to the progress of the movement if they belonged to a Socialist or-ganization.

“We have here to meet the objection that by organizing separately wedeprive our comrades of contact with conservative workers. In answer tothat we may simply state what the experience of the Socialists most activein trade unionism has been. They were frequently able to arouse the rankand file of organizations reputed conservative, but when they had gotthrough with their speaking and received much applause, the old leaders,who had something to do with the bread and butter of the members, gottheir fine work in, and easily brushed away all traces of Socialist agitation.We saw, therefore, that it was necessary in order to keep the recruits wewere gaining, to remove them from an atmosphere hostile to us, and toplace them in a Socialist atmosphere. And we found that there was actu-ally no great obstacle to the accomplishment of this apparently difficulttask; that the working people were not averse to Socialist leadership; thatthey would as lief accept an honest Socialist as leader as they would a cor-rupt Democrat or a corrupt Republican. For instance, in the case of theNew York and Brooklyn Shoemakers, formerly affiliated with the K. of L.,almost all of them English-speaking, we had the experience that 800 or900 of them cheerfully entered the S.T. & L.A.

“Mr. Chairman, we have been anxious to have this convention under-stand that we recognize that the final form of the American labor move-ment, as well as of the labor movement of any country, must be the politi-cal organization of the working class into a great Socialist party, and wewant you to understand that the S.T. & L.A. considers itself an ally and



supplement of the S.L.P. in bringing to it those masses of labor that cannotdirectly be reached by our party organization—and we want to emphasizethat point.

“The recent convention of the Alliance, in adopting a constitution, pro-vided that we request and invite all Sections of the S.L.P. to be repre-sented in the central bodies of the Alliance—the “District Alliances”—inthe same manner as the various unions are, but without paying any duesto the national organization or taking out any charter. It also providedthat the S.L.P. be invited to send, as a sign of recognition and brotherhood,three delegates to the national conventions of the Alliance, who shall havethe same rights as the delegates of District Alliances.

“In order to make it impossible for any masked swindlers to obtain in-fluence in the Alliance and to swing it back to the conservative side, wehave provided that every officer of a local or district alliance, or of the Na-tional Alliance, shall take a pledge that he will not be affiliated with anycapitalist party, and will not support any political action except that of theS.L.P. We have also provided that when the National Executive Boardshall find any such officer using his office in the interest of any politicalparty other than the S.L.P., he shall be expelled.

“And we had right then and there an opportunity of showing what thismeant. At our convention a man who represented himself as a delegatefrom a local alliance in New York was objected to and shown to be a heelerof Tammany Hall. The convention rose in indignation and expelled him asa traitor to his class. Thus did we give notice to the fakirs that they can-not, under any circumstance, by any wile, by any trick, ever sneak into theAlliance and continue there the nefarious work which they have been ac-customed to do elsewhere.

“That is the organization which I have the honor to represent here, andfor which I have the honor to ask your sympathy and support.” (Prolongedapplause.)

Delegate Matchett spoke in favor of the S.T. & L.A., and movedto endorse the same.

Delegate De Leon then introduced the following resolution:

WHEREAS, Both the A.F. of L. and the K. of L., or what is left of them,have fallen hopelessly into the hands of dishonest and ignorant leaders;

WHEREAS, These bodies have taken shape as the buffers for capital-ism, against whom every intelligent effort of the working class for emanci-pation has hitherto gone to pieces;

WHEREAS, The policy of “propitiating” the leaders of these organiza-tions has been tried long enough by the progressive movement, and is to agreat extent responsible for the power which these leaders have wielded inthe protection of capitalism and the selling out of the workers;

WHEREAS, No organization of labor can accomplish anything for theworkers that does not proceed from the principle that an irrepressible con-flict rages between the capitalist and the working class, a conflict that canbe settled only by the total overthrow of the former and the establishmentof the Socialist Commonwealth; and

WHEREAS, This conflict is essentially a political one, needing the com-bined political and economic efforts of the working class; therefore be it

RESOLVED, That we hail with unqualified joy the formation of theSocialist Trade and Labor Alliance as a giant stride towards throwing off



the yoke of wage slavery and of the robber class of capitalists. We callupon the Socialists of the land to carry the revolutionary spirit of the S.T.& L.A. into all the organizations of the workers, and thus consolidate andconcentrate the proletariat of America in one irresistible class-consciousarmy, equipped both with the shield of the economic organization and thesword of the Socialist Labor Party ballot.

Moved and seconded by Delegate Vogt that the delegates of theAlliance be allowed the privilege of the floor while the resolutionwas being discussed.

Delegates Ruther and Sievermann opposed the motion.Delegate Kreft offered a substitute, that the members of the

delegation be allowed the privilege of the floor in accordance withthe rule adopted at the opening of the afternoon session of yester-day. Carried.

Moved that the resolution introduced by Delegate De Leon beadopted.

The question was then debated by Delegates Krumroy, Katz,Serrer, Gordon, Forker, Theinert, Fiebiger, Fish, F.W. Wilson,Long, Fry, Nagler and Wenzel.

The hour of adjournment being nearly reached, the discussionwas laid over, and Delegate Brophy reported on behalf of the PressCommittee that Delegate Sanderson was a party in interest in oneof the matters before the Committee, and recommended that theConvention elect another member in his stead.

Delegate Long moved that if there be any matter before thePress Committee in which Delegate Sanderson was interested,upon that matter he do not adjudicate and that this Conventionproceed to elect a member to take his place.

A debate followed in which Delegates Kreft, Sievermann, Sand-erson and De Leon took part.

Delegate Sievermann moved that the motion be tabled.Recess.


The motion of Delegate Sievermann to table the motion of Dele-gate Long concerning Delegate Sanderson and the Press Commit-tee was taken up.

Delegate Vogt raised the point of order that the motion to tablewas out of order, under the ten-minute rule adopted. Overruled.

Delegate Vogt appealed from the decision of the chair, where-upon 17 voted in favor of sustaining the decision of the chair, and



34 against; and the appeal was declared sustained.The motion of Delegate Long was then debated by Delegates

Vogt, Sanderson, Fry, De Leon, Ruther, Sanial, Kreft, Hoehn, Na-gler, Long, Konikow, Pellenz and Fiebiger; and the previous ques-tion having been moved, the motion was adopted by a vote of 43 infavor and 27 against.

The Convention thereupon proceeced to the election of a substi-tute member of the Press Committee.

Delegates Curran, Peare, Pellenz, Kreft, Ruther, Sievermann,Gordon and Kalbitz were nominated. Delegates Peare, Pellenz, Ru-ther, Sievermann, Gordon and Kalbitz declined.

On motion the nominations were closed and the chair was in-structed to appoint two tellers to canvass the vote; whereupon thechair appointed Delegates Wieland and Gordon.

Comrade Jonas asked to be allowed to withdraw from the Com-mittee on Grievances, and he was excused. Delegate Kalbitz wasunanimously elected to fill the vacancy.

The tellers appointed by the chair to canvass the vote cast for asubstitute member of the Press Committee then reported the resultof the vote to be, Kreft, 47; Curran, 34; and Delegate Kreft wasthereupon declared elected.

The discussion of the resolution referring to the S.T. & L.A., in-troduced by Delegate De Leon{,} was then resumed, and the resolu-tion was debated by Delegates Carless, Boether, Jonas, Balkam,Matchett, Herrschaft, Isenecker, Konikow, Sanial, Kalbitz, Hoehn,Kreft, Sievermann and Kraemer.

A roll-call for the introduction of resolutions was then taken, andthe following resolutions were offered for submission to the appro-priate committees: Delegate Munro, covering “Proposition blanks”;Section Providence, “Trade and Labor Alliance and the People”;Section New Haven, “Printing of Platform in Dutch language”; Sec-tion Paterson, “Evening Sessions”; Section Essex County, “Repre-sentation in Convention”; Delegate Brophy, “Composition of Na-tional Executive Committee”; Section Providence, “Labor andCleveland Faction”; Delegate Krumroy, “Reconsideration of Rules”;Delegate Sievermann, “Printing of Proceedings.”

Adjourned to July 7th, at 9 a.m.



FOURTH DAY’S SESSION.

Tuesday, July 7th, 1896.The Convention met pursuant to adjournment. Delegate Fry was

elected chairman, and Delegate Balkam, vice-chairman, for theday.

The discussion of the resolution referring to the S.T. & L.A. wasthen resumed. The question was debated by Delegates Pellenz,Vogt, Bennetts, Peare, Reinstein, Brower, Reed, Mansfeld, Gordon,Murphy, Wieland, Katz, Krumroy, Sievermann, Franz and DeLeon.

Moved that when twenty per cent. of the delegates call for a roll-call, the same shall be ordered. Carried.

The roll-call was then ordered, and the resolution endorsing theS.T. & L.A. was adopted by the following vote:

For the resolution—Delegates Serrer, Goldsmith, Fry, Kalbitz,Wenzel, Hoedecker, Brophy, Konikow, Isenecker, Keiser, Connor,Ruther, Peare, McDonald, Palme, Koepke, Nagler, Kraemer, Sand-erson, Hoehn, Whitehouse, Gordon, Eulenstein, Grundy, Dahmer,Mundt, Keim, Carless, Rosenbloom, Maguire, Kamps, James, Wie-land, Reinstein, Hahn, Lange, Thissen, Matchett, Fiebiger, Neben,Forker, Vogt, Ossberg, Jonas, Sanial, De Leon, Balkam, Copp,Murphy, Wilson, Macdaniel, Reed, Franz, Sjoholm, Zimmer, Man-nier, Katz, Liebing, Bennetts, Hug, Urison, Krumroy, Ibsen, Wat-kins, Munro, Long, Fish, Curran, Theinert, Muldowney, Powell;total, 71.

Against the resolution—Delegates Mansfeld, Ufert, Sievermann,Pellenz, Pattberg, Gasteiger; total, 6.

Not voting—Kreft, of Philadelphia.Delegate Wenzel, of Baltimore, stated that he did not yesterday

speak against the resolution endorsing the S.T. & L.A., as reportedin the “Volkszeitung” of July 7th, but spoke in favor of it.

Recess.


The Convention went into executive session, and thereupon theCommittee on Constitution and Resolutions, by Delegate De Leon,chairman, submitted their report, as follows:

The Committee recommend that the order of arrangement of theConstitution should be re-arranged in the following order:



I. Management; II. Sections; III. State Organizations; IV. Na-tional Executive Committee; V. National Board of Appeals; VI.Conventions; VII. Dues; VIII. The Party Press; MiscellaneousRegulations; Resolution.

Carried.The Committee recommend that Art. I., Management, be

amended to read as follows:

I. MANAGEMENT.The affairs of the Party are conducted by the National Executive Com-

mittee, the National Board of Appeals, the State Committees, the localSections, the National Conventions, and by the general vote. At all elec-tions a plurality vote is sufficient to elect; but an absolute majority is re-quired to elect the seat of the National Executive Committee.

Delegate Brophy: Do I understand that each Section is to be nowfinally adopted as proposed?

Delegate De Leon: No. Upon the motion to adopt the Constitu-tion as a whole, objections can be stated and additions and altera-tions proposed.

The Vice-chairman took the chair, and Delegate Fry read a mi-nority report of the Committee on Constitution, as follows:

“We recommend that the National Executive Committee becomposed of one representative from each State, to be elected by ageneral vote of all members in the State.”

Delegate Fry thereupon resumed the chair.Delegate Brophy: I move to add at the end of the first line, after

the word “National” the words “and an,” so that the Section willread: “The affairs of the Party are conducted by the NationalCommittee and an Executive Committee.”

Delegate De Leon: I move that we temporarily lay on the tableSection I. and the suggestion of Delegate Brophy, and first take upSection IV. Carried.

(Note.—In order to avoid possible confusion and misunderstanding, theSecretary of the Convention has in this record embodied the corrections oforder and phraseology finally determined upon by the National ExecutiveCommittee, who were appointed by the Convention as a Committee onStyle of Platform and Constitution.)

The Committee recommend that Sec. 1, of Art. IV. be amendedto read as follows:

IV. NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.1. The National Executive Committee shall be composed of seven mem-

bers, to be elected by a general vote of the Section or Sections of the place



selected as the seat of the same. The Committee shall elect from its mem-bers a Recording Secretary and a Treasurer.

Moved by Delegate Brophy and seconded by Delegate Kreft thatthe following be adopted as a substitute for the recommendation ofthe Committee:

The National Committee shall be composed of one member from eachState that may be organized with a State Committee, to be elected for oneyear by the referendum vote, except in New York State, which shall havethree, one to be a resident of Kings County, one of New York County, andone outside of Kings and New York counties, to be elected as providedabove—except that Section Kings County and Section New York shallnominate the candidates from their respective cities, but the three dele-gates shall be elected by the membership of the State at large.

The members of the National Committee shall be elected in the monthof January of each year and shall meet the first Monday in February.

At its first meeting and every year thereafter it shall elect an executiveof three members which shall have all the powers now possessed by theNational Executive Committee subject to the direction and control of theNational Committee.

The substitute motion was then debated by the following dele-gates: Jonas, opposing; C. Wilson, opposing; Sievermann, favoringmotion, but opposing designation of location; Kreft, favoring mo-tion; Fiebiger, Katz and Serrer, opposing motion; Pellenz andGordon, favoring motion; Sanial, opposing motion; Sanderson, fa-voring motion; Keiser, opposing; Kuhn, opposing; Hoehn, favoringmotion; De Leon, opposing motion; Brophy, the mover of the reso-lution, closing the discussion.

A vote on Delegate Brophy’s proposition was taken, resulting asfollows: 20 in favor, 51 against; and the motion was declared lost.

Moved that the recommendation of the committee be accepted.Carried by a vote of 54 in favor, 15 against.

Resolutions were then presented as follows: Delegate Hoehn,“Printing of Appeal to the People’s Party”; Delegate Carless, “For-bidding any member to start an independent Socialist newspaper,unless authorized by his Section”; Delegate Krumroy, “AmendingConstitution in regard to State Board of Grievances.” Referred re-spectively to Committees on Platform, Press and Constitution,

Moved that Sergeant-at-Arms be instructed to arrange for theholding of night sessions. Seconded and carried.

Adjourned to July 8th, at 9 p.m.



FIFTH DAY’S SESSION.

Wednesday, July 8th, 1896.Met pursuant to adjournment. Delegate Fr. Wilson, chairman;

Delegate Ch. Wilson, vice-chairman.The Committee on Constitution recommended that under Art.

IV. the remainder of Sec. 1., Sec. 2., and Sec. 3 be amended to readas follows:

The said Section or Sections shall elect the National Secretary, whoshall also act as Secretary for Foreign Affairs. He shall be a member of theExecutive Committee, but with an advisory voice only.

It is the right and duty of the said Section or Sections to suspend anymember of the National Executive Committee, including the National Sec-retary, who may be guilty of any neglect of duty; to elect a temporary suc-cessor in place of such suspended member, and to submit such action withthe reasons therefor to a general vote of the Party.

The said Section or Sections shall also elect an Auditing Committee,which shall have power at any time to inspect and audit the books and thefunds on hand.

2. The members of the National Executive Committee shall be electedfor the term of one year, but may be reelected at the expiration thereof.

3. The National Executive Committee has for its duty:a. To carry out the resolutions of the National Convention and those

adopted by general vote.b. To supervise the agitation throughout the country.c. To establish proper relations and communication with the Socialist

parties of other countries.d. To make all necessary preparations for the National Convention,

and make a full report to such Convention on all party matters.e. To issue to the Sections semi-annually and in a sufficient number

of copies a report of the Party’s finances.

On motion, duly seconded, the recommendation of the Commit-tee was adopted.

The Committee recommended that subdivision a of Sec. 4 beamended to read as follows:

a. To receive and submit to a general vote propositions sent from anySection if endorsed by at least five others located in at least three differentStates. If in the opinion of the National Executive Committee a propositionis not in the interest of the Party, it shall not be submitted to a generalvote unless twenty-five other Sections shall subsequently re-endorse it;then the proposition shall be submitted to a general vote.

Delegate Serrer, of New Haven, moved an amendment that aproposition made and endorsed by any three Sections shall be putto a general vote.



Delegate Konikow moved an amendment that instead of twenty-five Sections ten Sections be sufficient to require a general vote ifthe Executive Committee decide that it is not in the interest of theParty.

Delegate Jonas suggested that the amendment should read “tenSections in at least three States.” Delegate Konikow accepted thesuggestion.

Delegate Serrer withdrew his amendment in favor of that of-fered by Delegate Konikow.

Delegate Brophy moved an amendment that the paragraph shallremain as it reads in the present Constitution.

The question was then discussed by Delegates Keiser, Kuhn,Ruther, De Leon, Macdaniel, Fry, Goldsmith, Serrer and Vogt.

Delegate Vogt suggested that the provision should read: “If inthe opinion of the National Executive Committee a proposition isnot in the interest of the Party, it shall not be submitted to a gen-eral vote, unless five per cent. of all the Sections in good standingshall subsequently re-endorse it; then the proposition shall besubmitted to a general vote.”

Delegate Konikow accepted the suggestion and withdrew heramendment, and the Committee likewise accepted.

A vote was then taken on the amendment offered by DelegateBrophy, and the same was declared lost.

The recommendation of the Committee, as modified, was thenadopted.

The Committee recommended that subdivisions b, c and d re-main as they were in the present Constitution. Carried.

The Committee recommended that the following Section beadded:

6. The National Executive Committee shall issue application cards tothe Sections containing a plain exposition of the principles of the S.L.P.,and also of the duties required from the applicant for membership.

The recommendation was adopted.The recommendation of the Committee as to Art. I., Manage-

ment, made at yesterday’s session, was thereupon adopted.The Committee recommended that Art. II., Sections, be

amended to read as follows:

II. SECTIONS.1. Ten persons may form a Section, provided they acknowledge the Plat-

form, Constitution and Resolutions of the Socialist Labor party and belongto no other political party.



a. They shall report their organization as a Section both to the NationalExecutive Committee and to the State Committee, giving a list of mem-bers, and send the dues for the current month to the State Committee, or,in the absence of such, to the National Executive Committee.

b. Each Section shall send every six months a report of its numericaland financial condition, also its progress and prospects, to the NationalExecutive Committee; and shall report to the State Committee at leastonce a year the names and addresses of members in good standing andotherwise.

2. The Section shall be the unit of organization.3. It shall be the duty of the Sections to provide rules governing their

action, provided such do not conflict with the rules of the National andState organizations.

4. At every meeting a new chairman shall be elected, who shall observethe usual parliamentary rules.

5. Every Section shall elect from among its members an organizer andsuch additional officers as it deems proper. The Organizer shall conductthe correspondence with the National Executive Committee, and shallsend an official report once every six months to the said committee; heshall send ten cents of the monthly dues of each member to the StateCommittee, or, in the absence of such to the National Executive Commit-tee; he shall conduct the local organization and agitation.

6. Should a protest be entered against the admission to a Section, of anyapplicant for membership, a two-thirds vote of all present at a regularbusiness meeting shall be necessary to admit him.

7. Sections shall have jurisdiction over their own members.8. Every Section shall elect a Grievance Committee of three members,

which shall investigate all charges and difficulties in the Section, and re-port its decision. Sections having a Central Committee may refer such in-vestigations to such committee.

9. Charges against members shall not be debated until the GrievanceCommittee has thoroughly investigated the case and reported to the Sec-tion. All charges must be made in writing, whereupon the committee shallinvestigate the case and hear the witnesses of both parties. A detailed re-port of the investigation shall be drawn and laid before one of the nextbusiness meetings of the Section. The Section shall then decide the matter,and its decision be entered on the minutes. The minutes and all papersconcerning the investigation, shall be delivered to the Secretary for safekeeping. The Secretary shall inform the accused in writing of such deci-sion.

All decisions of the Section may be appealed from to the National Boardof Appeals.

10. A majority of two-thirds of the members present at any businessmeeting shall be sufficient to expel any member; a simple majority shall besufficient to suspend.

11. No expelled or suspended member shall be accorded the privileges ofa member of the Party by any Branch, or Section, or by any City, State orNational Committee unless the bar of expulsion or suspension has beenremoved by the Section expelling or suspending him, or by the NationalBoard of Appeals.

12. Each Section shall hold a regular business meeting at least once amonth.

13. In any Section which is divided into two or more branches, all localbusiness of the Section and dealings with the party’s national and state



management shall be carried on by a Central Committee.14. Members who have withheld payment of their dues for more than

three months shall be suspended from all rights until they have fulfilledtheir obligations.

15. Sick or unemployed members will be excused from payment of dues.16. The result of every election within the Section must be communi-

cated at once to the National Executive Committee and to the State Com-mittee.

17. In case of dissolution of any Section, all property of the same mustbe delivered to the National Executive Committee.

18. No Section shall enter into any compromise with any other politicalparty.

On motion, duly seconded, the recommendation of the committeewas adopted.

The committee recommend that Art. III., State Organization, beamended to read as follows:

III. STATE ORGANIZATION.1. Whenever there are three Sections in any one State, in three differ-

ent towns, they shall form a State organization, to be known as the StateCommittee. It shall be the duty of such State Committee to conduct sys-tematic agitation within their jurisdiction and form new Sections.

2. Every Section connected with a State Committee must also be con-nected with the National Executive Committee.

3. The State Committee shall send regular semi-annual reports to theNational Executive Committee, and submit monthly a financial reportshowing receipts and expenditures.

4. In the election of a State Committee and its eventual recall, the samerules shall hold good that govern the National Executive Committee.

5. The State organizations shall have power to make regulations gov-erning their form of organization in accordance with the laws of their re-spective States, provided such regulations do not conflict with the party’sNational Constitution and Platform.

The recommendation of the committee was adopted.Delegate Konikow moved to reconsider Sec. 6 of Art. II.Delegate De Leon: I suggest that we leave these points of objec-

tion until we come to the final adoption of the constitution as awhole.

Delegate Konikow: I agree.The committee recommend that Secs. 1 and 2 of Art. V., Na-

tional Board of Appeals, shall be amended to read as follows:

V. NATIONAL BOARD OF APPEALS.1. The National Board of Appeals shall be composed of seven members,

to be elected by a general vote of the membership of the city selected bythe National Convention as the seat of such board. No member of suchboard shall be eligible to any office in the party during his or her term ofoffice; nor shall the seat of the board be the same as that of the National



Executive Committee.2. The duties of this board shall be:a. To settle, upon appeal, all difficulties in the party within four weeks

after receiving the necessary evidence, the decisions to be at once commu-nicated to the National Executive Committee; and to decide appeals incases of expulsion and of suspension.

b. From all decisions of the Board appeal may be taken to the generalvote, or to the National Convention, provided a convention is to be heldwithin six months. The Sections must report the result of their vote to theNational Executive Committee within six weeks; within two additionalweeks the National Executive Committee must publish the result.

c. The Secretary of the Board of Appeals shall render to the NationalConvention a full report of the transactions of the board during its term ofoffice.

The board shall declare vacant the seat of any of its members who shallhave been absent from three consecutive meetings without sufficient ex-cuse, and order the membership of its locality to fill the vacancy.

The recommendation of the committee was accepted.Delegate Konikow moved the adoption of the following:

3. The Secretary of the Board may, or upon the demand of a majority ofthe members thereof, shall call a session.

Carried.Delegate Brophy moved the adoption of the following:

4. The members making a decision shall sign the same before transmit-tal to the National Executive Committee.

Carried.Delegate Vogt moved the adoption of the following:

5. Duplicates of decisions and dissenting opinions shall be filed with theSecretary of the Board before transmittal to the National Executive Com-mittee.

After discussion by Delegates Kreft, Konikow, Brophy, Wegener,De Leon and Sievermann the above was adopted by a vote of 54 infavor and none against.

The committee recommended the adoption of the following:

6. No person connected with a case shall be qualified to sit on it. If theissue is one in which the whole Section is interested and such Section hap-pens to be the one that chooses the board, then the National ExecutiveCommittee shall appoint another Section to choose a Board of Appeals forthat case.

Adopted.Recess.




Moved that no delegate shall occupy more than five minutes’time on any question, and the right to assign time shall beabridged. Carried.

The Credential Committee then reported on the case of MarthaMoore Avery, bearing credential from Section Worcester.

Delegate Brophy moved that Mrs. Avery be admitted as a dele-gate to the Convention.

The question was discussed by Delegates Brophy, Jonas, Vogt,Konikow, De Leon, Serrer, Kreft, Fiebiger.

Delegate Katz moved an amendment that Mrs. Avery be entitledto a seat and voice in the Convention.

The motion made by Delegate Brophy was lost: 15 for, 44against.

The amendment of Delegate Katz was lost: 27 for, 32 against.Moved that Mrs. Avery be entitled to a seat, but to no voice or

vote. Carried.The Committee on Constitution recommended that Sec. 1 of Art.

VI., Conventions, be amended to read as follows:

VI. CONVENTIONS.1. A National Convention of the Party shall be held every fourth or

presidential year; but if five Sections in three different States so demand,a general vote shall be taken as to holding a special Convention. A generalvote shall decide as to the place, but the date of a Convention shall be fixedby the National Executive Committee.

Delegate Hoehn moved to strike out “A National Convention ofthe Party shall be held every fourth or presidential year,” and tosubstitute the following: “A National Convention of the Party shallbe held annually.” Upon a division this amendment was lost, 11voting for, and 43 against.

The recommendation of the Committee was then adopted.The Committee recommended that Sections 2, 3, 4 and 5 should

be amended to read as follows:

2. The Congressional District shall be the basis of representation.A Section shall be entitled to one delegate for every one thousand S.L.P.

votes cast in the Congressional District or Districts under its jurisdiction,and to one additional delegate for every major fraction thereof.

Where several Sections have jurisdiction of one or more CongressionalDistricts, they shall jointly elect the delegate, or delegates to which theyare entitled.

Sections whose Congressional District or Districts poll a smaller vote



than one thousand shall be entitled to one delegate.A delegate shall be a member of the Section or one of the Sections elect-

ing him.Each delegate shall have only one vote.3. The expenses of each delegate shall be borne by the Sections sending

him. The expenses of the National Convention shall be paid by the Party.4. The National Convention shall frame the national platform, decide

the form of organization, select the seats of the National Executive Com-mittee and Board of Appeals, and investigate and decide all difficultieswithin the Party.

5. All acts of the Convention shall be submitted to the Sections for gen-eral vote.

Delegate Konikow moved that the clause governing representa-tion remain as it stands in the present Constitution.

The motion and amendment were then discussed by DelegatesHoehn, Konikow, Balkam, Fiebiger, De Leon, Bennetts, Sanderson,Goldsmith, Carless, Curran, Herrschaft, Ruther, Watkins, Krae-mer, Sievermann and Maguire.

A vote being taken, the amendment was declared lost; and theoriginal motion was accepted.

The Committee recommended that Art. VII., Dues, be amendedto read as follows:

VII. DUES.1. The Sections shall levy upon each of their members a monthly tax of

ten cents, to be paid monthly to the State Committee, or, in the absence ofsuch, to the National Executive Committee.

2. The dues shall be receipted for by stamps to be furnished by the Na-tional Executive Committee to the State Committees at the rate of fivecents each, and in the absence of such, to the Sections at the rate of tencents each.

3. Every State Committee or Section shall receive a first quota ofstamps on credit, to be measured by the size of membership; such quota toremain a standing indebtedness. All stamps received subsequently mustbe paid for in cash, and the Secretary of the National Executive Commit-tee, as well as secretaries of State Committees, shall not send out anystamps other than in compliance with this rule.

Adopted.The Committee recommended that Art. VIII., The Party Press,

be amended to read as follows:

VIII. THE PARTY PRESS.1. The National Executive Committee shall have control of the contents

of the party organs, and shall act on grievances connected with the same.2. The editors shall be appointed by the National Executive Committee

from such comrades as shall be recommended for appointment by the Na-tional Convention. They cannot be members of the committee.



3. The National Executive Committee shall give notice of discharge atleast two weeks before the same is to take effect; the editors shall also bebound to give two weeks’ notice of their intention to leave their position.

4. Any of the editors who may prove incompetent or violate the Platformor Constitution of the Party shall be forthwith suspended by the NationalExecutive Committee.

The recommendation was adopted.The Committee recommended that the Miscellaneous Regula-

tions be amended to read as follows:

MISCELLANEOUS REGULATIONS.1. This Constitution may be amended by the National Convention or by

a general vote. Within five weeks after the issuance of a call for a generalvote, amendments relative to changing the Constitution may be proposedby any Section to any proposition so laid before the Party, and suchamendments shall then also be submitted to be voted on together with theoriginal proposition. The result of the vote must be reported to the Na-tional Executive Committee within ten weeks after the first call was is-sued.

The National Executive Committee shall forthwith transmit to the Sec-tions a tabulated statement of the vote cast by each Section.

2. No Section or subdivision shall be designated by race or nationality.3. All officers, boards or committees of the Party shall be subject to re-

moval by their constituents (see Art. IV., Sec. 1, as to the National Execu-tive Committee.)

4. No applicant shall be admitted to membership without the presidingofficer shall explain the significance of the class struggle to him and hispledging himself in writing to its recognition and support. A copy of theconstitution and platform shall be handed to every new member.

5. In subscribing to the platform and constitution, the members takeupon themselves the obligation to assist each other to the extent of theirability in case of need.

6. A member in good standing of one Section shall have the right to at-tend and speak at any meeting of another Section, but shall not be allowedto vote.

7. The National Executive Committee shall immediately after the ex-pulsion of any member publish the name of the expelled in the Party or-gan.

8. No person shall be nominated as a candidate for any public officeunless he has been a member of the Party for least one year, and has iden-tified himself with the Party by active participation in its work.

9. No candidate of this Party for any public office shall be permitted toaccept any nomination or endorsement from any other political party.

10. Any member of the Socialist Labor Party accepting a nomination ofthe Party, shall at once place in the hands of the Secretary of the Sectionof which he is a member, his resignation, dated blank, of the office forwhich he is so nominated and authorize the Section to have it filed withthe proper authorities in case of his election and failure to stand squarelyon the Party’s platform and to advocate its principles.

11. All former provisions conflicting with this Constitution are re-scinded.



RESOLUTION.WHEREAS, We recognize the necessity of carrying on the war against

capitalism simultaneously on the political and economic fields, thereforebe it

RESOLVED, That we recommend to all Socialists to join the organiza-tions of the trades to which they respectively belong.

On motion, duly seconded, the recommendation of the Commit-tee was adopted.

The Committee recommended the addition of the following, asSec. 5, of Art. IV.:

5. Annually, and in due time, the National Executive Committeeshall call upon the Sections to make nominations for not more thanthree delegates to represent the Party in the annual convention ofthe Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance. The nominees shall be cho-sen by a general or referendum vote, and the ones receiving thehighest vote shall be declared elected.

The question was debated by Delegates Bennetts, Hoehn, Ru-ther, Kraemer, Wenzel, Pellenz, Kreft, Vogt, Katz, Sanderson,Sanial, Sievermann, Fish, De Leon.

A roll-call was then ordered and the recommendation wasadopted by the following vote:

Yeas—Serrer, Goldsmith, Powell, Fry, Kalbitz, Hoedecker, Bro-phy, Konikow, Isenecker, Keiser, Connor, Ruther, Peare, McDon-ald, Palme, Nagler, Kraemer, Whitehouse, Gordon, Grundy,Herrschaft, Carless, Wilson, Rosenbloom, Kamps, James, Gerber,Wegener, Wieland, Reinstein, Bergmann, Lange, Thissen, Fiebiger,Neben, Forker, Vogt, Jonas, Sanial, De Leon, Balkam, Copp, Wil-son, Macdaniel, Reed, Hug, Zimmer, Mannier, Katz, Liebing,Bennetts, Urison, Krumroy, Ibsen, Watkins, Munro, Long, Fish,Muldowney; total, 59.

Nays—Wenzel, Sanderson, Hoehn, Eulenstein, Dahmen, Keim,Ufert, Hahn, Ossberg, Sievermann, Pellenz; total, 11.

Not voting—Franz, of New York; Kreft, of Philadelphia.Delegate Brophy moved that the first order of business at the

opening of every morning and afternoon session hereafter shall beto call for reports of committees, and each committee shall reporton the matters as to which it has reached a decision; such reportsto be placed in the hands of the Secretary and to come up in theorder in which they have been handed in. Carried.

Recess.



EVENI NG S ES S I ON.

Met at 7 p.m.Moved by Delegate De Leon that the Constitution as amended

be referred to the National Executive Committee, and that it beinstructed to act as a committee on style and to get it in propershape. Carried.

Moved by Delegate Kreft to adopt the Constitution as a whole.Moved by Delegate Copp to lay over the final adoption of the

Constitution as a whole until the next session. Carried by a vote of28 in favor and 12 against.

The Auditing Committee reported that the books have been keptproperly and audited properly by the committee appointed by Sec-tion New York; and filed report.

On motion, duly seconded, the report was approved and theAuditing Committee discharged.

The Grievance Committee thereupon submitted the followingreport:

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON APPEALS AND GRIEVANCES.

New York, July 8, 1896.To the Delegates of the National Convention:

Comrades: Section St. Louis submits grievance that the National Ex-ecutive Committee violated the constitution in declining to submit to thereferendum the proposition of Section Baltimore, dated March 30th, 1896,which reads as follows:

“The Executive Committee, S.L.P., of the New York faction, shall re-quest the Executive Committee of the Cleveland faction to see to it that acommittee of that faction appear at the National Convention of the NewYork faction, for the purpose of reconciliating and uniting both factions ofthe party.”

The National Executive replied to the comrades of Baltimore in a circu-lar letter, asserting their constitutional right to determine what is andwhat is not in the interest of the party, under Paragraph A, Sec. 4, of Arti-cle III. of the Constitution, and declaring the proposition to be in directopposition to the interests of the party.

The grievance of Section St. Louis is based upon an interpretation of theConstitution that denies any judicial function to the National Executive insuch cases and which compels them to submit any and all propositions,good, bad and foolish, that may be offered for general vote.

Your committee is of unanimous opinion that the plain letter of theConstitution sustains the National Executive in their claim of judicialright in this case, even if a reading of the whole of Article III., which de-fines the duties of the National Executive Committee, did not do so. Aglance at that article will show that said committee is in one instanceclothed with power to “supervise,” etc.; in another “to establish proper re-lations,” etc.; and in other parts of the Constitution they are directed to do



things that plainly indicate the exercise of judgment and the right ofchoice.

Passing from the determination of the National Executive Committee’sright of power in this matter, we call the attention of this Convention toanother phase of this episode, the importance of which, from the stand-point of militant Socialism, cannot be overestimated. Our party is not builton capitalistic lines, and is not, therefore, a party of periodic activity; it ison the stump all the time; its work is never done. It represents the eter-nally progressive spirit and love of justice that is in man, not the inertiaand conservatism of property interests. The character of our warfare andour methods of propaganda demand the exercise of the most skilful gener-alship we may command.

This is the trust committed to the National Executive. Subject to thecontrol of our membership and the laws provided for their guidance, thesafety, welfare and growth of the party are largely in their hands. Theirfirst and highest duty is to maintain a solid rank lined up against the en-emy.

To have entertained the proposition of Section Baltimore would havebeen official proclamation to the world that we are on, the eve of the mosteventful Presidential election since the Rebellion, a faction; that the victo-ries we have won at such great cost in the past were not victories, butmerely indecisive skirmishes; that a parcel of malcontents, irreconcilableand useless even if reconciled, were worthy of attention on the morning ofbattle, and that men who think so little of their franchise of citizenship asnot to vote at all, and others whose notion of warfare upon capitalism is tovote for it, were worthy of recognition as Socialists.

Men who at this time of day call themselves Socialists but who refuse tojoin the party and stand shoulder to shoulder with their comrades in theranks, are not Socialists at all. They are skulkers, renegades and enemies.Only as such do we recognize them.

Your committee feels that, for presenting this larger view of this mat-ter, we do not need to make any apology to the Convention.

We recommend that the appeal of Section St. Louis be dismissed, andthat the following resolution be adopted as part of this report:

RESOLVED, That this National Convention tenders its commendationto the National Executive for their action in declining to submit to refer-endum the Baltimore proposition, and instructs them and their successorsnot to entertain any proposition that in any way involves the recognition ofthe so-called “Cleveland faction,” or any faction. Fraternally,

F. W. LONG,BENJAMIN T. WHITEHOUSE,CHAS. F. WILSON,MAX FORKER,FRED KALBITZ.

Delegate Fish moved the adoption of the report as read.Delegate Wenzel: I am instructed by Section Baltimore to pro-

test against that resolution.Delegate Grundy: Is it in order to discuss at this time the consti-

tution of the “Cleveland, or Cincinnati, faction?”Delegate Urison: I protest against that remark. There is now no

“Cincinnati faction.”



The question was then discussed by Delegates Chas. Wilson,Forker, Ruther, Krumroy, Keiser, Sievermann, Sanderson, Krae-mer, Wieland, Reinstein.

The report was thereupon adopted.The Grievance Committee submitted the following report:

In the matter of the grievance of Section Louisville against Section St.Louis it is claimed that Section St. Louis and the Socialist Newspaper Un-ion persisted in printing in the heading of Louisville “Labor” the words“Official Organ of the S.L.P., Louisville, Ky.,” after such heading had beenordered taken out by Louisville Section.

An explanation by the delegates from St. Louis and a communicationfrom the National Secretary to Section St. Louis in reference thereto will,we believe, remove the grievance complained of by Section Louisville. Fra-ternally,

F. W. LONG,FRED KALBITZ,MAX FORKER,BENJAMIN T. WHITEHOUSE,CHAS. F. WILSON.

The report was approved.The Grievance Committee submitted this further report:

American Section Chicago complains of incompetent management onthe part of the business department of “The People,” and makes fourcharges, to wit:

Charge 1. One thousand copies of the May day edition of “The People”were ordered and paid for. They did not receive receipt for the money, norget the papers until May 16.

Your committee finds that the fault lay partly with the Chicago com-rades and partly with the Post Office department for non-delivery of pa-pers. As the rule in the office of “The People” is not to send receipts, but toacknowledge same by date on wrapper on the sending of the bundles, wefind the charge not sustained.

Charge 2. That Comrade Reisenberg sent $2 to “The People,” $1 forsubscription and $1 to the Daily People fund, the latter being acknowl-edged, while the subscription was acknowledged only when complaint hadbeen made.

This matter is explained under Charge 1.Charge 3. That a collector afterward called (presumably on Comrade

Reisenberg) for the subscription.This is easily explainable, and is no basis for any charge.Charge 4. That our Chicago comrades do not get “The People” in time

for distribution at their Sunday meetings.This is unpleasant, but unavoidable.Your committee finds the charges not sustained, and recommends their

dismissal. Fraternally,F.W. LONG, Chairman.

After discussion by Delegates Sanderson and Forker, the report



of the committee was approved.The Grievance Committee submitted this further report:

Your committee sustains the following dissent of Comrade Goldstein, asa member of the National Committee on Appeals and Grievances, on everypoint raised and recommends the reversal of the decision of the said Na-tional Committee on Appeals and Grievances by this Convention.

“Boston, July 1, 1896.At a meeting held in People’s Union Hall, Tuesday, June 30, at 9 P.M.,

of the National Grievance Committee the following was adopted by a voteof 3 to 1.

‘That it is the sense of the National Grievance Committee that the Na-tional Executive Committee should have put to a vote of the party mem-bers the appeal of Section Baltimore.’

I, the undersigned, dissent from the report of the committee for the fol-lowing reasons:

1. That according to the constitution of our party the National Execu-tive Committee shall put to a vote of the members all resolutions pre-sented to them by Sections of our party, providing it is in the interest of theparty.

2. That the resolution adopted by Section Baltimore and signed by otherSections is not in the interest of our party, as the Cleveland faction hasinsulted our organization by declaring to the people that we are not theS.L.P. of America, but only a faction of the party.

3. That through their paper, styling itself the Central Organ of theS.L.P. of America, they have tried to disrupt our party, and have tried tofuse with the Populist party of Illinois.

4. They have violated the agreement entered into in Rochester, N.Y., in1892, which was submitted to a vote of the party members, and adopted byan overwhelming vote.

5. They have refused the invitation of the National Executive Commit-tee to set aside their personal feelings and prejudices, and come within thefolds of the S.L.P. of A.

6. Now that they have tried all in their power to injure our standing asthe only Socialist Labor Party of America, they, a faction, a handful ofkickers and disturbers, wish to again have an invitation extended to themto come unto us; and, no doubt, if any agreement was entered into, andshould the major part of our members decide to continue our good work,and maintain New York as the seat of the National Executive Committee,they would again, as their record proves, be false to their obligation, andrefuse to submit to the will of the majority of our members.

7. Therefore I recommend that the National Executive Committee beupheld in its action in refusing to submit to a vote of the party the resolu-tion of Section Baltimore, as the said committee has acted in accordancewith the constitution laid down in our last Convention.

Respectfully submitted,DAVID GOLDSTEIN,Member National Grievance Committee.”

Moved that the report of the committee be approved.Carried.The Grievance Committee reported having referred to the Press



Committee a communication received by it concerning the contro-versy between the Jewish Convention and the Jewish Press.

The Grievance Committee moreover submitted the following re-port:

National Convention, 1896, New York, July 7.Comrades: Your committee reports as follows in the case of appeal of

Section Lynn, Mass., from the decision of the National Board of Griev-ances, made November 19, 1895, on the appeal of H.N. Casson and four-teen other members of Section Lynn.

Without going into consideration, before the Convention, of the volumi-nous evidence presented, and considered by us, we take up the case in itschronological order and find:

On the suspension of H.N. Casson by Section Lynn, in October, 1895:That such suspension was regular, and justified by the evidence.On the finding of the National Board on {of?} Grievances, made Novem-

ber 19, we decide:Such action was irregular, and in flat contradiction of a resolution,

made part of the decision, which plainly indicated the righteousness of theaction of the Section. The Board erred also in failing to give Section Lynnproper opportunity to be heard on appeal.

Upon one point of dissent, made by Comrade T.C. Brophy in his minor-ity report on this case, your committee desire to pass:

We are of opinion that the National Board of Grievances has power toreinstate suspended or expelled members, and Paragraph A of Section 2 ofArticle V., should be so amended as to put this matter beyond dispute.

We recommend that the appeal of Section Lynn be sustained, and theaction of the National Board of Grievances in reinstating H.N. Casson beoverruled. Fraternally,

FRED W. LONG,FRED KALBITZ,CHAS. F. WILSON,MAX FORKER,BENJAMIN T. WHITEHOUSE.

The report was approved.The Grievance Committee then submitted the following report:

Appeal to Convention by Massachusetts State Central Committee fromaction of National Executive Committee.

July 8, 1896.To the Delegates of the National Convention:

Comrades: The State Committee of Massachusetts presents chargeagainst the National Executive, and says that a reply to a resolutionpassed by Boston American Section and printed in “The People” of April26, was refused publication by the National Executive.

Your committee finds that the National Executive did not refuse publi-cation, but sent the matter back in order that an ungrammatical and ob-scure paragraph that they marked might be altered and its meaning madeclear, the National Executive not desiring to take the responsibility of al-teration upon themselves. In the meantime there arose considerations inconnection with the issue between Boston American Section and Massa-



chusetts State Committee that would have made the publication prejudi-cial, in the opinion of the National Executive, to the good of the party.

In this view of the matter your committee concurs. Section 1 of ArticleIV. of the Constitution gives the National Executive control of the contentsof the party press, and in this matter we are of opinion that the NationalExecutive acted wisely, and to the best interests of all involved. Frater-nally,

F.W. LONG, Chairman.

The report was approved.The Committee on Platform reported, and recommended that

the preamble to the platform remain as it is.Moved to approve the report.The question was then discussed by Delegates Brophy, Vogt, Ru-

ther, Long, Kuhn and Sanderson.Moved by Delegate Sievermann that the matter be referred back

to the committee for further consideration.Carried.Adjourned until 9 o’clock a.m., July 9, 1896.

SIXTH DAY’S SESSION.

Thursday, July 9th, 1896.The convention met pursuant to adjournment. Delegate Siever-

mann, chairman, and Delegate Peare vice-chairman.Moved that the proceedings of this convention be printed in full

and copies thereof charged to the Sections at cost price. Carried.The Committee on Platform and Resolutions reported receiving

a proposition that the Constitution and Platform be printed in theDutch language, and recommended that whenever 300 personsspeaking a certain language joined the party, the Platform andConstitution be printed in such foreign language.

Hoehn: I wish to hear the Secretary on this subject. What is hisopinion as to printing special editions of the Platform for a limitednumber of people.

Kuhn: My experience has been that it is a very expensive thing.At present the Platform and Constitution are printed in English,German, Polish and Danish. The Platform, separate and distinctfrom the Constitution, is printed in English, German, French, Ital-ian and Slavish, and I found that it required quite an expenditureof money to do all this. Yet there is a demand for it. As soon as anumber of people enter the party they immediately call for a Con-



stitution in their language, and we have to give way to that de-mand to a certain extent.

Ruther: I move that the whole matter be referred to our Na-tional Executive Committee, and that whenever they think it isnecessary to have them printed in any certain language they shallhave the power to do so.

Carried.The Committee on Platform and Resolutions reported receiving

the following proposition from Section Canal Dover:

“Owing to the territorial extent of our country, the scarcity of agitatorsand the high cost of traveling the propagation of Socialist ideas and prin-ciples is greatly hampered. The party should, therefore, direct its attentionto immigration, as immigrants scatter all over the country and could beused as disseminators of Socialism by placing in their hands, while inEuropean sea ports, Socialist literature, to be studied by them while intransit.

To attain this object the following resolution is submitted to the Con-vention for indorsement:

1. The National Executive Committee shall propose to the London In-ternational Congress that a pamphlet be published setting forth the fun-damental principles of Socialism, and elucidating the nature of the capital-ist system and of wage slavery.

2. Said pamphlet shall also contain a list of all the Socialist papers andperiodicals published in this country, and the address of the National Ex-ecutive Committee. It shall be issued in English, German, Italian, French,Hungarian, and Slavish, and be given out free to immigrants in all Euro-pean seaports; the coast line from Hamburg to Naples being divided intolanguage districts in order to facilitate and systematize the distribution.

3. It is further suggested that an international fund might be createdfor the purpose in view.”

The committee recommended that the proposition be handed toour delegate to the London Congress, to act on it as he sees proper.Carried.

The committee reported favorably on the following propositionsubmitted by Section Passaic County, N.J.{:}

WHEREAS, We have experienced the evils of the present disorganizedmanner in which the speakers of the party are distributed throughout thecountry, therefore be it

RESOLVED, That we strongly recommend that lecture circuits be or-ganized in different parts of the country under the direct supervision ofthe National Executive Committee.

The question was discussed by Delegates Fiebiger, Kuhn, Vogt,Fry, Hoehn, Carless, Wenzel, Krumroy, Serrer, Kraemer.

Delegate Krumroy moved that the proposition be adopted with



the understanding that it shall apply only to organizers sent out bythe National Executive Committee or by State Committees in con-junction with the National Executive. Carried.

The proposition as amended was then adopted.The committee reported favorably on the following resolution:

RESOLVED, That private co-operation be not encouraged by the party.

The resolution was adopted unanimously, after discussion byDelegates Hoehn, Fry, Sanial, Kraemer and Wilson.

The Convention then took up the question of adopting the Con-stitution as a whole.

Delegate Konikow moved to reconsider Section 6 of Art. II., pro-viding that a majority of two-thirds of the members present at anybusiness meeting shall be sufficient to expel and a bare majority tosuspend any member.

A division was called for, and the motion to reconsider was lostby a vote of 14 for and 39 against.

Delegate Fry moved the previous question. Carried by a vote of37 for and 13 against.

The Constitution was thereupon adopted as a whole, and theCommittee on Constitution was discharged.

The Press Committee thereupon rendered the following report:

REPORT OF THE PRESS COMMITTEE.WHEREAS, The Board of Arbitration appointed by the National Execu-

tive Committee, at the request of the Jewish comrades, for the settlementof certain disputes concerning the papers published in the Jewish dialect,rendered its decision, after an exhaustive inquiry, in the course of whichall the disputants were afforded unlimited opportunities to present theirrespective cases; and

WHEREAS, It is claimed by the Jewish comrades that, in accordancewith the pledges given by them before and after the appointment of thesaid Board of Arbitration to consider its decision binding and final, theyhave complied and are complying with its provisions; and

WHEREAS, Notwithstanding such compliance, not only the branchesexclusively composed of Jewish comrades, but certain Sections to whichthey belong in common with comrades of other nationalities and languagesare disturbed by endless discussions and even personal quarrels, to thegreat detriment of the general affairs of the S.L.P.; therefore be it

RESOLVED, That the party withdraw from all manner of connectionwith the Jewish press, and in that way free itself from all entanglement onthat subject. To this end it is ordered that neither shall the NationalCommittee take a hand in the election of any editor of the Jewish press, orin the overseeing of its editorial or business management; nor shall anysection, branch, Assembly district, or any division whatever of the S.L.P.(as such) be represented in or connected with any organization or conven-tion or other body that directly or indirectly manages, or is to manage,



control or direct any Jewish paper; and it is further ordered that the wholeissue be left to be settled by the contending Jewish comrades in their indi-vidual capacity.

THOS. C. BROPHY, Chairman.

Delegate Reed offered the following amendment: “That the Partyas such have no official connection with the Jewish Arbeiter Zei-tung and the Abendblatt, and that the Jewish Socialist press beleft to the Jewish members of the Party.” Seconded by DelegateKonikow.

De Leon: The substitute is not as clear as the recommendation.The question was then discussed by Delegates Wilson, De Leon,

Sanial, Jonas, Goldsmith, Carless, Vogt, Kuhn and Katz.Delegate Katz moved that Comrade Cahan be granted the privi-

lege of the floor for five minutes.Delegate Copp raised the point of order that unanimous consent

must be obtained from this body before one who is not a delegatecan address the Convention. Overruled.

Delegate Vogt appealed from the decision of the chair; where-upon the decision of the chair was sustained by a vote of 28 in fa-vor and 27 against.

Katz: Will I be allowed to embody in my motion that a memberof the opposition be also given the floor?

The Chair: Yes.Delegate De Leon moved that the motion of Delegate Katz to

grant the privilege of the floor to Cahan and the opposition be laidupon the table.

Carried by a vote of 32 for and 24 against.The question of the recommendation and amendment was then

further discussed by Delegates Konikow and Reed.Reed: We have been informed that this committee had this mat-

ter in hand for three long months; did all they could and failed.That is one of the reasons why this recommendation comes fromNew York Section. What possible objections have they to seeingthis matter left as Section New York wants it. I think the resolu-tion here is an attempt to forbid the Sections from discussing thismatter. If I was a member of any of these Sections I should insistupon discussing it, no matter what the decision of this Conventionis, and I certainly should discuss it.

Delegate Reinstein moved the following amendment: “That theArbeiter Zeitung and Abendblatt shall be henceforth subject to thejoint control of the National Executive Committee, of the Arbeiter



Zeitung Publishing Association and of a Press Committee dulyelected by the exclusively Jewish Sections and Branches of theParty.”

Delegate Vogt moved that the report of the Committee and theamendment offered by Delegate Reed be laid on the table tempo-rarily. Carried.

Delegate Vogt thereupon moved the adoption of the resolutionsubmitted by Delegate Reinstein.

The question was discussed by Delegates De Leon, Long, Kreft,Rosenbloom, Vogt, Balkam.

The previous question was then moved, and carried by a vote of35 for and 14 against.

The amendment submitted by Delegate Reinstein was declaredlost.

De Leon: I desire to go on record as voting in the negative be-cause I did not receive the light for which I asked.

The Convention then took up the recommendation of the com-mittee and the amendment thereto submitted by Delegate Reed.

Delegate Kreft moved the previous question upon the entire sub-ject under consideration. Carried.

The Chair: We will now vote on the amendment proposed bySection New York.

Copp: I protest against that amendment submitted by DelegateReed being called the amendment of Section New York. I refuse toaccept it as a correct interpretation of my instructions; and in mybest judgment the recommendation of the committee carries outmy instructions to the letter.

A vote was then taken on the amendment offered by DelegateReed, and the same was declared lost.

A vote was then taken on the recommendation of the Committee,and the same was declared carried.

Delegates De Leon, Sanial and Copp stated that they desired togo on record as voting for the recommendation of the committee.

Recess.


Delegate Long moved to suspend the regular order of businessand to proceed with the nomination of candidates for President andVice-President of the United States. Carried.

Delegate Fry nominated Matthew Maguire as President. Dele-gate Ch. Wilson nominated Charles H. Matchett. Delegate Balkam



nominated William Watkins, of Dayton, O. Delegate Powell nomi-nated J. Mahlon Barnes. Delegate Hahn nominated Job Harriman,of California. Delegate Nagler nominated Daniel De Leon, of NewYork, who declined. The nominations of J. Mahlon Barnes and JobHarriman were withdrawn, and the nominations were closed.

Delegate De Leon moved that in the election of candidates forPresident and Vice-President an absolute majority shall be neces-sary for a choice, and that this be made a permanent rule for thefuture. Carried.

A roll call was then ordered, and the vote resulted as follows:Total number of votes cast, 71. Matchett, 43; Maguire, 23; Wat-kins, 4; Peare, 1.

Moved and seconded by the nominator of one of the other candi-dates who received a minority vote, that Charles H. Matchett bemade the unanimous choice. Carried unanimously.

Moved and seconded that a committee of two be appointed bythe Chair to wait on Delegate Matchett and inform him of hisnomination.

Delegate Matchett was escorted to the chair and addressed theConvention.

Delegate De Leon nominated Comrade Matthew Maguire asVice-President.

Sanderson: Section St. Louis desires to second the nomination ofDelegate Maguire.

Moved and seconded that Delegate Matthew Maguire be madethe unanimous choice of this Convention as its candidate for theVice-Presidency of the United States. Carried unanimously.

A committee was appointed by the Chair to notify Comrade Ma-guire of his nomination; and thereupon Comrade Maguire was es-corted to the Chair and addressed the Convention.

Delegate Long moved that the following address to the JewishSocialists of the country be issued by this Convention:

New York, July 5, 1896.To the Jewish Socialists throughout the United States:

Dear Comrades: The National Convention of the Socialist Labor Partyof the United States extends to you all the hand of comradeship. We havein mind a recollection of the sturdy battles you have fought for our com-mon cause. We fully appreciate the sacrifices you have made, and know ofthe persecution you have manfully endured in the struggle for the emanci-pation of the proletariat.

We have considered the matters you have brought before us for adjudi-cation, and trust our disposition of the issues will meet with your ap-proval. If there have been differences among you in the past, we beg to



express the hope that they will now be adjusted. If feelings of estrange-ment have existed, let them be forgotten and buried in unity, and a re-newal of that splendid enthusiasm you have so often shown in the fight forliberty. Rally around the flag.

With Socialist salutations we greet you all.The National Convention,

FRANK SIEVERMANN, Chairman.CHAS. B. COPP, Secretary.

Carried.Murphy: In voting for the motion introduced by Delegate Rein-

stein this morning in regard to the Jewish Press, I inadvertentlyvoted against the instructions of Section New York, and I wish tochange my vote.

The Grievance Committee reported as follows:

“The German Section Holyoke, Mass., demands that the party news inthe ‘Vorwärts’ be in larger type than heretofore.

The Committee recommends that this matter be referred by the Con-vention to the editor of the ‘Vorwärts.’”

The report was adopted.The Press Committee submitted the following:

DAILY PEOPLE.“RESOLVED, That the comrades at large should be informed that it

would be necessary to collect a fund of about $50,000 in order to undertakethe editing of the DAILY PEOPLE with any degree of safety; furthermoreto open a national subscription for the accumulation of such fund.”

Carried.Brophy: It has come to the knowledge of the Press Committee

that Delegate Sanderson has a document which he desires to pre-sent to this Convention, and the committee, before passing uponthe matter in their report, recommend to the Convention thatDelegate Sanderson be allowed to present his report to the Con-vention, and if it is referred to the committee, we will then be ableto report with all the papers and documents that are desired to bepresented to us. A number of delegates question the authority ofDelegate Sanderson to report officially, but it seems to the commit-tee that the Convention ought to pass upon that matter officially,as we desire to have all the documents before us in coming to aconclusion upon the matter involved.

The recommendation of Delegate Brophy was adopted.Delegate Sanderson thereupon read the report of the Socialist

Newspaper Union.



Delegate Brophy moved that it be referred to the Committee onPress and that consideration of the same be laid over until thePress Committee reports. Carried.

The Committee on Platform and Resolutions thereupon submit-ted the following platform and resolutions:

PLATFORM.The Socialist Labor Party of the United States, in Convention assem-

bled, re-asserts the inalienable right of all men to life, liberty, and the pur-suit of happiness.

With the founders of the American republic, we hold that the purpose ofgovernment is to secure every citizen in the enjoyment of this right; but inthe light of our social conditions we hold, furthermore, that no such rightcan be exercised under a system of economic inequality, essentially de-structive of life, of liberty, and of happiness.

With the founders of this republic, we hold that the true theory of poli-tics is that the machinery of government must be owned and controlled bythe whole people; but in the light of our industrial development we hold,furthermore, that the true theory of economics is that the machinery ofproduction must likewise belong to the people in common.

To the obvious fact that our despotic system of economics is the directopposite of our democratic system of politics, can plainly be traced the ex-istence of a privileged class, the corruption of government by that class,the alienation of public property, public franchises and public functions tothat class, and the abject dependence of the mightiest of nations upon thatclass.

Again, through the perversion of democracy to the ends of plutocracy,labor is robbed of the wealth which it alone produces, is denied the meansof self-employment, and, by compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is evendeprived of the necessaries of life.

Human power and natural forces are thus wasted, that the plutocracymay rule.

Ignorance and misery, with all their concomitant evils, are perpetuated,that the people may be kept in bondage.

Science and invention are diverted from their humane purpose to theenslavement of women and children.

Against such a system the Socialist Labor Party once more enters itsprotest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental declaration that privateproperty in the natural sources of production and in the instruments oflabor is the obvious cause of all economic servitude and political depend-ence.

The time is fast coming, however, when, in the natural course of socialevolution, this system, through the destructive action of its failures andcrises on one hand, and the constructive tendencies of its trusts and othercapitalistic combinations on the other hand, shall have worked out its owndownfall.

We, therefore, call upon the wage workers of the United States, andupon all other honest citizens, to organize under the banner of the Social-ist Labor Party into a class-conscious body, aware of its rights and deter-mined to conquer them by taking possession of the public powers; so that,held together by an indomitable spirit of solidarity under the most tryingconditions of the present class struggle, we may put a summary end to



that barbarous struggle by the abolition of classes, the restoration of theland and of all the means of production, transportation and distribution tothe people as a collective body, and the substitution of the Co-operativeCommonwealth for the present state of planless production, industrialwar, and social disorder; a commonwealth in which every worker shallhave the free exercise and full benefit of his faculties, multiplied by all themodern factors of civilization.

RESOLUTIONS.With a view to immediate improvement in the condition of labor we

present the following demands:1. Reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to the progress of pro-

duction.2. The United States to obtain possession of the mines, railroads, ca-

nals, telegraphs, telephones, and all other means of public transportationand communication; the employees to operate the same co-operatively un-der control of the Federal Government and to elect their own superior offi-cers, but no employees shall be discharged for political reasons.

3. The municipalities to obtain possession of the local railroads, ferries,waterworks, gasworks, electric plants, and all industries requiring mu-nicipal franchises; the employees to operate the same co-operatively undercontrol of the municipal administration, and to elect their own superiorofficers, but no employees shall be discharged for political reasons.

4. The public lands to be declared inalienable. Revocation of all landgrants to corporations or individuals, the conditions of which have notbeen complied with.

5. The United States to have the exclusive right to issue money.6. Congressional legislation providing for the scientific management of

forests and waterways, and prohibiting the waste of the natural resourcesof the country.

7. Inventions to be free to all; the inventors to be remunerated by thenation.

8. Progressive income tax and tax on inheritances; the smaller incomesto be exempt.

9. School education of all children under fourteen years of age to becompulsory, gratuitous and accessible to all by public assistance in meals,clothing, books, etc., where necessary.

10. Repeal of all pauper, tramp, conspiracy, and sumptuary laws. Un-abridged right of combination.

11. Prohibition of the employment of children of school age and the em-ployment of female labor in occupations detrimental to health or morality.Abolition of the convict labor contract system.

12. Employment of the unemployed by the public authorities (county,city, state and nation).

13. All wages to be paid in lawful money of the United States. Equaliza-tion of women’s wages with those of men where equal service is performed.

14. Laws for the protection of life and limb in all occupations, and anefficient employers’ liability law.

15. The people to have the right to propose laws and to vote upon allmeasures of importance, according to the referendum principle.

16. Abolition of the veto power of the Executive (national, state, andmunicipal), wherever it exists.

17. Abolition of the United States Senate and all upper legislativechambers.



18. Municipal self-government.19. Direct vote and secret ballots in all elections. Universal and equal

right of suffrage without regard to color, creed or sex. Election days to belegal holidays. The principle of proportional representation to be intro-duced.

20. All public officers to be subject to recall by their respective constitu-encies.

21. Uniform civil and criminal law throughout the United States. Ad-ministration of justice to be free of charge. Abolition of capital punish-ment.

The Platform and Resolutions were adopted as read.The Committee on Platform and Resolutions recommended that

an address submitted by Delegate Hoehn, containing an appeal tothe workingmen in the People’s Party, be referred to the NationalExecutive Committee for the purpose of putting the same into moreeffective shape and have the same printed and circulated.

The recommendation of the committee was adopted.The Committee on Platform and Resolutions submitted the fol-

lowing:

RESOLVED, That the Executive Committee invite Comrade De Felice,or some other Italian comrade to make an agitation tour in the UnitedStates.

The resolution was adopted.The Committee on Grievances thereupon submitted the follow-

ing report:

New York, July 9, 1896.To the Delegates of the National Convention, S.L.P.:

Comrades: The National Executive makes appeal from a decision of theNational Board of Grievances. The facts are as follows:

The German Section Syracuse, through their organizer, sent a commu-nication to “Vorwärts” for publication. The editor of that paper struck outa portion of the article, and was sustained by the National Executive in sodoing. Appeal was taken to the National Committee on Appeals andGrievances, which committee reversed the action of the National Execu-tive and ordered the matter that had been edited out to be printed in thePEOPLE.

The issue before your committee is whether the editor of “Vorwärts”was justified in his course in the matter. He says he edited the matter outbecause its publication was a reflection upon the members of New YorkSection, infringed upon their rights as party members, and would haveinitiated a warfare of words in our papers, to the injury of our cause. Yourcommittee concurs in this view, and finds that the National ExecutiveCommittee were justified in sustaining the prerogatives of the editor of“Vorwärts.”

We, therefore, recommend that the appeal of the National Executive besustained and the action of the National Committee on Appeals and



Grievances be overruled. Fraternally,FRED W. LONG,MAX FORKER,FRED KALBITZ,BENJ. T. WHITEHOUSE.

After discussion by Delegates Wilson, Vogt, Konikow, Siever-mann, De Leon, Long, Brophy and Katz, the report of the commit-tee was adopted, and the Grievance Committee discharged.

The Press Committee then reported that the communicationread by Delegate Sanderson did not properly belong before thisConvention, and submitted the following:

In Convention, July 8, 1896.WHEREAS, An association called the Socialist Newspaper Union was

organized under a resolution adopted at the National Convention in 1893,and has since been publishing a weekly paper called “Labor,” and furnish-ing so-called local “Labors” to various sections of the party, many of whichare only local in name, and in some instances have been maintained andcontinued after the local sections had repudiated them as the local organs;

WHEREAS, This paper has in many instances contained articles teach-ing false economics as well as puffs and pictures of leading capitalists andpoliticians; and

WHEREAS, It was evidently not the intention of the last National Con-vention—which otherwise duly provided for the publication of the officialorgans of the S.L.P. of the United States under the absolute control of thewhole party—to recommend or endorse the creation of an agency throughwhich its most important weapon, namely, its press, could be made to fallunder the exclusive control of one single section, which might at any timeuse it to advance its particular views or even to promote the special ends ofa few active members thereof;

RESOLVED, That this Convention repudiates the claim that “Labor”and its local editions are in any way organs of the party. We recommend tosections that so-called local “Labors” be discontinued.

Moved that the report of the committee be adopted.Delegate Carless submitted the following amendment:

“No member of the S.L.P. shall be allowed to start any Socialist paperor support the same unless it is endorsed by the Section of which he is amember.”

Delegate Sanderson submitted the following substitute:

“That this Convention decides that the interests of the party demandthe elimination of syndicate plate matter from the papers published by theSections, and that the Sections belonging to the Socialist Newspaper Un-ion take a more active part in controlling its management.”

Seconded.



Delegate Reinstein submitted the following substitute:

“The Convention orders the Socialist Newspaper Union to either keepout of the columns of the local “Labors” the plate matter and the insinua-tions of any kind against any member of the party or to discontinue itspublication entirely. And the Convention vests the National ExecutiveCommittee with the power to order the discontinuance of its publicationsin case it fails to comply with this order.”

Seconded.The question was discussed by Delegates Fish, Murphy, De

Leon, Goldsmith, Sanderson, Vogt, Ruther, Fiebiger, Katz, Krae-mer, Forker and Brophy.

Adjourned to July 10th, at 9 a.m.

SEVENTH DAY’S SESSION.

Friday, July 10th, 1896.The Convention met pursuant to adjournment. Delegate Brophy

was elected chairman, and Delegate Wieland vice-chairman for theday.

Delegate Sanderson withdrew the substitute motion introducedby him at yesterday’s session, and offered the following, duly sec-onded, in its stead:

“Resolved that the interests of the party demand the elimination fromSocialist papers of all syndicate plate matter favoring the institutions ofcapitalism; that the Sections belonging to the Socialist Newspaper Uniontake an active part in its management, as intended by its form of organiza-tion; that no member of the Socialist Labor Party be allowed to start a So-cialist paper, or support the same, as an organ, unless it is endorsed by theSection of which he is a member; that no insinuations against any memberof the party should be published in any Socialist paper, and that the Na-tional Executive Committee order the suspension of any publication violat-ing the rule.”

The question of the report and amendments was then discussedby Delegates De Leon, Gordon, Kraemer, Vogt, Wenzel, Balkam,Fiebiger, Hoehn, Wilson, Krumroy, Sanial, Ruther, Muldowney,Kuhn, Sievermann, Fry, Murphy, Konikow, Bennetts, Lange, Rein-stein, Brophy, Kreft, Copp, Sanderson and Macdaniel.

The previous question was moved and carried by a vote of 44 infavor and 9 against.

The substitute offered by Delegate Sanderson was then lost by avote of 10 in favor and 39 against.



The substitute offered by Delegate Reinstein was then lost by avote of 11 in favor and 36 against.

The amendment offered by Delegate Carless was then lost by avote of 3 in favor and 29 against.

The resolutions submitted by the committee were then adoptedby a vote of 45 in favor and 13 against, on the call of the roll, viz.:

Ayes—Serrer, Goldsmith, Kalbitz, Kraemer, Hoedecker, Brophy,McDonald, Palme, Whitehouse, Herrschaft, Wegener, Carless, Fr.Wilson, Maguire, Ufert, Kamps, Reinstein, Bergmann, Hahn,Lange, Thissen, Fiebiger, Forker, Vogt, Jonas, Sanial, De Leon,Balkam, Copp, Murphy, Ch. Wilson, Macdaniel, Franz, Sjoholm,Mannier, Katz, Bennetts, Urison, Krumroy, Ibsen, Watkins,Munro, Muldowney, Curran, Isenecker; total, 45.

Nays—Powell, Wenzel, Konikow, Keiser, Fry, Sanderson,Hoehn, Gordon, Wieland, Sievermann, Liebing, Fish, Kreft; total13.

Not voting—Long.The Press Committee submitted the following:

RESOLVED, That we endorse the attitude of our English-speaking or-gan, THE PEOPLE, both with regard to internal party concerns and ex-ternal party policy, and its management is hereby directed to continue,until otherwise ordered, by a National Convention or a general vote, thepolicy heretofore pursued.

Moved and seconded that the resolution be adopted.The question was discussed by Delegates Long, Murphy and

Gordon.Recess.


The Committee on Platform and Resolutions, by DelegateSanial, presented the following:

RESOLVED, That the National Executive Committee be and is herebyinstructed to issue to the people of the United States an address, in whicha full presentation shall be made of the existing class interests and result-ing class conflicts which have found expression in the platforms of all thepolitical parties now in the field, and in which special stress shall be laidupon the following facts and considerations:

The unconditional surrender of the Democratic party to the Populistdemand for a fifty-cent silver dollar marks a new era in the development ofcapitalism and capitalistic politics. Two classes equally dishonest, andheretofore united for the spoliation of Labor, are now politically arrayedagainst each other in a struggle for the preservation of their respectivefleecings. Under the capitalistic system, which both sides are equally in-



tent upon maintaining, not only the economic triumph of the creditor classwould naturally be assured if peace were preserved, but the political suc-cess of the debtor class would only hasten its economic downfall by precipi-tating a monetary, financial, industrial and commercial crisis of unprece-dented magnitude. Nay; such a crisis is actually now impending from themere fact that the issue is made and the war proclaimed; and millions ofwage workers, ever willing to be fleeced provided they can get a crust ofbread from either class of fleecers, may at any time be reduced to starva-tion in enforced idleness.

But peace may not be preserved. That a great crisis may come to passwithout violent outbursts and bloody repressions, no one, indeed, can be-lieve in the lurid light of recent events. For years the Eastern plutocracyhas been drilling its militia, while the Western farmocracy was furbishingits guns. With all the armed forces at its command the creditor class willunquestionably assert its privileges as soon as they will be contested,while the debtor class, holding sway in the silver states and relying uponthe starved wage workers to fight its battles in the great industrial cen-ters, will forcibly attempt to resist annihilation and make good its claims.In a word, the conditions are now as ripe for civil war as they were at anyprevious time in the history of our country.

Between the two anarchistic classes that capitalism, through its misuseof science and riches, has evolved from a people once united in compara-tive ignorance and poverty, stands the great American proletariat, thewage slave class, the landless, homeless and helpless producer of all thatwealth which is now the bone of contention between its despoilers. It, andit alone, can save the national ship from the coming storm of anarchy, byrallying at the polls under the banner of Socialism, casting overboard theriotous pirates, taking the helm and heading straightway for the peacefulwaters of the Co-operative Commonwealth.

Moved and seconded that the resolutions be adopted. Carriedunanimously.

The discussion of the question of the resolution endorsing theattitude of “The People” was then resumed and the question wasdiscussed by Delegates Kreft, Sievermann, Katz, Konikow, Vogtand De Leon.

The resolution was adopted by a vote of 45 in favor and 4against.

The Press Committee presented the following resolution:

RESOLVED, That the secretary of the National Executive Committeebe and is hereby directed to procure and furnish, so far as possible, com-plete files of the PEOPLE, from the first issue to the present volume, tofive of the principal public or State libraries in the country, and shallhereafter procure and present bound volumes of said paper yearly totwenty-five of the principal public or State libraries.

Moved and seconded to adopt. Carried unanimously. The PressCommittee presented the following:



RESOLVED, That the management of THE PEOPLE, in conjunctionwith the National Executive Committee, shall annually issue an almanacto be known as the “Socialist Almanac,” which shall contain the platformand constitution, a concise history of the international movement for theyear, together with statistics relating to wealth and poverty, election sta-tistics both national and international, and such other matter as will makea handbook of Socialism. It shall be sold at a price to be fixed by the Na-tional Executive Committee.

Delegate Wenzel moved an amendment that the almanac shallcontain the names and addresses of all the organizers of Sectionsin the country, and of the State Committees.

After discussion by Delegates, Kuhn, Hoehn, Fiebiger, Kreft,Serrer and Vogt, the amendment was lost.

The original resolution was then adopted.Delegate Vogt moved to suspend the order of business and pro-

ceed to choose the seat of the National Executive Committee and ofthe Board of Appeals. Seconded and carried.

De Leon: I wish to nominate New York as the seat of the Na-tional Executive Committee. When I name New York I mean“Greater New York,” I mean that the members of the Sections lo-cated in Greater New York shall elect the National ExecutiveCommittee, but that the headquarters, the seat of the Committee,shall be on Manhattan Island.

Delegate Sanderson seconded the nomination of Greater NewYork.

On motion the nominations were closed, and Greater New Yorkwas unanimously chosen the seat of the National Executive Com-mittee.

Delegate Gordon nominated Cleveland as the seat of the Boardof Appeals.

Delegate Sievermann nominated the city of Philadelphia.On motion, the nominations were closed; and thereupon Cleve-

land was chosen as the seat of the Board of Appeals, the votestanding: Cleveland, 32; Philadelphia, 17.

The Committee on Platform and Resolutions, by DelegateSanial, then submitted the following resolution:

WHEREAS, The rapid growth of the Socialist vote, and the victoriesrecently won by our comrades at municipal elections in some manufactur-ing centers over the combined forces of the Republican and Democraticparties, show that the time is near when the management of public affairsin numbers of cities and towns will partly or entirely devolve upon Social-ist officials; and

WHEREAS, In their efforts to improve the condition of the working



people they will find themselves hampered at every step by the many de-vices, legislative and other, that the capitalist class has skilfully providedfor the conservation of its system;

RESOLVED, First—That in order to facilitate the task of these Social-ist officials, a committee of five members, to be known as the MunicipalCommittee of the S.L.P., be appointed by the National Executive Commit-tee, with a view to the elaboration of a general programme of municipalreforms for the information of the people and the guidance of Socialist offi-cials; it being expressly understood, however, that such programme shallin no sense be considered as a part of the Socialist platform, but that itshall be presented as a mere set of demands for the relief of the workingpeople and the redress of flagrant wrongs under the capitalist system, andthat the term “Municipal Socialism,” frequently used of late by ignorantpersons in reference to such demands is hereby repudiated.

Second—That among the matters to be considered in the said pro-gramme we recommend the following:

Recovery of our municipal franchises and their operation by the mu-nicipality;

Establishment of municipal labor exchanges under the absolute controland management of organized labor;

Attitude of municipalities in strikes;Education and the supply of meals and clothing to the children of poor

parents;The tenement house system and the possibility of providing the working

people at a low rental with comfortable houses built and owned by the cit-ies;

Equalization of real estate and personal taxation; not for the purpose ofdecreasing the taxes on real estate, but for the purpose of so raising themunicipal revenues as to permit of improvements now denied on theground of economy.

Adopted unanimously.Comrade Karol Dolski was then granted the privilege of the floor

and addressed the Convention.Delegate Reinstein then offered the following resolution:

RESOLVED, That the National Convention of the S.L.P., recommend tothe new National Executive Committee, elected after the convention, tosustain the decision of the old National Executive Committee, to the effectthat as soon as a Polish party organ is started, the National ExecutiveCommittee contribute to its support $5 per week for the term of one year.

On motion, duly seconded, the same was adopted.Delegate Reinstein then offered the following resolution:

RESOLVED, That the editorial and business management of the PolishParty organ to be started, be placed under the joint control of the NationalExecutive Committee, S.L.P., and the Executive Committee of the Allianceof Polish Sections and Branches of the S.L.P.

On motion, duly seconded, the same was adopted.



Delegate Reinstein then offered the following resolution:

RESOLVED, That the editor of the Polish party organ be elected andremoved subject to the approval of the National Executive Committee; incase the National Executive Committee and the Executive Committee ofPolish Branches cannot agree, the party decides finally by a general vote.

Delegate Kreft moved to amend the resolution so that it shallread: “The editor shall be elected and dismissed by the Polish Sec-tions of the Party.”

The question was discussed by Delegates Reinstein, Long, Kuhn;and the amendment was carried.

Delegate Reinstein moved an amendment that the CentralCommittee shall be composed of the same number of members asthe National Executive Committee. Carried.

The original motion, as amended, was then adopted.Delegate Long moved that Comrade Martha Moore Avery be in-

vited to address the Convention. Unanimously carried.Mrs. Avery thereupon addressed the Convention.Delegate Serrer presented the following resolution:

WHEREAS, Belgium has lost one of her best and most faithful workers,Jean Volders,

RESOLVED, That this Convention recommend the raising of a fund forthe completion of a monument to his memory.

Delegate Long moved as an amendment that the National Ex-ecutive Committee be instructed to procure a bronze wreath for themonument of Jean Volders, of Belgium, and that on that wreath beinscribed “From the Socialists of the United States, a Tribute ofLove.”

Delegate Serrer accepted the amendment.Moved and seconded that this resolution be referred to the Na-

tional Executive Committee. Carried.After addresses by Delegates Wilson, De Leon, and Sanderson,

the Convention adjourned sine die, with cheers for the SocialistLabor Party and for International Socialism.

CHARLES B. COPP, Secretary.

Transcribed and edited by Robert Bills for the official Web site of theSocialist Labor Party of America. Uploaded December 2004

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