social movement brazil
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The Struggle to Be Seen: Social Movements and the Public Sphere in BrazilAuthor(s): John A. GuidrySource: International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Summer, 2003),pp. 493-524Published by: SpringerStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20020183Accessed: 25/12/2008 22:13
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International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, Vol. 16, No. 4, Summer 2003 (? 2003)
I. New Research in Social Movement Theory
The Struggle to Be Seen: Social Movements and the Public Sphere in Brazil
John A. Guidry
This paper analyzes how community movement activity in three popular neighborhoods in Bel?m, Brazil, shaped the dynamics of contention in the
public sphere. Popular social forces, elite actors, and the state mutually in fluence each other across three moments of public interaction: clarifying popular discourse, the struggle to be seen, and routine politics. The article reverses the usual picture in movement research, which emphasizes move
ments as organizational outcomes to be explained, and instead builds on a
body of research that explores how movements can contribute to broader
processes of political change.
KEY WORDS: social movements; public sphere; democracy; Brazil.
This article analyzes the role of social movements in making popular claims visible in the political arena across three moments of public interac tion: clarifying popular discourse, the struggle to be seen, and routine politics.
Through movement organizations, social forces gain visibility and clarity in
popular public spheres (Somers 1993), where relatively disempowered ac
tors challenge more powerful politicians and hold them accountable to both the law and their campaign promises. Movement actors "work the linkages" back and forth between the everyday life and politics (Levine 1992) and in so doing develop important connections between local spaces and the
larger political system. The central argument of this paper is that move
ment action shapes and reshapes the boundaries of public spheres, allowing
popular social forces, elite actors, and the state to mutually influence and transform each other. This reverses the usual picture in movement research,
Political Science Department, Augustana College, Rock Island, Illinois 61201; e-mail:
493
0891-4486/03/0600-0493/0 ? 2003 Human Sciences Press, Inc.
494 Guidry
which emphasizes movements as organizational outcomes to be explained
(see Morris and Mueller 1992, McAdam et al. 1996), and instead builds on a
body of research (Seidman 1994, Tarrow 1994) that explores how movements can contribute to broader processes of political change.
There is a growing tendency among scholars of contentious politics to
explore the linkages between actors, events, and organizations across differ ent levels of political systems (McAdam et al. 2001). Of special concern in
the neoliberal era are the quality of citizenship and public politics, especially where democracies must deal with persistent inequalities that call into ques tion the very potential of the democratic project itself (Furet 1998,0'Donnell
1993, Dahl 1996, Fraser 1992, Unger 1998). In Latin America, both actors
and scholars have highlighted the role of social movements in pushing con
tention beyond the politics of opposition toward a process of "deepening
democracy," in which institutional mechanisms and venues exist alongside street demonstrations in the tactical repertoires of contentious politics.1
Kenneth Roberts (1998,24) characterizes this shift?"rather than pro vide a facade for class domination, democracy could be conceived as in
finitely elastic, allowing popular empowerment and social transformation
to develop cumulatively as the logic of political majorities gradually sup
pressed class privileges and social hierarchies." Evelina Dagnino (1998, 33) argues persuasively for the "crucial role played by social movements" in
"resignifying the relations between culture and politics in their democra
tizing struggles" (p. 46). Leonardo Avritzer's (2002) rethinking of public
spheres and public space in the evolving democracies of Latin America sug
gests that state and governmental arenas are becoming more open to the con
cerns that social movements carry from popular discourse into public politics. There is also a growing literature on local, progressive administrations that are changing the terms of the public sphere by building programs of popular
democracy such as the Participatory Budget that has been developed by the
Workers' Party in the last 12 years (Fedozzi 1997, Baiocchi forthcoming). Yet while there is no shortage of reasons why robust social movements
should contribute to the development of democracy (even while some move
ments clearly do not2), as well as growing evidence supporting this conclusion
(Meyer et al. 1997, Ball 2000), the process that mediates between popular
experiences of everyday life and the public sphere is not so clear. Roberts
and other analysts note that in Latin America, movement actors, whether in
the streets or within the state, face a difficult task in deepening democracy,
given the deep social and historical roots of inequality in the region (see also Stokes 1995, Weyland 1996). This article expands our understanding of
that process by examining the role of social movements in creating a public
politics that addresses popular perceptions of exclusion from the political
process.
The Struggle to Be Seen 495
For many analysts of Latin American politics, the transition from oli
garchic rule to forms of democracy incorporating popular sectors has been
the defining political dynamic of the twentieth century (see Collier and
Collier 1991, Casta?eda 1993).3 Current debates over citizenship (O'Donnell 1993; Roberts 1998; Fox 1994; Dagnino 1998; Baierle 1998; Yashar 1999;
Caldeira 2000) are only the most recent chapters in that story. In an ex
amination of women's movements and democratization in Latin America, Ver?nica Monteemos (2001,177) notes that "the historical un-representation of women in political life and their subordinate status in the economy and the family are unlikely to change if pluralistic representation is not expanded and if citizen participation in policy-making remains limited." The struggle to
be seen characterizes this dynamic, and the pages that follow turn to a local level exploration of how movements can affect the scope and boundaries of
public politics. The research for this article was carried out in Bel?m, Brazil, in various
stages from 1992 to 2000. A series of 70 open-ended life history interviews
(ranging 1.5 to 2.5 hours) with people of all classes were completed between
January and November, 1993. Ten interviews had two respondents
(eight husband/wife, one mother/daughter, one teenage boys), yielding 80 respondents?14 from the upper class, 12 from the middle class, and 54 from the popular class. Life history interviews were triangulated with stud ies of community organization in three popular neighborhoods from which
respondents were drawn and informant interviews conducted over one full
year in 1992-93 and shorter return trips in 1995,1998, and 2000. Informants
represent all classes and walks of life, span the diversity of Brazilian civil
society, and include politicians, office holders, activists, police officers, and
journalists. The three neighborhoods selected for observation, Jurunas, Bom Futuro and Aura, reflect the variety of associational life that can be found at the community level in Brazilian popular neighborhoods.
Metropolitan Bel?m is home to 1.6 million people, about 1.2 million of whom live in the city proper. Bel?m is the capital of the state of Para, which straddles the lower regions of the Amazon River. It was founded in 1617 and is one of Brazil's historic regional capitals, though it is one of the poorest cities in a country that has one of the most unequal income distributions in the
world. Although Bel?m and the Amazonian region in general are pictured by Brazilians as more conservative and "backward" than the national norm, recent political history suggests otherwise as elections since 1994 have each
brought new figures into executive positions, including victories by the Left
wing Workers' Party (PT, Partido dos Trabalhadores) in the 1996 and 2000
mayoral elections in Bel?m.
The paper's first section examines popular discourse about inequality and politics. This is a vision of politics developed by those "on the bottom,"
496 Giiidry
as respondents put it, of a political system that is far away and relatively unconcerned about ordinary people. The second section develops a model
of how movements operate in the spaces of popular politics to address the concerns raised in popular discourse. Through mobilization and contentious
action, movements develop a popular public sphere that challenges the ex
clusionary character of contemporary Brazilian democracy. The third section
outlines the cases of movement action in Jurunas, Bom Futuro, and Aura, and the fourth places the cases in the context of protest cycles (Tarrow 1994, 153) in the broader redemocratization of Latin American countries
after 1980. The fifth section situates the paper in a broader discussion of
the social memory and political learning generated by collective action in
the public sphere, as movements build the fundamental practices of routine
politics.
BEING SEEN: EVERYDAY LIFE, ACTIVISTS, AND PUBLIC POLITICS
The struggle to be seen is a metaphor for contentious politics that
emerged from the analysis of interviews across the neighborhoods selected
for study, as well as with community leaders and residents of other areas
in the city. Repeated references by respondents to seeing and being seen,
looking at and looking after the poor, seeing suffering and knowing what
poverty feels like were linked to a sense of obligation to do something for
those in need.4 Their manner of talking about everyday life was replicated in
the way they discussed politics, especially in conversations about what politi cians do and do not know about the country and its citizens. The politicians even avoid seeing the conditions of the poor, and as one respondent put it, "because of this they cause poverty."5 In as much as most politicians lack any actual experience at being poor ("they're born in a golden cradle"),
popular actors view popular politics as an effort to grab and hold the
attention of more powerful actors. In their portraits of contemporary politics,
people move quickly to establish connections between what politicians pay attention to, the inequality of everyday experience, and political obligations across class lines.
Nilma, 38, housewife and neighborhood vendor, Aura: As for the business people of Brazil... some kind of law should exist to obligate them to help out... They
only think about money. That's it. They don't think about Brazil's future. No, they don't think about Brazil's future that their children, their grandchildren and etc. will
have... They just think about getting more and more and more rich. And so for this reason I think there ought to be a law to teach them that they have this obligation to help out, since they haven't already taken any initiative to help out their country and society.
The Struggle to Be Seen 497
Across the board, working and poor people in Brazil articulate a politics of exclusion from the public sphere in Brazil. Their statements characterize a gulf between themselves and politicians; to bridge that gulf they must
enter the public sphere and articulate the kind of claim for accountability that Nilma makes. The problem, however, is that entering public politics seems difficult, if not impossible, for most people. Barriers include a lack of
education, a lack of time, the social scorn of the upper (and whiter) classes
for those who are poor (and brown or black), and so forth. These sorts of
commonplace caricatures of class politics paint with broad strokes a concrete
sense of how "low-intensity citizenship" (O'Donnell 1993) is experienced and communicated by ordinary people in the popular class.
When ordinary people turn to methods of entering the public sphere, most often they tell stories about good community or neighborhood leaders,
people who are "educated" (educado) and "know how to speak" (ele sabe
falar), as the saying goes. One respondent, a grocer in Aura, discussed the
work of the "public man," who people trust and might elect to public office.
The picture is one of accountability and public pressure on elected officials.
Gilberto, 39, grocer, Aura: I really walk around here seeing what people are going
through. Even if I couldn't get anything done with the authorities over there [at city
hall], I'd at least take the incentive. Above all, this is what's fundamental. Because I
might get nothing from the mayor, but I'd be like a corn on his foot, insisting, "Mayor, the people are making demands on me, and we need [help]." We have to be there. It's his job if we elected him... But then they forget... and we always have to go there beating the doorbell [at city hall]. So I don't get anything this time; I'll go back to the people and say, "Look, I didn't get anything, but I was there yesterday and I
got this, and he promised me that." One day it could be that I get nothing done, but
I would go back again... This here is the work of the "public man" that people elect to do exactly this sort of thing.
Movement leaders and activists give these kinds of grievances specificity by grounding them in concrete issues or events. They tie local problems to
propositions about citizenship, mobilization, accountability, and obligation. They put names and faces on the anonymous "barons" of popular discourse, and they picture a dynamic process of interaction between opposing publics and politicians through individual and collective agency.
Carolina, 32, school secretary and neighborhood activist, Jurunas: Now some politi cian comes to your street and promises the world and more?and he doesn't do it.
Are you going to vote for him in another election? For the love ofGodl In all these
meetings where I go, I put this up front. I think that people are very complacent, because if you're not satisfied with this garbage truck coming down your street, what do you do? You get together with the residents and don't pay your property tax. Go to it! Do it, and if it doesn't work call the press, put it in the press. Do anything you
can, because they're obligated.6
The relationship of claims-making and taxes made by Carolina is a common formula that exemplifies well the kind of modular, cross-cultural
498 Guidry
mobilizational frames that characterize social movements around the world
(Snow et al. 1986, Snow and Benford 1988, Tarrow 1994, McAdam et al. 1996,
Bayard de Vol? 2000). Leaders of community movement organizations in
Bel?m and around Brazil have stressed this in meetings with residents?"we
pay taxes just like the rich, and we deserve the same services;" "it's not true
that it's really the government's money, but it's the people's, from taxes."
Tax-paying grounds citizenship claims and frames collective and individual
approaches to political problems. The framing of grievances with tax-paying and public services allows movement leaders to paint a dynamic picture of
interaction between local counterpublics (Fraser 1992) and political elites
through the state. Everyday concerns are given context and, most impor
tantly, a framework for resolving them that involves the agency of ordinary
people through community associations.
The emergence of community movements?in neighborhood associa
tions, demonstrations, petitions, and other, less contentious, forms of collec
tive action?reminds even the most sedentary politicians and office holders
that there is a public out there discussing issues, debating politics, and, in
democracies, casting ballots that determine who will hold public office. In
this sense, the struggle to be seen is a point of analysis that challenges the
"primacy of outcomes" and gets at the notion that "politics creates and
affirms interpretations of life" (March and Olsen 1984,741). As movement
action clarifies the political imagination of popular discourse, it pushes this
logic further, showing how the public politics of citizenship contests ordinary
interpretations of life and challenges the symbolic and material "instruments
of the interpretive order" (ibid.).1 The "interpretations of life" at stake are
the stories told by dominant publics about the laziness of the poor, the com
placency of the poor, the inability of the poor to understand politics, and
the like?everything that creates the gulf between the popular classes and
formal politics.
PUBLIC SPHERES AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
Community movements and leaders like Carolina or Gilberto's "public man" take the concerns of everyday life and place them into the dominant
public sphere of politics. They are important actors "crucial to reorienting the
agenda of public discourse, bringing new issues to the fore" (Calhoun 1992,
37). They mediate between the popular public sphere of the neighborhood or workplace and the dominant public sphere of party discourse, elite debate, and news media. These movement actors organize public events, contacts
between the neighborhood and public officials, and other actions that force
concerns and localized grievance on to the agendas of both more powerful actors and other movement actors in similar situations.
The Struggle to Be Seen 499
A public sphere emerges when people come together to debate political issues that involve the nature and constitution of political authority.8
Democratic political systems express the ideal of a singular public sphere that should in theory be open to all citizens. In practice, however, the pub lic sphere tends to institutionalize existing forms of social stratification that are grounded in social, cultural, and economic experiences. This is espe
cially reflected in the dominance of electronic and print media by a few,
large, corporate concerns that in many Brazilian cities are owned by histor
ically prominent families.9 Thus we see a tension between the exclusion of
marginalized publics from the dominant public sphere (Fraser 1992, Dawson
1994, Hanchard 1999) and the proposition that bringing oppositional groups into a common public sphere can unleash a powerful potential for "social
integration" (Calhoun 1992, 6). In all cases, debate by politically dominant
actors in the public sphere constrains the terms by which both material
goods and ideological resources (such as labels, names, memberships in the
community, voice, etc.) are allocated in society. "Subaltern counterpublics"
(Fraser 1992,123) develop sites?popular public spheres (Somers 1993)?in the local spaces of everyday life and political authority, where public debate over power and politics may occur. At the same time dominant actors seek to exploit or constrain the action of subaltern publics through media control
and the sponsorship of the major political parties and actors that set the
public agenda. Yet the opposition of popular and dominant publics is only half the story.
The other half tells of an "interlocking" relationship of mutual transforma
tion in political discourse and agendas (Habermas 1992, 426). Dominant and popular public spheres function in tandem. Even while popular groups carve out separate spaces in which to develop strategies or discourse, they confront political and social authority by bringing the concerns of popular public spheres into the public sphere of liberal democracy. Popular classes and marginalized groups become seen as "the exclusion of the culturally and
politically mobilized lower strata entails a pluralization of the public sphere." This process brings to the surface "tensions... in the liberal public sphere" that are "potentials for [its] self-transformation" (ibid.).
We can think of the relationships of popular public spheres, social move
ments, and the dominant public as unfolding over three moments of interac
tion: clarifying popular discourse, the struggle to be seen, and routine politics
(see Table 1). Where movements mobilize growing number of constituents
and realize initial objectives, these moments can repeat in cycles of activity that feed back on each other and promote processes of political learning and the building of collective memories. In the first moment, movement actors
clarify popular discourse by organizing highly local, public activities such as
meetings, debates, street theatre, games, social events, and so forth. These
500 Guidry
Table 1. Movements and Engagement in the Public Sphere
Popular Discourse
Public
Sphere Dynamics Movement Action
First Moment:
Clarifying Popular Discourse
Second
Moment:
The Struggle to Be Seen
Third Moment: Routine Politics
emphasizes exclusion, the perception that
"politics" occurs far
away, and that more
powerful actors
either ignore or do
not know the concerns of
everyday life
appoints specific
grievances and
emphasizes known
(or suspected)
agents of exclusion,
develops targets for
contentious action
attachment of new
grievances to
known agents and
agencies
popular publics
perceive a gulf between the
political system and the concerns
of everyday life
engagement and
encounter
between popular and more
powerful actors
whose voices are
present in the
dominant public
sphere
cyclical repetition of these three
moments, cumulative
experiences, political learning, collective memory
build popular public
sphere: organize local
meetings, street
theatre, social events,
prayer groups, and
other small forums
for the exchange of
local concerns and
debate about politics
organize extralocal
actions:
demonstrations;
public protest; small
committees to meet
with public officials or politicians; broad
campaigns that unite
separate localities
and grievances; contact with other
movement
organizations, NGOs,
government agencies, and political parties
concessions from the
state; legislative action and debate;
develop networks
with other
movements, broad
coalitions,
support-service NGOs, politicians, bureaucrats, parties, and other public actors
activities build upon already existing public and social events, institutions, and practices that may or may not have been concerned with political issues
or grievances in the past. In clarifying and focussing debate, movement ac
tors build a popular public sphere around specific issues, persons or agencies
potentially responsible for either the origin or redress of these concerns, and
specific solutions to the problems.10 The more developed a popular public sphere becomes, the more
resources actors have at their disposal to frame grievances and their so
lutions in ways that "resonate" with their constituents (Snow and Benford
1988). In this second moment, movements enter the struggle to be seen with
The Struggle to Be Seen 501
public actions that move beyond the immediate locale and space of everyday life. Through demonstrations; small committee meeting with public officials; broad campaigns; and contacts with other movement groups, NGOs, politi cal parties, or officials, movements begin to make local problems seen in the
dominant public sphere. Where the media are controlled by powerful groups that exclude the movement's actions from coverage, activists use disruptive tactics and alternative communication networks to force their way on the
public stage. Over time, successful community movements build a history of practices
that construct identity (Degregori et al., 1986) and create counterpublics that become formally recognized through political concessions (such as the
provision of services or mutual participation in state agencies), a continuity of public action, and a predictable (if not always contentious) relationship to the state.11 At this point, we arrive at the third moment, routine politics,
when the movement organization has forced the issues of the popular public
sphere on to the agenda of debate in the public sphere. This moment opens
up the possibility of a shift in the relationship of popular politics to the way
politicians and elites behave in the dominant public sphere. In this moment
popular grievances, accountability, and citizenship come together to expand the scope of the public sphere.12 In turn the popular public sphere either
takes on new issues, contracts, or becomes absorbed into the dominant public
sphere.13
NEIGHBORHOOD MOVEMENTS AND POPULAR PUBLIC SPHERES: A COMPARATIVE VIEW
The popular neighborhoods of Jurunas, Bom Futuro, and Aura were
chosen as sites for study because they reflect the standard variation to be
found in Brazilian urban history, organization and politics. The spatial poli tics of urban community movements (as a subcategory of social movements
more generally) have the advantage of presenting in clear terms how pop ular public spheres develop in localized sites and then move beyond them to address the boundaries of the larger public sphere of metropolitan areas.
Table 2 lays out the basic points of comparison, consistent with the mo
ments of public politics developed in the previous section; readers may refer back to this table throughout the individual narratives of the three
neighborhoods. On maps, Bel?m appears as a peninsula, surrounded by rivers, fluvial
islands, and floodplains, with an elevation varying from 3 to 16 meters above sea level. Rainfall is abundant year-round, though heaviest from January to May, with a shorter period from September through November being
502 Guidry
Table 2. Community Movements and the Public Sphere in Three Neighborhoods
Jurunas Bom Futuro Aura
Context
First Moment:
Clarifying Popular Discourse
Second
Moment:
The Struggle to Be Seen
Third Moment:
Routine
Politics
dates to early 1900s,
100,000+ inhabitants, high
population density, close to downtown, a long history of
community movements and
varied local
organizations in
subsections
(mid-late 1970s
forward) localized
organizations in
subsections of the
neighborhood;
competition between small
organizations; street
theatre, church
groups, organized social events
(1979-86) demonstrations, land invasions, electronic and print
media coverage
(mid-1980s-present) title given to
invaded lots, broad
federation of
neighborhood
organizations,
political ties
between politicians and localized
organizations in
subsections of the
neighborhood
dates from 1988,
8,000+
inhabitants, high
density, "new
periphery,"
corrupt
neighborhood association,
inexperienced
leadership, little
continuity of
movement action
MOJOC: (from 1992) meetings,
prayer groups, social events,
(1993-1998) vocational
training, karate
classes;
(1998-2000) fewer meetings,
inactivity
(1992) Block the "Highway of
Death"
nonexistent
dates from 1990,5,000+
inhabitants, low
density, "new
periphery," in
suburban
municipality,
experienced
leadership, continuity of movement action
(1991 through present) prayer groups,
surveys,
neighborhood
meetings, door-to-door
campaigns
(1992 forward) "Movement for Life";
mass petitions; cycles of large community
meetings, petition, demonstration, committee
interaction with
agencies
(1992) Anani School,
city bus service;
(1993) new bridge on main road, establish
formal neighborhood association; (1995)
city garbage collection, construction of
Catholic chapel;
(1996) election of leader to city council,
neighborhood
policing;
(1998-present) "Movement of
Occupations in
Ananindeua"
The Struggle to Be Seen 503
tolerably dry. Bel?m is close enough to the ocean for its river bays to be
heavily influenced by the sea tides, and the combination of high tides and
heavy rainfall can cause dangerous flooding in lower lying areas of town, with devastating hygiene and public health consequences as sewerage and
floodwaters mix and contaminate whole neighborhoods. Over time, Bel?m
has developed a class-based pattern of neighborhood development consis
tent with these topographical and natural conditions. Upper class persons, as
well as early urban planning programs, initially pushed the city's boundaries
out along higher ground, founding along the way the bairros nobres (lit., "noble neighborhoods," region 1 on the map). In the years after 1900, lower
class persons who worked in the homes or businesses of the elite began to fill
in the low lying areas, called baixadas (Region 3), that surrounded wealthier areas.
Jurunas is a baixada adjacent to some of the wealthiest bairros nobres
in Bel?m. It is one of Bel?m's oldest working class neighborhoods. Unlike the
bairros nobres, which reflect planning and modern urban design, the baixadas' development and construction has largely been the work of
the residents themselves. Thus the boundaries between baixadas and bairros
nobres may be felt not only in decreasing elevation but also as streets
go from paved to muddy, wide to narrow, straight to curved or haphaz ard. Houses become smaller, made of wood or unplastered brick, in vari ous stages of never-ending construction, and the population is much more
densely concentrated?more than 3 times the density of the bairros nobres
in some cases. And from January to May, heavy rains and tidal shifts flood
the baixadas and contribute to general public health problems and untold
property loss among the working and lower classes of Bel?m.
Region 2, the "institutional belt" as it known locally, is an area of mixed elevation under governmental control. This area reflects Bel?m's role as a regional administrative center and is home to large military bases from
all armed services, an international airport, the federal university, water
works, etc. Region 2 also defines the Primeira L?gua (First League), the
city's original boundary. By the 1950s and beyond, the baixadas' crowded
conditions, congestion, and increasingly unhealthy environment, along with
increased rural-to-urban migration throughout Brazil, pushed Bel?m out be
yond the institutional belt, into Region 4, the "new periphery," where both
Bom Futuro and Aura are located. Region 4 also spreads into surrounding
municipalities, Bel?m's suburbs, beginning with Ananindeua and continuing for several miles along the Bel?m-Bras?lia Highway, which is the only major land route into the city. The new periphery is a mixture of older villages
(e.g. Icoaraci, Region 5), planned housing projects (e.g. Cidade Nova, lit., New City, Region 6), both private and public, and seemingly endless squatter invasions that house upwards of 200,000 people.
504 Guidry
A Glorious Past of Contention in the Public Sphere. Jurunas has a long tradition of community activism that, during its heyday in the late 1970s to mid-1980s, matched rather closely the academic portraits of successful
community movements in terms of density (high, with numerous smaller
groups and linkages to other groups across the metropolitan area), issues (the standard urban services list or transportation, sanitation, education, health
care, and land tenure legalization), and militancy (focused on opposing the
military and usually linked to the political Left) (see Castells 1983). As the
military government of Brazil (1964-1985) began to ease the repression of political expression in the mid 1970s, neighborhood groups from Jurunas
The Struggle to Be Seen 505
helped spearhead the development of the Bel?m Neighborhood Commission
(CBB, Comiss?o de Bairros de Bel?m), a city-wide community movement
that was able to influence city and state politics through the 1980s. The CBB's
first public program was officially launched in 1979?The Campaign for the
Right to Shelter (Campanha pelo Direito de Morar)?and it was aimed at
freeing up several large, vacant tracts of land in central Bel?m that were not
being visibly used for any productive functions.
During this era, the population density of Jurunas reached saturation
levels, and residents turned their attention to the few remaining parcels of land in the neighborhood not given over to housing development. These
lots were vacant but had owners?private citizens in some cases, the state
in others. From 1983 to 1986, residents organized a series of invasions that
eventually wrested control of these lands from their owners and settled them
in the dense patterns of baixada housing that already characterized most
of Jurunas. Particularly important to this movement was a group called COBAJUR (Neighborhood Community of Jurunas) that was orga nized by residents in the poorest areas adjacent to "vacant" lots called the
"Radional" area. At its height, COBAJUR had over 800 members and was
at the front of local efforts to legalize land invasions and press the govern ment for services such as sanitation, drinking water, electricity, education,
public safety (policing) and health care. Through children's programs, street
theatre, and other cultural events, COBAJUR sought to build a public sense of community identity that could mobilize, focus, and frame collective
action.
With these activities, COBAJUR created a popular public sphere in which debates about solving these issues, not just complaining about them, became part of everyday conversation?the first moment in movement me
diated public sphere development (Table 2). As the group organized larger
meetings open to the public outside the immediate area, brought in the
media, drafted petitions, and organized invasions of vacant or unused prop
erty, the movement passed into the second moment, in which popular claims
became "seen" by politicians and officials. Their target was the state's gover nor, Jader Barbalho (PMDB, Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement), whose populist political machine also dominated the municipal government. "The invasion," as one resident put it, "was their weapon" that initiated a
process of bargaining and began to alter the terms of entry into the pub lic sphere by making the claims of poor, marginalized persons compelling to politicians. Rosana and Beatriz, both founding members of COBAJUR, discussed the public contention involved in the invasions,
Rosana (36, housewife): The community became united?united so that the govern ment would free up these areas [for settlement]... We had a demonstration, we got
together with all the [community] centers, saying "Look, today get together in front
506 Guidry
of the palace [city hall]"... Banners, all that stuff of demonstrations, you know, of the movement. And there was a commission that went to talk to the government.
Beatriz (53, community activist, retired factory worker) Whatever [the governor] has done, it's because of pressure from the community... when the community, the
people, go there [in the streets], beating pans. 'We want water, food,' all those things, you know? The people want transportation. But all the same, it's difficult. [The governor] doesn't see the side of the periphery... because where they come from, a
person never has to live with the lower class, with poverty, necessity, all these things.
"All that stuff of the movements" is the set of modular practices of con
tention (Tarrow 1994) that COBAJUR and corresponding organizations around the city used to build the CBB and mobilize thousands of people in marches, demonstrations, and rallies across the city and on the steps of
Bel?m's city hall and Par?'s Legislative Assembly buildings. COBAJUR's
local campaign and the CBB's city-wide campaigns pushed collective ac
tion into the second and third moments of interaction in the public sphere
(Table 2). In Jurunas alone, thousands of residents received legal title to lots
they invaded. The major streets were paved, public transit extended through the area, energy services regularized, and the delivery of potable drinking
water established.
The work of COBAJUR was matched by similar organizations in other
parts of Jurunas and around Bel?m, all of which tell roughly the same story of development around basic urban service and land-use issues from the 1970s through the 1980s. In every baixada neighborhood of central Bel?m
(sector 3 on the map), thousands of families were able to obtain lots and
build houses on vacant lands that were invaded and then expropriated from
their private owners by the state. The CBB's Right to Shelter campaign was
followed by others?education (1980-84), transportation (1981-ongoing), poverty (1984), opposition to the military dictatorship (1984), the direct
election of the president (1984), participation in the constituinte (1987-88, in which a new national constitution was written)?each one massing thou
sands of people in the streets for demonstrations and marches that ended
downtown, in front of city hall and the state's legislative assembly. By this
point, in the mid-1980s, the community movement in Jurunas and Bel?m as
a whole had radically altered the terms of public politics, unleashing popular claims that ultimately became heard in the process of writing the postmilitary constitution.
High Start-Up Costs on the New Periphery. Bom Futuro and Aura are
smaller, newer neighborhoods founded during a wave of squatter invasions
that began in the late 1980s. This wave extended the process begun in the
1960s, in which people began to leave the crowded neighborhoods of old
Bel?m, such as Jurunas, for newer areas far out from the city center (region 4 on the map). As the governor's race of 1990 approached, however, organizers
The Struggle to Be Seen 507
developed a strategy centered on the election: to lead an invasion and then use that effort (and the potential votes involved) to bargain for the legal ization of land tenure and other political goods. As the "new periphery" became an escape valve for population pressures, the practices and methods of organization learned in the glorious past of the CBB became transplanted, however unevenly, across the metropolitan area.
Bom Futuro has about 8,000 inhabitants and lies within the city limits
of Bel?m, near the border with Ananindeua. The neighborhood dates back
to 1988, when a woman who had some experience with community orga
nizing in Jurunas led a group on to privately-owned land and divided it up into lots. Then they "sold" the lots to all comers, fueling a poor-person's land speculation bubble. These kind of invasions took place throughout the
metropolitan area, and tjie police were not able to expel the invaders, who
had hoped (correctly, as it turned out) that the new governor would simply
acknowledge the invasions and expropriate or buy out the landowners in
volved. In Bom Futuro, however, the group that founded the invasion, as well as its one neighborhood association, sold individual lots many times over,
leaving claimants to fight among themselves for the land. The founders also ran a burglary ring that stole appliances from residents' houses and engaged in other crimes that by 1991 resulted in their expulsion by residents.
A bus ride from the neighborhood to downtown Bel?m takes about 40 45 minutes. Surrounding Bom Futuro are other small squatter invasions?
Carmel?ndia, Cabanagem I, Cabanagem II, Jardim Sideral, Satelite, and
others?that by the close of the 1990s have begun to resemble a super
neighborhood along the Augusto Montenegro Highway that is about the size of present-day Jurunas and is referred by city planners simply as
"Cabanagem." Each of the neighborhoods within the area has its own or
ganizational structure, however, and there is presently no federation of
neighborhood associations for the area as in Jurunas and other older, large neighborhoods. The neighborhoods of the larger Cabanagem area are in fact like the microneighborhoods of Jurunas, such as Radional, each with its own
neighborhood associations, like COBAJUR. Bom Futuro's one neighborhood association, "Unidos Venceremos"
("United We shall be Victorious") has alternated between episodes of activ
ity and inactivity. For the most part, the association has been staffed and run
by residents who had hoped to establish clientelistic relationships between
politicians and the community. In this scheme, the neighborhood associa tion is a both a fulcrum between the neighborhood and the larger city as
well as a source of income and local power for its leaders?which reflects the area's origins in land speculation schemes. Attempts to clean up the
neighborhood association or organize residents for any other reason have tended to demonstrate the high start-up costs of mobilization.
508 Guidry
These high start-up costs and the difficulty of building the kind of con
tinuous, vibrant public discourse created by COBAJUR is demonstrated in Bom Futuro by a youth group that sought to fill in the gap left by the stag nation and corruption of the neighborhood association. In 1992, MOJOC
(Young Catholic Workers' Movement, affiliated with the national move
ment of the same name), had begun working in the neighborhood through a nucleus of 10-15 young people (aged 13-30) gathered in small meetings, prayer groups, and social events. Here they entered the first moment of public
sphere development (Table 2). One of the group's first attempts to mobilize
residents was around the issue of traffic accidents on Augusto Montenegro
Highway at the entrance to the neighborhood. Crossing the highway?the
only way into the city center?was a daily hazard for residents, and enough
people had been injured and killed by speeding vehicles along this road
that residents called it the "Highway of Death."14 On the morning after
Christmas, 1992, a vehicle killed three teenagers and badly injured another
right in front of the neighborhood's entrance. The youths were relatives of
local residents. MOJOC decided to block the highway and create a pub lic demonstration, thus entering the "struggle to be seen." They disrupted traffic on two separate occasions and got a photo of it in the major lo
cal daily newspaper. As an issue, the problem of traffic accidents held all
the synergy that could result in a high level of public discourse and mo
bilization, but MOJOC was not ready to take such action. MOJOC failed to mobilize the neighborhood more broadly; they had not done the pa tient and systematic work of meetings and negotiations with residents that
would have led large numbers to the demonstration. In the end, it was just a
bunch of kids who managed to pull trees and things across the highway for a
while.
Geraldo, 27, student and MOJOC activist: Only the group did the demonstration. They
[the public and the government] saw that it was a minority. So up until now, nothing has happened. Because if everyone from the area would have gotten together, went
to the street, and did the demonstration, called the government's attention?then I
think something would have already happened.15
In this public action, MOJOC made a serious grievance "seen" in the
public sphere, but not beyond the already existing level of local understand
ing that traffics accidents were a major problem. The action did not engage the process of building public debate and discourse in a way that would
move from the second to the third moment of public sphere development
(Table 2). Geraldo notes that both the residents and the government offi
cials who cleared the roadblock saw that both the group its potential for
forcing the government to act was rather small?unlike the way in which
COBAJUR had used land invasion as a "weapon" of the movement.
The Struggle to Be Seen 509
For the next five years MOJOC returned to the first moment of public
sphere development, with hopes of creating neighborhood discourse that
would, over time, help to construct a larger, more visible movement capable of pulling off demonstrations like the road-block they had attempted. As
1993 wound down, the group secured a government contract to teach vo
cational skills (manicure and typing) in the Catholic church's meeting hall.
These kinds of activities are typical of the income-generating and cultural
programs usually taken up by community groups around Brazil and were, in
fact, the original types of activities that led to the formation of COBAJUR
and the other organizations involved with Bel?m's community movements
of the 1970s and 80s.
The classes were very successful, enrolling dozens of residents each year and generally creating a positive public image for the group. The classes
were part of MOJOC's overall mission of reaching out to youths to develop alternatives to common forms of street life (gangs, crime, drugs, etc.) and
opportunities for personal mobility. By 1997, the group added karate classes, as a way to engage young people in physical, recreational activities. Karate
was chosen specifically because of its appeal to young boys of recruitable age for street gangs. MOJOC activists hoped that their karate lessons would also
help open these boys up to thinking about their world by providing spaces for identity formation separate from the world of the street and gang activity.
In 1998, however, thieves broke into the church and the parish board
immediately suspected the youths in the MOJOC's karate class. The board
asked MOJOC to stop the classes, though it would be permitted to continue
its vocational training. This was not acceptable to MOJOC, which did not ac
cept the thesis that their students broke into the church and saw abandoning the class as contrary to its mission. After reviewing available alternatives, the group decided to end its affiliation with the church and attempt to work
with the "reform" ticket that had won recent elections for Bom Futuro's
neighborhood association in a latest attempt to rebuild that organization.
Apart from church groups (the Catholic Church, several Pentecostal
churches, and Afro-spiritist organizations), MOJOC and the neighborhood association are the only organized groups in Bom Futuro. MOJOC's activi
ties and the periodic attempts to revive the neighborhood association indi
cate that there are groups of residents who would like to see a popular public
sphere develop in the area, providing a forum to discuss issues of importance to the community. But neither MOJOC nor the neighborhood association can provide this. Residents of Bom Futuro must leave the neighborhood to pursue claims about politics. Those who have the time and resources do
just that?through other social movement organizations in other parts of
town?but for the rest there is no locally viable outlet for community-based
grievances.
510 Guidry
A note regarding social memory and learning curves is warranted. These
neighborhoods aren't sealed off from one another, and the residue of mem
ory from the CBB and the glory days of Jurunas is known and felt by residents
in the area. One woman in Bom Futuro who had grown up in Jurunas recalled
very accurately and fondly COBAJUR, the demonstrations, the invasions
in the 1980s, how the group leaders appeared on television to make their
appeals, and how the governor finally arrived to inaugurate a school and
legalize land tenure. These stories are well-known. From 1998 through 2000, the MOJOC tried again to gain a public platform in the community. They
developed some contacts with professional grassroots support organizations
(GRSOs, see Fisher 1998), and became involved in attempts to renew the
neighborhood association. These attempts failed, however, and the group is
inactive, though many of the participants continue to live in the neighbor hood and remain in contact with each other. These are latent sources for the
construction of a popular public sphere, though at present little more than
that.
High Mobilization and Cycles of Contention. Aura is home to about
5,000 people and lies about 15 km from central Bel?m in the suburb of
Ananindeua. Ananindeua is a separate municipality that is contiguous with
Bel?m. The growth of the "new periphery" has fueled a population explosion in Ananindeua to around 250,000 inhabitants. Community movements in
Ananindeua and across metropolitan Bel?m work together in organizations like the CBB and metropolitan federations.16 The Aura Road takes off from
the Bel?m-Brasflia Highway just across from the city hall of Ananindeua, between a small hospital and a Catholic seminary for the Silesian Order. In
early 1990, a young man named Orlando organized the invasion of some
government-owned lands that were surrounded by swamps and a few agri cultural concerns. Orlando thought he could marry his own ambitions for a
city council seat to the political machine of Jader Barbalho, former gover nor from 1982-86 and the expected (and eventual) winner in the 1990 race
for governor. The invasion proved successful, but Orlando did not. He lost
his bid for a city council seat in 1992 and by 1994 had disappeared from
the area. Instead of becoming part of an electoral machine, like so many of the invasions that sprang up around the 1990 elections, Aura developed one of the strongest community movements in Ananindeua, reminiscent of
COBAJUR, the CEB, and the heyday of community activism in the 1970s
and 80s.
In 1991, three ex-seminarians named Jo?o, Julio, and Chiquinho settled
in the neighborhood and established a small prayer group that met one night a week. As residents of the neighborhood, the young men formed relation
ships and friendships, and Jo?o eventually married into a family participating in the prayer group. Shortly after the prayer group began meeting, it started
The Struggle to Be Seen 511
to engage discussions of the members' common experiences of poverty, vio
lence, unemployment, relationships with the wealthy, and so forth?asking not how one should live with these things but rather how the community
might change them.17 The group began promoting, in effect, a semipublic discussion of the area's servicing needs and possible ways to address them.
In November 1991, Jo?o and Julio expanded the group's presence by carry
ing out a small survey of 250 families about community concerns. Education was the topic most frequently cited, in keeping with the sentiments of the vast
majority of Brazilians in all classes, who directly link education to material success and security.18
As a result of the survey, the prayer group decided to build a "community school," a project typical to Brazilian neighborhood movements, not unlike
the vocational training sponsored by MOJOC in Bom Futuro. Community schools are small pre- and elementary schools staffed by neighborhood res
idents and funded by the government. In the original invasion, Orlando had
set aside some land for a community school, and Jo?o's group was able to
acquire that lot. Next, they approached the state of Para to apply for gov ernment funding, but they were told that they needed to have their own
building and teachers before the state would consider the application. In
January of 1992, the group formed a small committee of residents to meet
with priests at the Silesian Seminary on the corner of the Bel?m-Bras?lia
highway and Aura Road. The Silesians helped to secure start-up funding from a German nongovernmental organization. Neighborhood residents, excited by the prospect of a nearby school for their children, joined together to help construct the three connected buildings with several classrooms and an administrative office. The "Anani Community School" was named af ter the tree for which the town Ananindeua was named and teaches the
North American equivalent of kindergarten through the fourth grade. Two hundred fifty students enrolled in classes that began on 9 March 1992, and on 1 April the state government finally granted a contract (convenio) to pro vide renewable annual funding, including salaries for teaching, clerical, and
general staff. Members of the prayer group staffed the school, and thereafter the entire neighborhood began to refer to Jo?o, Julio, and Chiquinho simply as "the teachers."
In the Anani school, the neighborhood movement gained a major re
source. The school provided income to activists, who were now able to pursue
neighborhood organizing on almost a full-time basis. The school extended the movement's reach into hundreds of families, providing a service that was
highly valued. The school gave "the teachers" and the movement an image of success?it demonstrated that the group could formulate a plan and raise the necessary capital and labor to pull it off. The school became a central
meeting place, helping to build a larger popular public sphere in which to
512 Guidry
develop public debate about community issues and politics. In the end, the
school was a concrete symbol of the community's identity and "the teachers"
prominent role in building that identity. In short order, Jo?o and company
began to hold regular meetings aimed at establishing a formal neighborhood association, which they did on September 26,1993.
This process was extended to other urban servicing issues as the move
ment began to discuss the relationship between taxes, services, and class
through the lens of citizenship. Jo?o and the other leaders asserted that the
residents were already paying for services?like garbage collection?that
they were not receiving. Instead, they were paying for the cleanliness and
security of wealthy neighborhoods. Jo?o emphasized the proprietary rights of citizens to the allocation of public funds; "it's not true that it's really the
government's money, but it's the people's, from taxes."19 During meetings,
Chiquinho typically brandished a small paperback copy of the Brazilian con
stitution, shaking it in the air and proclaiming that urban development was
indeed a right of citizenship. At times they read from the constitution?"the
fundamental objectives of the Federal Republic of Brazil" are "to construct
a free, just, and solidaristic society," "to guarantee national development," "to eradicate poverty and marginalization [social exclusion] and to reduce
social and regional inequalities," and "to promote the well-being of all, with
out regard to origin, race, sex, color, age, and other forms of discrimination"
(Brazilian Constitution, Tit. I, Art 3). Their point was that the promise of
political equality, which is fundamental to democracy, carries with it material
correlates that raised questions about the geography of poverty and wealth
experienced daily by everyone in Aura. After raising these questions, the
teachers asked residents what should be done.
Over time, a cycle was established as the movement continually in
serted itself into public politics by repeating the passage through the first,
second, and third moments public sphere development (Table 2). Every few
months, they would call a meeting to discuss a particular problem facing the community?bus service and crime/public safety in mid-1992, the state
of the bridge on the road into Aura in mid-1993, garbage collection and a
renewal of efforts on crime/public safety in mid-1995, municipal elections in
mid-1996. The initial meeting about a topic would explore residents' feelings on the issue and, with the help of Jo?o, Julio, and Chiquinho's references to
the national and state constitutions, question the relationship of government to the issue. A next meeting would be devoted to what action the commu
nity should take. In this period, Aura became known as home to the most
provocative neighborhood association in Ananindeua.
The reasons include a combination of causes: a (semi)professional lead
ership, collective action that created resource bases, the benefits generated
by the movement, and the continuous development of the neighborhood's
The Struggle to Be Seen 513
popular public sphere through meetings and public actions that altered
bargaining position of residents, movement activists, and local politicians. With every round of encounters at city hall and with other public officials,
the movement built out from the neighborhood's popular public sphere to
challenge discourse in the larger public sphere, changing the terms of that
discourse and registering Aura as a legitimate public actor. Through the
public sphere, the movement's previous successes framed and plotted fu
ture actions. Thus the public sphere ties the material benefits obtained
by the movements to the "normative" and "symbolic order" (March and
Olsen 1984, 744) promised by citizenship and enumerated in the
constitution.
The movement has been able to draw upon a consistent base of support in the neighborhood. School enrollments, from preschool to the U.S. equiv alent of fourth grade, have stayed between 400-600 students since 1993.
Meetings tended to turn out 30-50 people, demonstrations (usually in front
of Ananindeua's city hall) 100-300. Petitions gathered well over 1,000 or
2,000 signatures. In September, 1993, over 700 residents voted to formally establish a neighborhood association, and elected Jo?o as its president. In
1995, Jo?o and several other members of the group publicly announced that
they were affiliated with the Workers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores,
PT), Brazil largest party on the left. The neighborhood association sup
ported them and also agreed to endorse Jo?o as a city council candidate in
the 1996 municipal elections. By the barest of margins, he won a seat, which
then provided the movement a new voice in city hall and an even larger
presence in Ananindeua and metropolitan Bel?m.
During Jo?o's term on the city council, he and Julio began to construct a larger organization that managed to turn out over a thousand people for a demonstration in June 1998. This led to the formation of the Movimento
das Ocupa?oes de Ananindeua?MOA, lit. the Movement of Occupations in
Ananindeua.20 MOA was to be larger version of what had taken place already in Aura, though more highly politicized. They developed ideological affini
ties and concrete linkages to the Landless Movement in Brazil (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra, MST), which is a rural organization that occupies privately owned farms and agitates for agrarian reform. The
MST is the most radical and well-publicized grassroots movement to emerge in Brazil since the 1970s.
CONTRACTION AND CYCLICAL DEVELOPMENT
Jurunas in the 1980s and Aura in the 1990s demonstrate clearly the
"major themes" of urban social movements identified by Manuel Castells
514 Guidry
(1983, xviii)?a focus on the collective consumption of services provided by the state (sanitation, education, etc.), the formation and defense of an
identity linked to the neighborhood (territory) itself, and the mobilization aimed at local governments (city and state). In Bom Futuro, the youths in MOJOC were thinking in these terms, but they lacked the experience to develop a community movement with a broad base, deep roots, and a
credible continuity in public action. Movements, however, go through "cycles of protest" that reflect a dynamic relationship of internal resources, identity, and mobilization to the political opportunity structure mediated by the state
(Tarrow 1994,153), and the decline of the community movement in Jurunas
and some setbacks in Aura prompt us to think about movements' relation
to public politics over time.
The community movement of Jurunas and greater Bel?m that began in the late 1970s was part of a large cycle of protest that extended through out Latin America, especially in countries dominated by military regimes and authoritarian governments. In this cycle, broad opposition movements
brought together community organizations, labor movements, human rights groups, women's and racial identity organizations, progressive religious ac
tivists (in both Catholic and Protestant churches), and moderate to left wing
politicians (see Perlman 1976; Eckstein 1988, 1989; Hipsher 1996; Castells
1983; Levine 1986,1992; Gay 1994; Stokes 1995). The transitions to democ
racy that began in Peru in 1980 and rapidly engulfed the region opened up
political space and provided the impetus for an explosion of organizing in
civil society that carries on to the present (Casta?eda 1994,203-36; Escobar
and Alvarez 1992; Alvarez et al. 1998). Yet as observers note with increas
ingly frequency, the proliferation and variety of organizations in civil society has also been linked to a fragmenting of progressive political movements,
especially labor and parties of the Left, that have traditionally been key to
the redress of popular grievances such as those discussed above (Roberts
1998). The history of neighborhood movements in Bel?m and Jurunas com
piled in the library of FASE, a national grassroots support organization
(GRSO, see Fisher 1998), shows a precipitous decline in CBB and COBAJUR
activism from the late 1980s on. Part of the decline of the CBB is explained
by the attempts of Jader Barbalho to co-opt community movements through a state-sponsored federation.21 Though the CBB is still active today, it cannot
put together the kinds of large-scale campaigns it did prior to 1990. Dozens of
neighborhood organizations continue to be affiliated with the CBB, but or
ganizational numbers are not backed by mobilization. At the same time, the CBB has also moved away from direct confrontation with the state
and the politics of mass demonstrations and toward a professionalization of activist leadership, strong connections to FASE and other GRSOs, and
The Struggle to Be Seen 515
negotiated relationships with office-holders and bureaucrats sympathetic to
the movement.
COBAJUR's history in Jurunas reflects this process. The group contin ues its work as one of 33 community associations serving the 100,000-plus residents of Jurunas, each association representing smaller subsections of
the neighborhood. Some groups consist of only a few families and represent one street on one block; larger associations may represent an area of several
square blocks with a few thousand inhabitants (though many fewer are active
members of the organization). A federation of neighborhood associations
brings these groups together to coordinate claims and relationships to the
municipal and state governments, but in general the movement relies more on its "glorious past" than any significant accomplishments (demonstrations,
improved services, land tenure concessions, etc.) in the period since 1985. In both Jurunas and Aura, though much more so in the former, leaders
tell a story that emphasizes how residents who were mobilized around some
very specific projects (the land invasions in Radional, the school and some
of the services around Aura) became satisfied, complacent, or too busy to
continue working for the community movement. Leaders see many of the
residents as only self-interested and concerned with material benefits, and not with the development of the group, a very common concern in move
ments of all kinds. What begins as a "free rider" effect (Olson 1965, see also
Bayard de Vol? 2001,189-97) can, especially in the case of Jurunas, simply result in a movement losing the interest of residents to the point at which collective action depends on starting over?looking to the popular discourse of a community in order to define issues and mobilization potential. The flux in mobilization also represents an ebbing of concentrated collective action related to the larger cycle of democratization in Brazil. To some extent, the
military's exit from power in 1985 and the return to democratic government eroded the solidarity of the community movement of the 1980s as individual
neighborhood associations became affiliated and, in many cases, co-opted by the populist and clientelist politicians who held sway in Bel?m until the late 1990s.22
In Aura, the movement was able to fend off Barbalho's machine, and the Anani School continues to provide an important resource and source
of identity to the movement. But the school and the movement grew apart somewhat when Jo?o left to take up his seat on the city council in 1996.
Chiquinho, however, has kept his job as a teacher there, but Jo?o lost his city council seat in the 2000 elections, presenting the movement with a serious setback. Jo?o received just about the same number of votes in 2000 as in
1996, but under Brazil's proportional representation system, a very popular mayor from the centrist bloc of parties opposed to the PT was able carry several candidates on his coattails.
516 Guidry
LESSONS LEARNED: MEMORY, MOVEMENTS, AND ROUTINE POLITICS
In this way, just as movements contract, the public spheres they generate can also contract, shrinking back from the robust encounter with the domi
nant public sphere represented in Tables 1 and 2, where the concerns of an op
position counterpublic can affect the discourse and actions of politicians and
the state. We should note well, however, the "social memory" (Uehling 2000,
262-63) of earlier mobilizations. The "glorious past" may be over in Jurunas, and the movement in Aura treading water for the time being, but these move
ments and the public politics they generated are present in the memories of
residents. People still talk about these movements, not only where they have
been successful, but also as models that continue to motivate activists in Bom
Futuro and similar neighborhoods. Even persons who have stopped going to meetings speak longingly of the past, in the same way that leaders do, and
together they sustain social memories that will be an important resource in
a revival of neighborhood activism there, given the probability of changing
opportunity structures, party coalitions, and electoral contests.
Movement memory becomes social through popular public spheres, and even as residue it never loses that public quality that allows general, anony
mous persons to share it, including those too young to have been present or
who arrived too late. Moreover, in the urban context, one neighborhood's
glorious past is an example of what other communities could achieve now.
The iterative, learning process presented in Tables 1 and 2 and in the histories
of Jurunas and Aura apply both within and beyond the borders of any partic ular group or community. Latent identities and concerns (Gamson 1992) are
tangible resources that fuel public discourse. In cases around the globe, social
memory has been identified as a major resource for identity formation and
mobilization: Tatars in the post-Soviet Crimea (Uehling 2000), mothers of
slain soldiers in Nicaragua (Bayard de Vol? 2001), African Americans in the
civil rights era (Harris 1994), and women involved in the Greek Resistance
(Hart 1996). Movement organizations, through processes of public sphere formation and meditation, remake the past into the elements of contempo
rary politics as they seek to represent the grievances and concerns of persons who are marginal to, or excluded from, public politics in democracies.
The importance of potential and latency becomes manifest in consid
ering repeated iterations of the process. An oppositional or popular public
sphere can develop where people share similar grievances about everyday life and potentially similar stories about how those everyday situations came
to be. Movements coalesce around these grievances, but they only consol
idate and grow when organizations can frame these situations with stories
that link grievances as directly as possible to visible actors and solutions,
The Struggle to Be Seen 517
usually in formal politics and through the hegemonic public sphere. This is
how movement frames develop the "resonance" that analysts recognize as
crucial to popular mobilization (Snow and Benford 1988). The repetition of public politics in meetings, demonstrations, and successive interactions
(however small) with the state strengthens the cultural frames and iden
tity resources. In the relationship of actors at the nexus of hegemonic and
oppositional public spheres, repetition works to alter the bargaining pro cess. Events and expectations build the third moment of "routine politics"
(Table 1), when the kinds of collective action that constructed the popular
public sphere (Somers 1993) become the "modular" (Tarrow 1994) tactics
of movement repertoires and are available to other publics. At this point, the contours of contention are a well-traveled map for actors on either side.
CONCLUSION
Collective action transforms lived experience into compelling political claims with two consequences: (1) more powerful actors see the terms of
political interaction differently, while at the same time (2) less powerful actors see their own agency and capacities in a different light. This very
process of "working the linkages" is fundamental to a transformative politics
(Levine 1992) that alters expectations and the force of public commitments
in such as way as to imagine, at the very least, institutional change. Effective
movement leaders employ strategies of framing that translate the language of the neighborhood into the language of power, putting into action the critical substance of the statements discussed earlier in the first section of
the paper. They turn block parties, prayer groups, and social events into arenas of political debate. Gramsci (1971, 331) refers to this as "renovating an already existing activity," and in this process the discourse of everyday life
moves toward resistance. Movement actors become important at this point in translating the language and emotions of resistance into a constructive
attempt to alter the rules of dominant public spheres. Beyond exchange and brokerage, movement actors work to alter the rules governing behavior on both sides of the gap in which they work. Movement leaders may help define a popular public sphere in one place, but they are working with one
foot at the door of the dominant public sphere.23 Movement actors suggest,
through words and actions, changes in the way that citizenship is perceived
by politicians and ordinary people alike.
The struggle to be seen describes this process of change and suggests how citizenship can be contested and reenvisioned in contemporary Brazil in a way that pushes beyond the "low intensity citizenship" described by
O'Donnell (1993) in the region. In this article, we have discussed very
518 Guidry
local-level attempts to develop popular public spheres that contribute to
Dagnino's (1998) more sweeping analysis of how movements have begun to
push for the expansion of citizenship. In this struggle, common membership in the polity is juxtaposed to the distance between the rich and poor. The
"struggle to be seen" bridges that gap and puts in play a public process of
recognition and commitment that are, at least potentially, transformative. These events do not stand alone but are part of an iterative process in which
citizenship is defined and refined at each moment through distributive claims
that serve as material markers for a larger project of identity construction. In
repeated interaction, movements and other political actors come to shared, if no less contentious, definitions of what it means to be a member of a
polity, and not infrequently membership in the polity (citizenship) is tied to
the kinds of services and political goods a person receives from the state.
The "routine politics" that movements seek to establish is crucial to re
alizing the potential of the "deepening democracy" idea analyzed by Roberts
(1998). Without the kind of consistent pressure to open up the public sphere and place both popular actors and their claims on the political landscape, the "logic of political majorities" (p. 24) cannot move forward. In his survey of the Latin America in the early post-Cold War years, Jorge Casta?eda de
scribes the kind political transformation that occurs in the movement from
the struggle to be seen to routine politics and party linkages: "...popular
protest must transcend its purely social origins and forms of struggle, reach
ing into the political arena" (Casta?eda 1994, 364). The struggle to be seen
is thus a necessary condition for electoral advances by popular movements
and political parties, usually left-of-center, that claim to represent ordinary
people.24
ENDNOTES
1. In Latin American cases, see Fais Borda (1992), Mische (1995), Catsa?eda (1994, 364), Korzeniewicz and Smith (2000); elsewhere, Meyer et al. (1997,165), Sassen (1996,60-61), Robertson (1992).
2. There is growing recognition that movements may also be undemocratic, illiberal, or even
isolated from their own constituencies (Derluguian 2000; Dirks et al. 1994,5) 3. Daniel Levine (1986, 6) notes that the term "popular class" historically involves "at a
minimum... some notion of subordination and inequality" shared by divergent sectors of
the population, from the poor to the lower middle class.
4. For example, a woman from the countryside explained why she wanted to go back and
visit her family there. Marisa, 60, retired factory worker, Jurunas: "I want my husband to
retire, [then] I'll go back there because there are a lot of folks so much poorer than I am.
And I?we sometimes have things?old clothes, these things?and they come here to get the stuff from me ... And I have this promise to go back there and bring more, to save up
things here so I can take them there. Because there we see how it hurts: how poverty hurts.
Poverty hurts. That's just it. And so, I want to go back there."
5. Jorge, 22, unemployed, Bom Futuro.
The Struggle to Be Seen 519
6. Carolina had been involved in neighborhood politics in Jurunas for about 10 years at the
time of our interview in 1993 and still is today. 7. For an interesting comparative case that analyses symbolic contention in politics, see
Kubik's (1994) study of Solidarity and the crisis of the socialist state in Poland.
8. This definition and the characterization that follows is consistent across a growing literature.
See Habermas ([1962] 1989,1992), Calhoun (1992), Somers (1993), Fraser (1992), Dawson
(1994,1999), Keane (1996), Hanchard (1999), and Zaret (2000). 9. In Bel?m, the Maiorana family exercises a paramount position in both print and electronic
media: the major daily, O Liberal, Radio Liberal, TV-Liberal, all of which are affiliated
with Brazil's Globo media network that is among the largest media corporations in the
world.
10. It is important to note that movement organizations are not the only actors that clarify
popular discourse or stimulate the development of popular public spheres. Political parties and the formal organizations of civil society also contribute the process, as do a myriad of
informal practices in everyday life that involve the social networks and communication of
individuals to each other. Movement organizations may develop ties to and roots in these
other organizations and processes (as in McAdam 1999), and the model presented in this
paper can be extended to the relationship of other organizational and informal processes to public spheres as well.
11. The movement studied by Robert Gay (1994) in the neighborhood of Vidigal in Rio de
Janeiro is a classic example of this moment. See also Stokes (1995), Mainwaring (1989), Levine and Mainwaring (1989), Fais Borda (1992), Bayard-de-Volo (2000).
12. In the language of McAdam et al. (2001, 7-8), we may say that in the passage from the
second to the third moment of interaction, movements shift from "transgressive" to "con
tained" forms of contention.
13. The model demonstrates how the discourse of public spheres can shift over time, but we
should be careful to note the limitations of this process. Services and other political conces
sions that enhance the quality of citizenship are certainly gained in the process, as the cases
below and in the literature on community movements demonstrates (Degregori et al. 1986,
Gay 1994, Seidman 1994). But long-term, qualitative change?i.e. the full restructuring of
citizenship to meet Marshall's (1964,165) criterion of "rendering all differences irrelevant
to social status"?remains as much as much a normative ideal as it does a distant objective. 14. Daily newspapers are filled with reportage on pedestrians run over by cars and the re
sulting expressions of collective anger by poor residents. A typical story found in Bel?m's
major daily, O Liberal (3 May 1993), told of a taxi driver who had hit a man on a busy street. When the driver stopped to aide the victim, he was dragged away and killed by res
idents. Frequently, angry residents block the roads in acts of protest, as was the case with
3,000 residents of Juquitiba, protesting 25 recent incidents (O Liberal, 14 June 1993), and
in Bom Futuro, a neighborhood included in this study, where residents refer to the nearby
roadway as the "highway of death" (O Liberal, 8 February 1993). Children and youths are
frequent victims. In the 18 months between January, 1990, and July, 1991,736 minors were
hit by automobiles, resulting in 137 deaths (O Liberal, 16 June 1993). 15. No organization along the highway, which is 8 kilometers long, was ever able to put together
more than very limited actions of this type. The complaints about traffic went unanswered
for a long time. By 1995, the city had begun placing traffic lights on the highway, and
between 1998 and 2000 more lights, speed bumps, and police enforcement of traffic laws
had greatly improved the situation.
16. I was originally taken to Aura by community leaders from Ananindeua who attended a
CBB function in December, 1992, where I was present. 17. This kind of discussion is fundamental to the kinds of consciousness-raising
(conscientiza?ao) pedagogies suggested by the Brazilian priest and activist Pavlo Freir?, whose Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1983) provided a kind of mobilization manual among
progressive sectors of Catholic activists.
18. One of Janice Perlman's major findings in her seminal study, The Myth of Marginality
(1976) was that Rio de Janeiro's favelados (the equivalent of Aura's invaders) held most
520 Guidry
of the same social values as the Brazilian middle class, included a very high priority on
education.
19. Interview with Jo?o, Julio, Chiquinho, and others, 2 February 1993.
20. They preferred the term "occupations" to "invasions," since the latter implies ownership while the former implies taking what is not being used.
21. As leader of the opposition to the military regime in Para, Barbalho the candidate relied
upon the CBB and other movement organizations in 1982. As governor, he moved swiftly to co-opt the community movement by establishing state- and metropolitan federations
that, like the CBB, purported to represent neighborhood organizations in public politics. Funded by the state, the Metropolitan Federation and the State Federation were able to
offer neighborhood activists resources and opportunities not available to the CBB. These
organizations were never able to organize public campaigns like the CBB had and were
notably moribund. During his early career, Barbalho was a model of populist politics, based largely on urban land tenure issues, but since 1994 he has followed a slow trajectory of political demise as voters increasingly reject him and the corrupt machine politics he
represents. 22. Stokes (1995,55) notes a similar situation in Peru in the early-mid 1980s, where the return
to "civilian rule opened up new opportunities and incentives for clientelism..."
23. It was through a newspaper article in one of Bel?m's daily newspapers, A Provincia do
Para (19 December 1992), in fact, that I learned of Aura and the movement there. The
article reported that local residents had mobilized to obtain a creche where children could
receive food and care while their parents were away at work.
24. This is clearly demonstrated by the relationship of Brazil's largest left-of-center party, the Workers' Party to its base in labor, community, and progressive religious movements
(Seidman 1994,197-98). Beginning in 1979, the Workers' Party has slowly built up a na
tional organization that has managed to balance a relationship, frequently contentious,
between movement actors and its own politicians that has led to increased success in every round of elections since 1982 (Guidry forthcoming). In the national elections of October
2002, the party became the largest delegation in the lower house of the national legisla ture, with about a quarter of the seats, and its leader, Luis In?cio Lula da Silva, was elected
president with over 60% of the votes cast.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This research has been funded by dissertation grants from the SSRC and
HE Fulbright (1992-1993), the Hewlett International Travel Grant (1995), and Augustana College (1998, 2000, 2002). The author wishes to acknowl
edge the helpful comments of readers present during the 2000 Summer
Institute on Contentious Politics at the Center for Advanced Study in the Be
havioral Sciences (Palo Alto), especially Mark Sawyer, David Laitin, Peter
Houtzager, and Doug McAdam, as well as the anonymous referees for the
journal.
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