sn 6087 scottish demography: scottish migration to, and ... · the ‘escalator region...

UK Data Archive

Study Number 6087

Scottish Demography: Scottish Migration to, and Return from, South East England, 2005-2006

USER GUIDE

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ACTIVITIES AND ACHIEVEMENTS QUESTIONNAIRE

1. Non-Technical Summary A 1000 word (maximum) summary of the main research results, in non-technical language, should be provided below. The summary might be used by ESRC to publicise the research. It should cover the aims and objectives of the project, main research results and significant academic achievements, dissemination activities and potential or actual impacts on policy and practice.

Introduction Scotland’s demographic regime has changed dramatically in the last two decades. Traditionally net population loss through migration has reduced the scale of the country’s natural population growth. Recently, however, there has been a double reversal. The migration balance has switched in Scotland’s favour, while historically- low fertility levels have threatened natural population decline. It is in this context that the project researched the drivers of out and return migration to/from Scotland in relation to flows to the South East region of the UK (the single most important labour market for Scots living outside Scotland). The five detailed project aims are listed later in relation to the main research findings.

MethodsThe researchers adopted a multi-method approach, drawing on: a) secondary data sets, especially the ONS Longitudinal Study (LS), the 1991 and 2001 census results and NHSCR migration matrices provided by GRO Scotland. b) a household survey of 1200 addresses located in four different types of urban environment selected from across SE England, and c) in-depth interviews with return migrants.

Research Results In relation to Aim 1 (understanding processes favouring initial migration from Scotland) the household survey conducted in the South East suggested that employment opportunities were the dominant reason for initially leaving Scotland for the South East. Some 82% of respondents who had a university degree moved to the SE to get their very first job after graduation, with the remainder working elsewhere before moving to the region. Some 32% of those who had moved to the SE for their first job later enjoyed upward occupational mobility.

Amongst those graduates who had entered the labour market in other parts of the UK, or other parts of the world, and who subsequently got a job in the South East, some 54% experienced combined occupational and spatial mobility at the time of their migration to London and the South East. And if one focuses only on those who have held more than one job during their careers, then around 60% of migrants living in the SE appear to achieve upward mobility in the course of their occupational histories. It therefore emerges, not surprisingly, that the South East is a good destination for people from other parts of the UK wishing to achieve rapid promotion.

In relation to Aim 2 (analysing the South East as an 'escalator region'), examination of the LS data shows that the SE continues to operate as an upward occupational

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To cite this output:Findlay, Allan (2007). Scottish demography : Scottish migration to and return from SE England: Non-Technical Summary (Research Summary). ESRC End of Award Report, RES-342-25-0009. Swindon: ESRC

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escalator region. It does so for everyone who lives there, and Scots migrants to the region benefit, like others, from being part of the labour market of a global city. If in the last few years there has been a net decline in the Scottish population of the SE, analysis of the census data suggests that this is not because the UK’s leading city has excluded them from its attractive labour market. On the contrary, statistical analysis indicates that Scots in the SE enjoy greater occupational mobility than those who remain at home and also more than those who are born in the South East. The main report provides details of the factors responsible for this outcome (gender, marital status, social status, education and mobility).

Aim 3 analysed how labour market conditions have changed over time in relation to mobility. Secondary data shows that over time the gap between unemployment rates in Scotland and the South East of England has decreased hugely. The household questionnaire provided evidence of the ongoing success of Scots in the SE labour market in a range of professional and managerial positions, and the LS datasets confirmed the upward occupational success of Scots, 1991-2001. Many Scots changed employer once in the South East. These changes were not always by choice but were also the consequence of company takeovers and closures. The in-depth interviews brought out this feature, with many respondents attesting the high level of job insecurity that they had experienced in the SE. This was particularly noted in relation to the labour market following the recession of the early 1990s.

In relation to Aim 4 (Examination of the processes favouring Scots' return migration from the South East), the research produced evidence to show that significant levels of Scots return migration is occurring. The 2001 census (analysis of the SARS) showed that the return flow is made up dominantly of young, university -trained people contributing positively to the labour market. The proportion of early career movers (those aged 15-29) was greatest for return moves to the city of Edinburgh (44%).

In-depth interviews with some return migrants uncovered some of the reasons behind these moves. A common view was that uncertainties associated with the SE labour market, or direct experience of redundancy, was a significant trigger to considering return migration and if these feelings of job insecurity combined either with the emergence of a job opportunity in Scotland or family pressures to return home, then the chances of mobility was heightened.

Another feature of interest was the recognition amongst interviewees of the value of their migration experience to themselves and to the Scottish economy. In line with transnational theory, the trans-local linkages (MP Smith, 2001, 2005) established through mobility have significant enduring economic implications.

Aim 5 considered Policies issues. The research engaged with the debate on the future of the Scottish Executive’s Fresh Talent initiative in four main ways. First, the recent reversal of migration trends, which has led to more favourable population projections, raises the question whether Fresh Talent is still needed. Second, the significant sizeof migration flows from the SE to Scotland, comprising both returnee Scots and non-Scots, raises the question why Fresh Talent has ignored the potential for attracting talented workers from other parts of the UK (or other EU countries) and has instead adopted an explicitly international focus. Third, the composition of return migration

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flows (young educated people) suggests greater emphasis should be given by government to targeting the Scottish diaspora, recognising Scots who have moved to other parts of the UK after leaving university require a different policy approach to Scots who have moved abroad. Finally, although information on the motivations of migrants who relocate to Scotland is limited, evidence from our survey of returnee Scots on their relocation decision provides material which could be used to create effective promotional messages targeted specifically at Scots living in the South East.

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Main Report of ESRC Scottish Demography Project RES-342-25-0009

1. Background Enhanced mobility of goods, services, people and knowledges is a prominent feature of a globalising world (Kesselring, 2006). Although most would anticipate that these flows should reflect the centripetal effects of integrating regional, national and international labour markets, the redistributive impacts of flows are not always as expected. For example, Dunford et al. (1997, 274) note that net population flows out of the South East of England take place during boom years in short-run business cycles. Over the longer run, other surprises also emerge – for example, the 2001 census shows that during the 1990s Scottish migration to England had shrunk and the Scots-born population of the South East declined (White, 2003). It is therefore both interesting and important to ask ‘what drives the changing mobilities of the 21st century at an intra-state level?’.

One possible driver of labour flows between peripheral and core parts of an economy is the ‘escalator region hypothesis’ (Fielding, 1997). Escalator regions attract upwardly mobile professional and managerial staff in the so-called ‘new service class’ (Webb, 1999). This is because these regions are the focus of company and institutional headquarters and therefore serve as key locations for organisational and professional career progression. As a result younger managers and professionals move into these areas to achieve accreditation, training and promotion, and return flows occur of senior staff to peripheral labour markets later in their careers. Champion (2004) using 2001 census data has shown that return flows from the core to the English regions (tantalisingly Scotland was excluded) were much greater than many would have anticipated, perhaps reflecting greater skill circulation now than in the past and a greater mobility amongst the new service class (Champion and Fisher, 2003).

Alternatively, it is possible that mobility cultures have themselves changed fundamentally overtime, increasingly reflecting the power of individualisation in relation to the geographies of consumption (Mansvelt, 2005) in place of the structuring influence of production on labour market organisation. This idea would chime with Florida’s (2002) suggestion that the creative classes are highly mobile and can be encouraged to relocate to environments conducive to their lifestyle aspirations to construct post-modern do-it yourself biographies (Conradson and Latham, 2005). Mobility researchers need to seek evidence of these changes in terms of testing the extent to which old fixities (such as a single employer or single profession career) have really been challenged and replaced by fluid ‘eurostar’ lifesyles of a new mobile elite or in Sklair’s terms ‘an international capitalist class’ (Sklair, 2001). It is in relation to these wider debates, as well as in the specific context of Scotland facing new challenges in its demographic regime at the beginning of the 21st century, that this ESRC project set out to understand better the changing drivers of mobility linking Scotland to the economy of the South East of England.

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To cite this output: Findlay, Allan (2007). Psychological effects of chemical weapons : the impact of World War One: Full Research Report. ESRC End of Award Report, RES-342-25-0009. Swindon: ESRC

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2. Aims and Objectives Within the general objective of understanding the drivers of migration to and from the South East of England (hereafter abbreviated to SE), five main aims were established for the project:

To understand contemporary processes favouring initial migration from Scotland to the SE

To examine the changing position of the SE as an 'escalator region' for Scots

To research labour market processes and to understand how these processes have changed over time with the changing role of Scotland in the UK economy and within global economic systems

To understand the processes favouring Scots' return migration from the SE

To assess policies that the Scottish Executive could pursue to influence the flow of Scottish talent into and out of Scotland (to/from the SE)

3. Methods Three levels of methodological engagement were attempted.

Analysis of secondary data sets. This was the level of analysis encouraged in the ESRC Scottish Demography programme. The researchers made extensive use of both census and Labour Force Survey datasets. The 1991 and 2001 censuses provided a huge wealth of information about the Scots-born population of SE England as well as about return migration to Scotland (kindly provided in special tabulations by GRO Scotland). Analysis of the Sample of Anonymised Records also permitted investigation of the socio-economic characteristics of migrants to the SE and of return migrants to Scotland. A particularly rich data source was the ONS Longitudinal Survey. This permitted analysis, using log-linear modelling, of the occupational mobility of Scots in the SE by comparison with other groups and formed the key evidence base for the paper in Environment and Planning A (included as an output for evaluation).

Questionnaire survey. A survey (1,200 questionnaires) was undertaken to collect primary data on the labour market in the SE, as well as to explore the experiences, perceptions and plans of migrants. The structure of the survey followed the plan laid out in the original proposal, yielding useful findings for two areas of London as well as Milton Keynes and Oxford. These locations represented the most numerically significant in terms of the presence of Scots-born residents found in the four dominant area-types as classified in the ONS 2001 Census Areal Classification (Cosmopolitan London, Suburban London, Prospering UK and Urban Service Centre). The response rates in Oxford and Milton Keynes were higher (55% and 59% respectively) than in the London boroughs where it proved harder to make face to face contact with householders. In total information was collected for 1098 persons. The targeted approach led to the researchers having a sample not only of Scots-born migrants but also of others moving into the South East ‘escalator region’.

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In-depth interviews. A set of 30 in-depth interviews were completed with return migrants to Scotland. In addition a small number of interviews were conducted with Scots still living in the SE. Many more offers of interviews were presented to the researchers than could be taken up and as a result the decision was made to select those interviewees who most closely mirrored the census profile of return migrants. The final mix of interviews included 53% of people under the age of 40 and 47% of interviews relating to those had returned to Scotland since the year 2000. Analysis of the interview transcripts involved reading and re-reading of the transcripts to identify the main concepts elicited from discussions with the interviewees. By this method insights were gained about the meanings attached to initial out-migration from and later return migration to Scotland.

4. Results Analysis of the time series data from the Labour Force Survey and other sources provided the context for examination the specific research aims listed earlier. The time series analysis confirmed that migration between Scotland and the South East of England has been transformed since the 1980s. In the 1980s population exchanges were characterised by a significant loss of young people from Scotland. Since 1990 this pattern has been transformed to a position where Scotland now makes net population gains by migration (Figure 1) and where the largest inflows of people are in the younger cohorts.

Figure 1 Migration flows between Scotland and SE England, 1975-2005

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Figure 2 shows the best-fit trend lines for each cohort. Since the largest outflows from Scotland are also of the young, the pattern of exchange remains a complex one. Note there is no trend towards increased migration of retired people.

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Figure 2: Age-specific migration rates from the SE to Scotland, 1975-03, with linear best-fit trend lines

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Highlights of the research are now reported in relation to each of the five aims.

a) Processes favouring initial migration from Scotland (Aim 1)The researchers’ household survey was the primary tool used to investigate the processes favouring initial out-migration. Perhaps not surprisingly, employment opportunities were cited by survey respondents as the dominant reason for leaving for the SE (48.5% of responses). Asking direct questions about motivations for migrating is of course methodologically very problematic (Findlay and Li, 1999), but nevertheless a useful starting point for deeper analysis.

The authors’ survey identified 287 people with university degree qualifications who had moved to the South East at some point during their careers. Of these 226 were both economically active and willing to reveal sufficient details of their career histories to allow the researchers to investigate the escalator region hypothesis (Fielding, 1997) in terms of studying the relationship between their spatial and occupational mobility. The key issue of interest was to establish first at what point in the career trajectory people were getting on an ‘escalator’. The image presented by the term ‘escalator’ implies that the act of movement to the South East is combined with occupational mobility, but the survey results show that this does is not the experience of many migrants. Some 82% of survey respondents moved to the SE to get their very first job after graduation, with the remainder working elsewhere before moving to the region. This of course in no way should lead one to rejection of the notion of the SE as an escalator region. It simply affirms the perhaps obvious point that the South East attracts many labour migrants by routes other than career promotion.

Some 32% of those who moved to the SE for their first job later enjoyed upward occupational mobility, but it should be noted that a considerable number of respondents who had migrated to start their working lives in the SE were still in their first post (45%).

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Some of these were of course recent arrivals who could not reasonably have been expected to achieve promotion, but over half (53%) of those first entering employment through taking a job in the SE had done so more than 15 years ago and had simply remained occupationally static (at least in terms of the measures of occupational mobility used by the researchers) since their arrival. The first conclusion reached by the project was therefore that far from all migration to the SE (even amongst graduates) can be conceptualised as being part of career escalation.

Amongst those graduates who had entered the labour market in other parts of the UK or other parts of the world and who subsequently got a job in the South East, some 54% experienced combined occupational and spatial mobility at the time of their migration to London and the South East. A third of those who moved within the SE labour market gained further promotion, but there was no statistically significant difference between those who had moved to the South East for their first job and those who moved later, in the proportion who attained upward occupational mobility during their careers.

The data seem to point therefore to a second conclusion that for many people moving to the SE from existing jobs in regional labour markets, the SE does serve both as an escalator and elevator region. By these two terms we therefore imply that for those starting work outside the South East (as opposed to those moving to the South East for their first job), a move into the region often seems to be associated with promotion on a career escalator, and about a third of all migrants (both those taking a first job in the South East and others moving their at a later stage) enjoy occupational elevation after working there for some time. If one focuses only on those who have held more than one job during their careers, then around 60% of migrants living in the SE appear to achieve upward mobility in the course of their occupational histories. Whatever terms are therefore used to describe the South East, it emerges from the survey that it is a good place to work for migrants from other parts of the UK who wish to achieve promotion.

As noted in the paper submitted to the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, these figures are based on a small sample, and so need to be treated with caution. Nevertheless they seem to substantiate earlier claims in the literature about the key relation between migration and the South East economy, but they also complicate the picture by indicating the multiple spatial and occupational trajectories that bring people to the South East.

b) The South East as an 'escalator region' for Scots (Aim 2) Analysis of the LS data set would lead one to accept the view that the SE continues to operate as an attractive upward occupational escalator. It does so for everyone who lives there, and Scots migrants to the region continue to benefit like others from being part of the labour market of a global city. If in the last few years there appears to be a migration trend producing a net decline in the Scottish population of the SE, analysis of the Longitudinal Survey data suggest that this is not because the UK’s leading global city has excluded them from its attractive labour market. On the contrary, as the log-linear analysis of occupational mobility presented by the researchers in their paper in Environment and Planning A indicates, Scots in the SE enjoy greater occupational mobility than those who remain at home and also more than those who are born in the South East.

Log-linear modelling of the factors associated with these findings show some of the reasons why this is the case. Scots in the 1990s seemed to enjoy particular success in the

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SE labour market relative to English-born residents of the region, but this was largely because migration itself is a very selective process skewed towards the very kinds of people who do best in career terms (men doing better than women, single people doing better than married, those of higher social status enjoying more upward occupational mobility and those with university level education doing better than those without).

These findings are important in several different ways. At the level of migration theory, there seems little doubt that the results are generally supportive of Fielding’s (1992) view of how escalator regions operate as part of wider processes of economic restructuring. In line with Chiswick’s (2005) research on the occupational mobility of international migrants, the higher the level of an individual’s pre-migration skill the greater the occupational achievement after migration. But the corollorary of this is that while those with appropriate skill credentials increasingly benefited occupationally from spatial relocation, those that did not and who were immobile (whether living in Scotland or in the SE) faced a more severe challenge in making a livelihood than was the case in the past. This in turn has significant policy implications.

c) Analysis of how labour market conditions have changed over time (Aim 3) All three data sources indicated that significant changes over time. Multivariate of the time series datasets suggested that rates of out-migration from Scotland to the South East of England vary (statistically significant at the 95% level) inversely with Scottish house prices (but not with house prices in the South East) and directly with Scottish unemployment rates (but not with unemployment rates in the South East). In-migration rates from the SE to Scotland were statistically correlated only with house price variations (both in Scotland and the SE). The lack of correlation of in-migration with unemployment rates is not particularly surprising when one studies the dataset (Figure 3). Rates in both areas have moved more or less in parallel since 1992 making it unlikely that migration can be accounted for by crude measures such as this of regional differences in labour market opportunities.

Figure 3 Unemployment rates in Scotland and SE England, 1975-2005

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The household questionnaire provided evidence of the ongoing success of Scots in the SE labour market in a range of professional and managerial positions, and the LS datasets confirmed the upward occupational success of the group, 1991-2001. As noted in relation to Aim 1 above, many Scots changed employer once in the South East and the questionnaire results confirmed that these changes were not always by choice but were also the consequence of firm takeovers and closures. The in-depth interviews brought out this feature more clearly than any other dataset, with many respondents attesting the high level of job insecurity that they had experienced in the SE. This was particularly noted in relation to the labour market following the recession of the early 1990s.

d) Processes favouring Scots' return migration from the South East (Aim 4)The research project produced evidence to show that significant levels of Scots return migration from England is occurring. Table 1 shows the relatively youthful composition of the return flow (approximately two thirds of returnees were aged 15-44). The return flow is clearly made up dominantly of young active people contributing positively to the labour market. The proportion of early career movers (those aged 15-29) was greatest for return moves to the city of Edinburgh (44%), but with Aberdeen and Glasgow not far behind. Of course not all in this cohort would be actively employed. The flow includes some Scottish students returning from studying at English universities.

Table 1: Age structure of Scots return migrants from London/ the SE. (Percent), 2001 Age cohort All Scotland 0-14 11.56 15-29 33.30 30-44 32.6545-59 13.4260-74 6.8975+ 2.18

Source: Calculated from special tabulations provided by GROS, 2001 census

Table 2 summarises the results of a series of chi square tests comparing Scots-born returnees with the characteristics of those who did not come back north. It can be seen that the group of Scots most likely to return north of the border are the young and well qualified. The finding that young Scots living in the South East are open to the possibility of returning north (see the Environment and Planning A paper for more details) is significant, since it bears out the view that opportunities for good career advancement within a global city are not perceived as an all important influence on migration decisions. Equally encouraging for politicians promoting a policy of attracting ‘Fresh Talent’ to Scotland is the finding that it is the best qualified Scots who are the most likely to succeed in making a return move to the Scottish labour market. Some might even suggest that these moves in themselves support the view that Scotland has a talent shortage that justifies the current Scottish Executive policy.

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Table 2: Comparison of Scottish-born returnees and Scots-born persons remaining in the South East of England, 2001

Returnees (%) Scots in SE (%)

Chi square Significant at p=0.05

Age 15-29 36.3 15.5 41.34 YesMale 42.9 50.3 3.32 NoUni. Degree 50.0 36.9 9.94 YesDependentchildren

50.0 57.7 2.48 No

2 or morecars/vans

32.0 37.0 1.57 No

NS-SeC 1-2 38.5 39.0 0.01 NoSource: Calculated from SARS data

Analysis of in-depth interviews with return migrants to Scotland added significantly to these insights in a number of ways. First, they revealed some shared underlying meanings attached to return migration and the circumstances surrounding return. Two examples of shared values are cited below, but they should not be read as representing all return migrants. Indeed as one would expect, the interviews revealed a complex diversity of views, but one common view of those we spoke to was that uncertainties associated with the SE labour market, or direct experience of redundancy, was a significant trigger to considering return migration and if these feelings of job insecurity combined either with the emergence of a job opportunity in Scotland or family pressures to return home, then the chances of mobility was heightened. Given the high level of fluidity in the SE labour market over recent years, the increased chance in the private sector of working in a firm that was involved in being taken over or merged, and the likelihood of those working in the professions of finding career paths dislodged by restructuring in for example the health or education sectors, these factors come together at an aggregate level of the life histories of those we interviewed, to greatly increase the likelihood of return migration to Scotland of professional and managerial workers (relative to likelihood of this in the 1970s or 1980s). Consider the evidence of the following interview extracts:

(Alistair) …coming back wasn’t pre-ordained. I mean it was just the circumstances really. London was a fantastic experience but I actually got made redundant in 1992, all my work was driven by profits and by the end of the 1980’s, early 90’s there was the big recession so a lot of work disappeared like snow off a dyke. At the time my wife was actually very keen to go back to Scotland. (Colin) …. I got made redundant… so I took the opportunity to come back up north. (Clair) …. I actually got made redundant in London but it worked out okay because I knew that it was time to go home anyway. I didn’t like London; I didn’t like the environment as a place for a child. I also had this idea in my mind about Scotland that it was so much better back there and I wanted to escape and come back to somewhere that I knew what it was going to be like for my child to grow up. (Mary) … I mean we’d been in Oxford for about five years and the company that I worked for had already gone through two rounds of redundancy, so everybody was kind of (on) tenderhooks. So I started looking around for positions back up in Scotland. Because we thought we’d like to move back up to Scotland and start a family.

A second strand emerging from the interviews, hinted at both by Clair and Mary, was the desire to give children the chance to grow up in Scotland. This reflected the interviewees’ deeply held values relating to cultural and quality of life factors. There is much of course that could be said about it in terms of identity and identification around this issue

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(Findlay et al 2004), but from the point of view of this report what is interesting is that it is the first time to the researchers’ knowledge that this finding has been elicited from Scots migrants (although it has often been found in other migrant communities). It helps to explain why at least some of the sample of movers were returning to Scotland in the late 20s and early 30s rather than later in life. It underscores that it would be wrong to represent return migration as driven only by economic factors.

A final feature that we would wish to draw out here relating to return migration is the evidence of trans-local linkages being recognised as of value to the Scottish economy (MP Smith, 2001; 2005). Consider the following:

(Alistair) … Even though they [former colleagues] work for big London law firms, they still do business in Scotland… I’ve had a lot of referrals from them which is nice and has brought in extra work to the firm. .. We have some quite regular work from big firms in London because of my personal relationships there.(Jane) … Well I think that I’ve definitely brought skills back, and they have certainly benefited me in getting this job. I’ve worked for three leading organisations, massive international organisations ….(Mary) .. I definitely have contacts (in London). I mean my boss is always coming up to me and saying ‘is there such a person that could do this’ or ‘find that out’. I can usually put my hand up and say yes, there’s a couple of contacts …

These voices recognise that social and business contacts in the South East were both important to people personally and also to their (Scottish) employers. Such a finding of course was to be expected given the research literature on transnationalism (Conradson and Latham, 2005). Its significance here is that it shows that the economic benefits of mobility operate not just at an international level, but also within the state in terms of the linkages established by migrants between core and regional economies.

e) Policies to influence the flow of Scottish talent into Scotland (Aim 5) Many policy issues have already been alluded to above, and are not repeated here.

The anxieties over demographic trends – low fertility, declining population and an ageing population (Macinnes and Diaz, 2007) – prompted the Scottish Executive in 2004 to introduce Fresh Talent, a package of initiatives intended to reposition Scotland internationally, smoothing the process of talented individuals to come to Scotland to work, study and live and do business, and to promote the openness of Scotland to ‘outsiders’. In its first two years the main emphasis of the programme was on enabling international students to work in Scotland after completing their studies and the creation of the Relocation Advisory Service to widen and lubricate the channels through which people relocate to Scotland. One of the research team’s members (Mason) was involved in an in-depth ‘progress review’ of the Fresh Talent for the Scottish Executive (Rogerson, Boyle and Mason, 2006).

Our ESRC research engages with the debate on the future of Fresh Talent in four main ways. First, the recent reversal of migration trends, which has led to more favourable population projections, raises the question whether Fresh Talent is still needed.

Second, the significant size of migration flows from the SE to Scotland, comprising both returnee Scots and non-Scots, raises the question why Fresh Talent has ignored the potential for attracting talented workers from other parts of the UK (or other EU countries) and has instead adopted an explicitly international focus.

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Third, our evidence of the significant flow of returnee Scots of working age from the SE, and the interest of many other Scots in the region in returning, suggests that Fresh Talentshould place greater emphasis on targeting expatriate Scots. Of course, the Scottish diaspora is heterogeneous in terms of the strength of their ties to Scotland, hence an approach that is targeted at Scots who have moved to other parts of the UK after leaving university involves quite a different approach to approaches aimed at attracting Scots who have moved abroad or are second generation members of the diaspora living in the USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. In short, it is surprising that Scots in the SE have not been identified by Fresh Talent as a key target.

Finally, although evidence on the motivations of migrants who relocate to Scotland is limited, it is nevertheless clear that various groups can be identified based on their reasons for relocating and their views of Scotland (Rogerson, et al, 2006; TNS System Three, 2006). These motivational factors are related, at least to some degree, to personal characteristics and prior knowledge of, and ties with, Scotland. This, in turn, means that different promotional messages are required, depending on which group of potential migrants is being targeted. Evidence from our survey of returnee Scots on their relocation decision therefore provides material which could be used to create effective promotional messages targeted specifically at Scots living in London and the South East.

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Macinnes J and Diaz JP 2007 Low fertility and population replacement in Scotland, Population Space and Place, 13, 3-22

Mansveldt J 2005 Geographies of Consumption (Sage: London)

Rogerson R, Mason, C and Boyle M. 2006 “Progress Report on the Fresh Talent Initiative. Edinburgh: Scottish Executive”. Accessed online November 9th 2006 http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/Doc/152086/0040945.pdf

Sklair L 2001 The Transnational Capitalist Class (Oxford, Blackwell)

Smith MP 2001 Transnational Urbanism (Oxford, Blackwell)

Smith MP 2005 “Transnational urbanism revisited” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 31, 235-44

TNS System Three Social Research (2006) Experience of People Who Relocate to Scotland, (Scottish Executive: Edinburgh)

Webb J, 1999 “Work and the new public service class?” Sociology 33, pp747-66

White P, 2003. “Not just rugby clubs: Scottish and Welsh-born migrants in London”. Scottish Geographical Journal, 199, pp 209-227.

5.Activities

The research team has been engaged in many activities associated with the project. The main academic activities have been attendance at conferences, but in addition to this the project has generated some media interest. The researchers also engaged throughout the project in communicating the findings to the Scottish Executive including briefings held at St Andrews House in June and August 2006.

Papers presented at conferences include:

Findlay presented a paper ‘Upward and onward: a study of Scots out-migration formm a global city’ at the Fourth International Population Geography Conference, University of Liverpool, May 2006

Houston presented a paper ‘Will attracting the ‘Creative Class’ boost economic prosperity in peripheral regional economies?’ to the Royal Geographical Society/Institute of British Geography Annual Conference, RGS London, September 2006

Mason presented a paper ‘Getting off the escalator?’ to the Regional Studies Association Annual Conference, November 2006

Findlay presented a paper ‘International migration to Scotland: trends and issues’ at a seminar on ‘Migration, families and relationships’ held at the Centre for Research on Families and Relationships, November 2006

Findlay also presented a research seminar on ‘Escalators, elevators and travelators’ to the Royal Statistical Society (Edinburgh), December 2006

31


REFERENCE No.

Other activities Findlay also participated as a discussant at a conference organised by the Scottish Executive on ‘Exploring the Impacts of Migration’, Dunblane Hydro Hotel, November 2005.

6. Outputs

a) A dataset based on the questionnaire survey has been deposited with the ESRC archive.b) Briefing papers have been presented to the Scottish Executive relating to the interim findings and a summary of the research project has been published under the title ‘where is Scotland’s population going? The Scene: the Social Sciences in Scotland, 2006, p15.

c) Journal publications linked directly to the project include: Findlay A and Houston D 2005 ‘Migration, economy and environment: the drivers of migration to Scotland’ Prace Geograficzne, 202, 125-44.

Findlay A, Mason C, Harrison R, Houston D and McCollum D (accepted for publication Jan 2007; in press) Getting off the escalator: A study of Scots out-migration from a global city region, Environment and Planning A.

Findlay A, Houston D, Mason C, McCollum D and Harrison R (under review) Escalators, elevators, and travelators: occupational mobility of the Scots in the South East. (Submitted to Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies Feb 2007).

Houston D, Findlay A, Harrison R and Mason C (under review) Will attracting the ‘Creative Class’ boost economic prosperity in peripheral regional economies? (submitted for a special issue of Geografiska Annaler on ‘Economies of Enterprise, Innovation and Creativity’ December 2006)

7. ImpactThe project was designed with the intention of providing findings of relevance to the Scottish Executive. The level of interest in the results attests the value of the project and this interest has taken on a new dimension since May 2007 with the election of an SNP-led government in Edinburgh that wishes to maintain a positive approach to migration, but one which may wish to differ from the Fresh Talent Initiative of the previous parliament.

On an academic front, the theoretical contribution of the project, in advancing understanding of the role of migration in linking core and regional economies is likely to be recognised over time, but as yet it is too soon to fully evaluate the impact.

8. Future Research The project has led to many future research questions that deserve attention. There is only space here to mention four interesting questions.

The question raised most often following the conference paper presentations has been ‘Since devolution, has Edinburgh and the Lothians become an escalator region within Scotland?’ This is a question that can now be addressed using the recently launched Scottish Longitudinal Study (SLS) dataset. An outline proposal has been approved by the SLS team and research will commence in August 2007.

32


REFERENCE No.

A second line of research would be to pursue further the dynamics of Scottish graduate migration drawing on the alumni dataset referred to in this report and through a more systematic survey of Scottish student migration flows.

A third area for future research concerns the interface between internal and international migration flows to Scotland. This has been hinted at in this report in relation to the policy options available to the Scottish Executive in relation to the Fresh Talent Initiative, but wider questions also arise relating to the extent to which migrants from the new EU Accesssion states are channelled directly to Scotland by gangmasters or migrate to Scotland as secondary moves after finding an initial job in the South East.

A fourth and final area worthy of future research arises from the theoretical works of Sklair (2001) and MP Smith (2001, 2005). These theorisations of skill mobility merit much more work at the level of trans-local and inter-regional movements. Nearly all work to date on these ideas has related to international migration.

33


Interview Schedule Interviews with return migrants to Scotland from South East England

Profile Questions –

Place of birth of respondent (and partner if applicable)

Town/ City

Age

16-24, 25-34, 35-49, 50-64, 65+

Current economic activity

Employed full time, Employed part time, Self employed (no employees), Self employed

(with employees), Unemployed, Permanently sick/disabled, in full time education,

Retired.

Current occupation and NS-SeC

Give occupation, DMcC can devise the NS-SeC based on occupation

Children or not

Number of children under 16

Education

Completed Secondary school, Standard grade, Highers, Bachelors/ Masters Degree,

PhD, Vocational qualification, Professional qualification, Other.

Year of leaving Scotland

Year of return to Scotland

Place of last residence in England

Last employment when in England

First place of residence when back in Scotland

1

First employment when back in Scotland

Career History – in your own words please…

Please give me a brief chronological account of your career since graduating (jobs,

employers, locations). Reasons for changing jobs.

Explain why you moved to England and what were the main factors influencing the

move? Consider elsewhere? Why move at that particular time? Impact of family

considerations?

Explain why you moved back to Scotland and what were the main factors influencing

your move? Impact of family considerations?

What were the main deterrents to returning?

What were the main problems faced once you returned, if any?

Explain the timing of your return move, why did you move when you did and not

earlier or later? How long was the time period between the decision to return and the

actual time of return?

Explain why you moved back to Scotland rather than another destination? Did you

consider other places e.g. USA, Europe etc?

Attitudes to career

What aspects of your work are most important to you?

Would you see yourself as strongly driven by your career?

How did your time in England affect your career?

2

Within your profession, do you consider migration to be a key part of occupational

mobility and why? Do you regard moving to the SE as essential for your career

progression?

Do you see yourself as normal or abnormal (compared with your contemporaries) in

terms of the career path that you have taken?

Do you see your return as benefiting/ harming your career? Why?

How do you perceive your return to Scotland in terms of the effect on your partner’s

career?

Attitudes to self and society

What would consider being your primary identity, why? How Scottish do you feel?

Do you feel more Scottish than British, or both?

If you lived in England before or after devolution/ Scottish Parliament did this change

affect your self – perception or how others viewed you?

As a returnee, how easy or difficult was it to fit back into life in Scotland?

What do you consider to be the key attractive and unattractive features of Scotland as

a place to live?

How important was residential environment to you in your decision to return, relative

to labour market/ personal factors?

How and why has your perception of Scotland as a place to live changed over time?

Career policy

Do you know other Scots living in the SE who would like to return? What is stopping

them from doing so?

Could the Scottish Executive help in any way?

3

4

How did your colleagues react to your decision to return to Scotland?

QUESTIONNAIRE

POPULATION MOVES TO AND FROM THE SOUTH EAST OF ENGLAND

This questionnaire is part of a research project on why people move to and from South East England. It is designed to contribute to better government policies. Any information that you provide will be treated as TOTALLY CONFIDENTIAL. It is being collected solely for the purpose of this research project and will not be passed on to anyone else. Please return your completed questionnaire to D.McCollum

THANK YOU FOR YOUR TIME SPENT COMPLETING THIS QUESTIONNAIRE

If you have any queries regarding the nature of this research project please contact one of the research team:

• Professor Allan Findlay, Dr Donald Houston or Mr David McCollum, Department of Geography, University of Dundee.

• Professor Colin Mason, Hunter Centre for Entrepreneurship, University of Strathclyde. • Professor Richard Harrison, Edinburgh University Management School, University of

Edinburgh.. SECTION A. HOUSEHOLD MEMBERS Please complete for each person aged 16 and over usually living at this address. A1. Demographic information Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 a) Age 1 16-24 1 16-24 1 16-24 1 16-24 2 25-34 2 25-34 2 25-34 2 25-34 3 35-49 3 35-49 3 35-49 3 35-49 4 50-64 4 50-64 4 50-64 4 50-64 5 65+ 5 65+ 5 65+ 5 65+ b) Sex 1 male 1 male 1 male 1 male 2 female 2 female 2 female 2 female c) Relationship to Adult 1 1 Spouse/

partner 1 Spouse/

partner 1 Spouse/

partner 2 Son/

daughter 2 Son/

daughter 2 Son/

daughter 3 other family

member 3 other family

member 3

other family

member 4 Friend/

housemate 4 Friend/

housemate 4 Friend/

housemate A2. Please give the number of children under 16 years old in each of the following age groups who live at this address. Number 0-4 years 5-11 years 12-16 years

A3. Current economic status Insert X in ONE box for each adult in the household Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 Employed

full time

Employed full time

Employed full time

Employed full time

Employed

part time

Employed part time

Employed part time

Employed part time

Self-

employed (no employees)

Self-employed (no employees)



Self-

employed (with employees)

Self-employed (with employees)



Unemployed

Unemployed Unemployed Unemployed

Permanently

sick/disabled

Permanently sick/disabled



In full time

education

In full time education



Looking

after home/family

Looking after home/family



Retired

Retired Retired Retired

Other

(specify)

Other (specify)

Other (specify)

Other (specify)

……………. ……………. …………….. ……………..

A4. Qualifications Insert an X for All that apply for each adult in the household Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 Secondary

school completed

Secondary school completed



O level/

standard grade/GCSE or equivalent

O level/ standard grade/GCSE or equivalent



A levels,

Highers or equivalent

A levels, Highers or equivalent



Bachelors/

Masters degree

Bachelors/ Masters degree



PhD

PhD PhD PhD

Vocational

qualification (e.g. City and Guild, HNC, HND)

Vocational qualification (e.g. City and Guild, HNC, HND)



Professional

qualifications (e.g. accountancy)

Professional qualifications (e.g. accountancy)



Other (specify)

Other (specify)

Other (specify)

Other (specify)

………………………

……………….

………………

…………….

A5. How many cars do the members of your household own/ have access to? Please underline

0 1 2 3 or more

SECTION B. RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY B1. Where were you born? (town/city and county if in UK, otherwise just give country) Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 B2. If different from above, where did you live when you completed your schooling? If the same go to B3 Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 B3. If you did not go to University, proceed to section C. If you attended a university/higher education establishment on a full-time basis, where was this? (town/city and county if in UK, otherwise just give country). If you attended more than one university, please answer for the last university attended, Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 B4. Please give year(s) of graduation Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4

SECTION C. CAREER MOBILITY Please tell us about the career histories of the adults in the household. If no one is in employment please go to Section D.

• Start with the current or most recent job first. • Ignore casual and temporary jobs of less than six months. • Don’t forget to include different jobs that you have held in the same organisation. • Also include periods of self-employment/freelancing and business ownership.

ADULT 1. Job title/description

Year started

Year finished

Name of employer (use SE for self-employed and OB for own business)

Location of job (town/city or country if not UK)


Year started

Year finished




Year started

Year finished




Year started

Year finished



SECTION D. RESIDENTIAL MOVES TO AND FROM THE SOUTH EAST OF ENGLAND Note: for the purposes of this study we define the South East of England as comprising: Greater London, Surrey, Berkshire, Hampshire and the Isle of Wight, East and West Sussex, Kent, Essex, Hertfordshire, Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire. If you were born in the South East of England (see definition above) then please go to Section E. D1. In what year did you first move to the South East of England? Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 Year

D2. What was the main reason for your initial move to the South East of England? Insert X in ONE box only for each adult. Adult Adult Adult Adult 1 2 3 4 1 Moved as a child with my family

2 To go to university

3 To look for a job

4 To take up a new job that I had been offered

5 Moved by my employer to a new job in the same organisation

6 To become self-employed/freelance

7 To start own business

8 For family-related reasons

9 For other personal reasons

10 Other reasons

D3. Would you ever contemplate moving back to the region/country that you moved from to come to the South East of England? Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 Never Unlikely Don’t know Possibly Definitely

SECTION E. RESIDENTIAL ENVIRONMENT E1. Please rate the following aspects of life in the town in which you live Please insert X in relevant box

0: Don’t know/not relevant to me

1: Very poor/bad

2: Poor

3: Satisfactory

4: Good

5: Excellent

Cultural attractions Outdoor recreational opportunities

Access to scenic areas Choice of job opportunities in my field

Choice of job opportunities for my partner

Quality of health care Quality of state schools

Choice of shopping facilities

Friendliness of people Weather Access to continental Europe

Place to bring up children

0: Don’t know/not 1: Very 2: 3: 4: 5: relevant to me high High Average Low Very low Wage levels Cost of living Crime levels Congestion levels


1: Extremely Cool

2: Very Cool

3: Cool

4: Uncool

5: Very

Uncool Coolness’


1: Very

Hostile

2: Hostil

e

3: Indifferent

4: Welcomin

g

5: Very

Welcoming

Acceptance of newcomers

0:

Don’t know/not relevant to me

1: Very Low

2: Low

3: Average

4: High

5: Very High

House prices

E2. Do you like living in an environment with a wide variety of people from different backgrounds? Please underline. Strongly like Like Indifferent Dislike Strongly Dislike E3. How likely is it that you will move out of the South East of England in the next 10 years?

Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 Impossible to say Very unlikely Possible Very likely Plans already laid E4. What would be the most likely circumstances that would make you consider moving out of the South East of England in the next ten years? Insert X for all that apply Adult

1 Adult

2 Adult

3 Adult

4 To take up a job with a new employer To take up a new job within my existing company

To become self-employed/freelance To start my own business Life style change (e.g. to ‘downshift’) Unemployed To move closer to elderly parents After children have left home To move closer to children/grandchildren To bring up a young family To retire To follow partner Under no circumstances. Very unlikely to move

Other (please specify)…………………………………………………………………………….

E5. Have you applied for any jobs in the last three years that would have required you to move from South East England? If Yes please indicate the region. Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 No applications South West England East Anglia East Midlands West Midlands Yorkshire and Humber North West England North East England Wales Scotland Northern Ireland Elsewhere in Europe Elsewhere in the World E6. What are your perceptions of Scotland? Please insert X according to your perceptions.


1: Very poor/bad

2: Poor

3: Satisfactory

4: Good

5: Excellent

Cultural attractions Outdoor recreational opportunities

Access to scenic areas Choice of job opportunities in my field

Choice of job opportunities for my partner

Quality of health care Quality of state schools

Choice of shopping facilities

Friendliness of people Weather Access to continental Europe

Place to bring up children

0: Don’t know/not 1: Very 2: 3: 4: 5: relevant to me high High Average Low Very low Wage levels Cost of living Crime levels Congestion levels


1: Extremely Cool

2: Very Cool

3: Cool

4: Uncool

5: Very

Uncool Coolness’


1: Very

Hostile

2: Hostil

e

3: Indifferent

4: Welcomin

g

5: Very

Welcoming

Acceptance of newcomers

0:

Don’t know/not relevant to me

1: Very Low

2: Low

3: Average

4: High

5: Very High

House prices E7. Would you ever contemplate moving to Scotland? Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 Never Unlikely Don’t know Possibly Definitely E8. Please insert X if you have … Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 Lived in Scotland Visited Scotland as a tourist Visited Scotland on business Studied at a Scottish university At least one Scottish parent At least one Scottish grandparent E9. Please indicate the band which corresponds to your annual income before tax - remember to include all sources of income. If you feel at all uncomfortable with answering this question, please leave the response blank. Adult 1 Adult 2 Adult 3 Adult 4 £10,000 and under £10,001 to £20,000 £20,001 to £30,000 £30,001 to £40,000 £40,001 to £50,000 £50,001 to £100,000 Over £100,000 Do you have any comments on your migration history or aspirations that aren’t covered in the questionnaire? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. THANK YOU FOR COMPLETING THIS QUESTIONNAIRE. WE APPRECIATE THE TIME THAT YOU HAVE TAKEN.

hhid Household record number indiviid Respondents individual record number

areaward Area of household (coded to adult 1) [ward edited out at UKDA] 11: Lambeth 21: Merton 31: Oxford

41: Milton Keynes build Household building type

1: detached 2: semi detached

3: terraced 4: flat in 2 story building

5: flat in 3 or 4 story building 6: flat in 5 story building

7: other age Age of respondent

1: 16-24 2: 25-34 3: 35-49 4: 50-64 5: 65+

sex Sex of respondent 1: Male

2: Female relat Relationship to adult 1

1: Spouse/ partner 2: Son/ daughter

3: other family member 4: Friend/ housemate

5: Adult 1 dpch04 Number of resident children aged 0-4

1:1 2:2 3:3

4:4+ 5: None

dpch511 Number of resident children aged 5-11 1:1 2:2 3:3

4:4+ 5: None

dpch1216 Number of resident children aged 12-16 1:1 2:2 3:3

4:4+ 5: None

depchild Dependant children in household 1: Yes

1

2: No cars Number of cars available to household

1: 0 2: 1 3: 2

4: 3+ hhtype Household type

1: Couple, no children 2: Family, children

3: Friends/ flatmates 4: Person living alone

5: One adult with children 6: Friends and other family members 7: Other family members and children

8: Family members, children and housemates 9: Couple and other family members.

hhsz Household size 1: 1 2: 2 3: 3 4: 4 5: 5

6: 6+ econprim Economic position of respondent

1: Employed full time 2: employed part time

3: self employed, no employees 4: self employed, with employees.

5: unemployed 6: Permanently sick or disabled

7: in full time education 8: Looking after house or family

9: retired 10: other

css Completed secondary school 1: Completed secondary school

O-Level/ Standard grade or equivalent A-Level/ Higher or equivalent

Bachelors and/ or Masters degree 1: yes 2; no

ol O-Level/ Standard grade or equivalent 1: yes 2: no

al A-Level/ Higher or equivalent 1; yes 2; no

dmdg Bachelors and/ or Masters degree 1; yes 2: no

2

phd Ph.D 1; yes 2: no

vq Vocational qualification 1; yes 2: no

pq Professional qualification 1; yes 2: no

oth Other 1; yes 2: no

highqual Highest level of qualification. 1: completed secondary school

2: O-level, standard grade or equivalent 3: A-level, higher or equivalent

4: bachelors, masters or equivalent 5: PhD

6: still in education 7: no qualifications.

pob Place of birth 1: London

2: rest of South East 3: rest of England, Wales or Northern Ireland

4: Scotland 5: rest of Europe 6: rest of world

sch Where schooling completed, if different to place of birth 1: London



uni Where respondent went to University 1: London



yrgrad Year of graduation -8: Not applicable

1: pre 1950 2: 1951-1960 3: 1961-1970 4: 1971-1980 5: 1981-1990 6: 1991-2000

7: 2001+

3

yrstjb1 Year started most recent/ current job -8: N/A, Not working

yrendjb1 Year ended most recent job -8: N/A, Not working

1: In same job yrstjb2 Year started 2001 job

-8: N/A, Not working 1: In same job

yrendjb2 Year ended 2001 job -8: N/A, Not working







1: In same job obselfe1 Own business/ self employed currently/ most recent

-8: N/A, Not working 1: Yes 2: No

obselfe2 Own business/ self employed 2001 -8: N/A, Not working

1: Yes 2: No

3: same job obself3 Own business/ self employed 1991


3: same job obself4 Own business/ self employed 1981


3: same job locjb1 Location of most recent/ current job

-8: N/A, Not working 1: London



4

locjb2 Location of 2001 job -8: N/A, Not working

1: London 2: rest of South East

3: rest of England, Wales or Northern Ireland 4: Scotland

5: rest of Europe 6: rest of world 7: in same job









occmob1 Occupational mobility between current/ most recent job and 2001 job -8: N/A, Not working

7: in same job 11: Declining, move out of South East

12: Declining, within South East 13: declining, move into South East 14: Horizontal, out with South East

21: Horizontal, move out of South East 22: Horizontal, within South East

23: Horizontal, move into South East 24: Horizontal, out with South East 31: Upward, move out of South East

32: Upward, within South East 33: Upward, move into South East 34: Horizontal, out with South East

occmob2 Occupational mobility between 2001 and 1991 job -8: N/A, Not working



21: Horizontal, move out of South East

5

22: Horizontal, within South East 23: Horizontal, move into South East 24: Horizontal, out with South East 31: Upward, move out of South East


occmob3 Occupational mobility between 1991 and 1981 job -8: N/A, Not working



21: Horizontal, move out of South East 22: Horizontal, within South East

23: Horizontal, move into South East 24: Horizontal, out with South East 31: Upward, move out of South East


nssec1 Socio-economic classification of most recent/ current job -8: N/A not working

1: Employers in large organisations 2: Higher managerial

3: Higher professional (traditional) 4: Higher professional (new)

5: Lower professional and higher technical (traditional) 6: Lower professional and higher technical (new)

7: Lower managerial 8: Higher supervisory

9: Intermediate clerical and administrative 10: Intermediate sales and service

11: Intermediate technical and auxiliary 12: Intermediate engineering

13: Employers in small organisations (non-professional) 14: Own account workers (non professional)

15: Lower supervisory 16: Lower technical aircraft

17: Lower technical process operative 18: Semi routine sales

19: Semi routine service 20: Semi routine technical 21: Semi routine operative

22: Semi routine agriculture 23: Semi routine clerical

24: Semi routine childcare 25: Routine sales and service

26: Routine production 27: Routine technical 28: Routine operative

nssec2 Socio-economic classification of 2001 job -8: N/A not working

6

1: Employers in large organisations 2: Higher managerial

3: Higher professional (traditional) 4: Higher professional (new)

5: Lower professional and higher technical (traditional) 6: Lower professional and higher technical (new)

7: Lower managerial 8: Higher supervisory










7: same job as previous nssec3 Socio-economic classification of 1991 job

-8: N/A not working 1: Employers in large organisations

2: Higher managerial 3: Higher professional (traditional)

4: Higher professional (new) 5: Lower professional and higher technical (traditional)

6: Lower professional and higher technical (new) 7: Lower managerial 8: Higher supervisory










7

7: same job as previous nssec4 Socio-economic classification of 1981 job

-8: N/A not working 1: Employers in large organisations

2: Higher managerial 3: Higher professional (traditional)

4: Higher professional (new) 5: Lower professional and higher technical (traditional)

6: Lower professional and higher technical (new) 7: Lower managerial 8: Higher supervisory










7: same job as previous soc1 Standard occupational classification of most recent/ current job

-8: N/A, not working 111: Managers & senior officials: corporate managers

112: Managers & senior officials: managers & proprietors in agriculture and services 221: Professional occupations: science and technology professionals

222: Professional occupations: health professionals 223: Professional occupations: teaching and research professionals

224: Professional occupations: business & public service professionals 331: Associate professional & technical occupations: science & technology associate

professionals 332: Associate professional & technical occupations: health & social welfare

associate professionals 333: Associate professional & technical occupations: protective service occupations

334: Associate professional & technical occupations: culture, media & sports occupations

335: Associate professional & technical occupations: business & public service associate professionals

441: Administrative & secretarial occupations: administrative occupations 442: Administrative & secretarial occupations: secretarial & related occupations

551: Skilled trades occupations: skilled agricultural trades 552: Skilled trades occupations: skilled metal & electrical trades

553: Skilled trades occupations: skilled construction & building trades 554: Skilled trades occupations: textiles, printing & other skilled trades 661: Personal service occupations: caring personal service occupations

662: Personal service occupations: leisure & other personal service occupations 771:Sales & customer service occupations: sales occupations 772: Sales & customer service occupations: customer service

8

881: Process, plant & machine operatives: Process, plant & machine operatives 882: Process, plant & machine operatives: transport & mobile machine drivers &

operatives 991: Elementary occupations: elementary trades, plant & storage related occupations

992: Elementary occupations: elementary administration & service occupations soc2 Standard occupational classification of 2001 job

-8: N/A, not working 111: Managers & senior officials: corporate managers

112: Managers & senior officials: managers & proprietors in agriculture and services 221: Professional occupations: science and technology professionals

222: Professional occupations: health professionals 223: Professional occupations: teaching and research professionals

224: Professional occupations: business & public service professionals 331: Associate professional & technical occupations: science & technology associate

professionals 332: Associate professional & technical occupations: health & social welfare

associate professionals 333: Associate professional & technical occupations: protective service occupations

334: Associate professional & technical occupations: culture, media & sports occupations

335: Associate professional & technical occupations: business & public service associate professionals

441: Administrative & secretarial occupations: administrative occupations 442: Administrative & secretarial occupations: secretarial & related occupations

551: Skilled trades occupations: skilled agricultural trades 552: Skilled trades occupations: skilled metal & electrical trades





992: Elementary occupations: elementary administration & service occupations 7: same job as previous

soc3 Standard occupational classification of 1991 job -8: N/A, not working

111: Managers & senior officials: corporate managers 112: Managers & senior officials: managers & proprietors in agriculture and services

221: Professional occupations: science and technology professionals 222: Professional occupations: health professionals

223: Professional occupations: teaching and research professionals 224: Professional occupations: business & public service professionals

331: Associate professional & technical occupations: science & technology associate professionals

332: Associate professional & technical occupations: health & social welfare associate professionals

333: Associate professional & technical occupations: protective service occupations 334: Associate professional & technical occupations: culture, media & sports

occupations 335: Associate professional & technical occupations: business & public service

associate professionals 441: Administrative & secretarial occupations: administrative occupations

442: Administrative & secretarial occupations: secretarial & related occupations 551: Skilled trades occupations: skilled agricultural trades

552: Skilled trades occupations: skilled metal & electrical trades

9






soc4 Standard occupational classification of 1981 -8: N/A, not working

111: Managers & senior officials: corporate managers 112: Managers & senior officials: managers & proprietors in agriculture and services

221: Professional occupations: science and technology professionals 222: Professional occupations: health professionals

223: Professional occupations: teaching and research professionals 224: Professional occupations: business & public service professionals

331: Associate professional & technical occupations: science & technology associate professionals

332: Associate professional & technical occupations: health & social welfare associate professionals

333: Associate professional & technical occupations: protective service occupations 334: Associate professional & technical occupations: culture, media & sports

occupations 335: Associate professional & technical occupations: business & public service

associate professionals 441: Administrative & secretarial occupations: administrative occupations

442: Administrative & secretarial occupations: secretarial & related occupations 551: Skilled trades occupations: skilled agricultural trades

552: Skilled trades occupations: skilled metal & electrical trades 553: Skilled trades occupations: skilled construction & building trades 554: Skilled trades occupations: textiles, printing & other skilled trades 661: Personal service occupations: caring personal service occupations





indst1 Industrial classification of most recent/ current job 1: agriculture, forestry, hunting.

2; Fishing 3: mining and quarrying

4: Manufacturing 5: Electricity/ gas/ water supply

6: Construction 7; Wholesale and retail trade

8; Hotels & restaurants 9; Transport, storage & communications

10: Financial intermediaries 11: Real estate

12: Public administration & defence

10

13: Education 14: Health & social work

15: Other community/ personal services 16: Private households employing domestic staff

17: same job as previous 18: Banking

indst2 Industrial classification of 2001 job 1: agriculture, forestry, hunting.






12: Public administration & defence 13: Education

14: Health & social work 15: Other community/ personal services

16: Private households employing domestic staff 17: same job as previous

18: Banking indst3 Industrial classification of 1991 job

1: agriculture, forestry, hunting. 2; Fishing

3: mining and quarrying 4: Manufacturing

5: Electricity/ gas/ water supply 6: Construction

7; Wholesale and retail trade 8; Hotels & restaurants

9; Transport, storage & communications 10: Financial intermediaries

11: Real estate 12: Public administration & defence




indst4 Industrial classification of 1981 job 1: agriculture, forestry, hunting.






12: Public administration & defence

11




agemigse Estimated age at time of initial move to the SE -8: N/A, always lived in South East

1: 0-15 2; 16-25 3: 26-35 4; 36-50 5: 51-64 6: 65+

yrmvse Year of initial move to South East -8: Not applicable

1: pre 1950 2: 1951-1960 3: 1961-1970 4: 1971-1980 5: 1981-1990 6: 1991-2000

7: 2001+ rsmvse Main reason for initial move to South East

-8: Not applicable, always lived in SE 1: Moved as a child with my family

2: To go to University 3: To look for a job

4: To take up a new job that I had been offered 5: Moved by employer to a new job in the same organisation

6; To become self employed/ freelance 7: To start own business

8: For family related reasons 9: For other personal reasons

10: For other reasons returnch Likelihood of return to area of origin

-8: N/A 1: Never

2: unlikely 3: Don’t know

4: possibly 5: Definitely

livecult Perceptions of cultural attractions in respondents town 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me

2: Very poor 3: Poor

4: Satisfactory 5: Good

6: Excellent liveora Perceptions of outdoor recreational activities in respondents town

1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me 2: Very poor

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3: Poor 4: Satisfactory

5: Good 6: Excellent

liveseni Perceptions access to scenic areas in respondents town 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me



6: Excellent livejobm Perceptions of job opportunities for respondent in their town




livejobp Perceptions of job opportunities for respondents partner in their town 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me



6: Excellent livehlth Perceptions of health care in respondents town




livesch Perceptions of state schools in respondents town 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me



6: Excellent liveshop Perceptions of cultural attractions in respondents town




livefrnd Perceptions of outdoor recreational activities in respondents town 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me


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6: Excellent livewthr Perceptions access to scenic areas in respondents town




liveace Perceptions of job opportunities for respondent in their town 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me



6: Excellent livech Perceptions of job opportunities for respondents partner in their town




livewg Perceptions of wage levels in respondents town 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me

2: Very high 3: High

4: Average 5: Low

6: Very low livecol Perceptions of cost of living in respondents town

1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me 2: Very high

3: High 4: Average

5: Low 6: Very low

livecrl Perceptions of crime levels in respondents town 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me


4: Average 5: Low

6: Very low liveconl Perceptions of congestion levels in respondents town


3: High 4: Average

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5: Low 6: Very low

livecool Perceptions of 'coolness' of respondents town 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me

2: Extremely cool 3: Very cool

4: Cool 5: Uncool

6: Very uncool liveaccn Perceptions of acceptance of newcomers in respondents town

1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me 2: Very hostile

3: Hostile 4: Indifferent 5: Welcoming

6: Very welcoming livehpr Perceptions of house prices in respondents town

1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me 2: Very low

3: Low 4: Average

5: High 6: Very high

livedbg Perceptions of living in area of people of mixed backgrounds 1: Strongly like

2: Like 3: Indifferent

4: Dislike 5: Strongly dislike

lkmvout Likelihood of moving out of South East in next ten years 1: Impossible to say

2: Very unlikely 3: Possible

4: Very likely 5: Plans already laid

mvsenj Move out of SE in ten years for new job 1: Yes

mvsep Move out of SE in ten years for new job within existing company 2: Yes

mvsese Move out of SE in ten years for freelance/ self employed 3: Yes

mvseob Move out of SE in ten years to start own business 4: Yes

mvselc Move out of SE in ten years for lifestyle change 5: Yes

mvseue Move out of SE in ten years if become unemployed 6: Yes

mvsepar Move out of SE in ten years to move closer to elderly parents 7: Yes

mvsechlh Move out of SE in ten years when children leave home

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8: Yes mvsech Move out of SE in ten years to move closer to children/ grandchildren

9: Yes mvsefam Move out of SE in ten years to bring up young family

10: Yes mvseret Move out of SE in ten years to retire

11: Yes mvsepart Move out of SE in ten years to follow partner

12: Yes mvseunli Very unlikely to move out of SE in next ten years.

13: Yes mvsemult More than one reason for possibly leaving SE in next ten years

-8: N/A 1: More than one reason: all family/personal

2: More than one reason: mostly family/ personal 3: More than one reason: family/

personal and financial 4: More than one reason: mostly financial

5: More than one reason: all financial 6: Other: to continue studies

7: Other: to return to area of origin 8: Other: to emigrate

9: Other: to go to University 10: Other: big lottery win

11: Other: lower house prices 12: Other: warmer climate

app Applications for jobs outside the South East 1:SW England 2: East Anglia 3: E. Midlands 4: W. Midlands

5: Yorkshire & Humberside 6: NW England 7: NE England

8: Wales 9: Scotland

10: Northern Ireland 11: Elsewhere in Europe 12: Elsewhere in World

13: No applications 14: Scotland & rest of England/ Wales/ Northern Ireland

15: Rest of England & rest of world 16: Scotland & rest of England/ Wales/ Northern Ireland & rest of world

17: Rest of Europe & world 18: Rest of England & rest of Europe & world

19: England & Wales scotcult Perceptions of cultural attractions in Scotland




scotora Perceptions of outdoor recreational activities in Scotland 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me

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6: Excellent scotseni Perceptions of access to scenic areas in Scotland




scotjobm Perceptions of job opportunities in Scotland 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me



6: Excellent scotjobp Perceptions of job opportunities for respondents partner in Scotland




scothlth Perceptions of health services in Scotland 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me



6: Excellent scotsch Perceptions of state schools in Scotland




scotshop Perceptions of shopping facilities in Scotland 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me



6: Excellent scotfrnd Perceptions of friendliness of the people in Scotland


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scotwthr Perceptions of the weather in Scotland 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me



6: Excellent scotace Perceptions of access to continental Europe from Scotland




scotch Perceptions of Scotland as a place to bring up children 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me



6: Excellent scotwg Perceptions of wage levels in Scotland


3: High 4: Average

5: Low 6: Very low

scotcol Perceptions of cost of living in Scotland 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me


4: Average 5: Low

6: Very low scotcrl Perceptions of crime levels in Scotland


3: High 4: Average

5: Low 6: Very low

scotconl Perceptions of congestion levels in Scotland 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me


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4: Average 5: Low

6: Very low scotcool Perceptions of how 'cool' Scotland is


3: High 4: Average

5: Low 6: Very low

scotaccn Perceptions of acceptance of newcomers in Scotland 1: Don’t know/ not relevant to me


4: Average 5: Low

6: Very low scothpr Perceptions of house prices in Scotland


3: High 4: Average

5: Low 6: Very low

mvscot Likelihood of ever moving to Scotland 1: Never

2: Unlikely 3: Don’t know

4: Possibly 5: Definitely

livescot Ever lived in Scotland 1:yes 2: no

vssct Visited Scotland as a tourist 1: yes 2: no

vsscb Visited Scotland on business 1: yes 2: no

scuni Studied at a Scottish University 1:yes 2: no

scotpar At least one Scottish parent 1:yes 2; no

scotgpar At least one Scottish grandparent 1: yes 2; no

income Income 1: Under 10,000

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20

2: 10,001-20,000 3: 20,001-30,000 4: 30,001-40,000 5: 40,001-50,000 6: 50,001-100,000 7: Over 100,001

hhincome Household income 1: Under 10,000 2: 10,001-20,000 3: 20,001-40,000 4: 40,001-60,000 5: 60,001-80,000 6: 80,001-100,000 7: 100,001-120,000 8: 120,001-150,000 9: 150,001-200,000 10: Over 200,001

hhscborn Scots born residents in household 1: yes 2: no

hhscmig Households with at least one Scottish migrant 1: yes 2: no

sn 6087 scottish demography: scottish migration to, and ... · the ‘escalator region...

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