British Interventions in the Eastern Himalayan Trade

(1774-1904):

Its Impact on Socio-Economic and

Political Conditions in the Region

A Thesis submitted

To

Sikkim University

In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for the

Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

By

Jigme Wangchuk Bhutia

Department of History

School of Social Sciences

May 2020

“This Ph.D Thesis is dedicated to

my Grandfather Late. Labrang Gomchen

and

my Grandmother Late Choden Bhutia”

i

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

At the outset, I express my deep gratitude to Dr. Vijay Kumar Thangellapali for his

guidance and supervision of my thesis.

I acknowledge the help rendered by the staff of National Archives of India, West Bengal

State Archives, National Archives of Nepal, Sikkim State Archives, Asiatic Society of

Bengal, Namgyal Institute of Tibetology. Staffs of National Library of India, Jawaharlal

Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, Jawahalal Nehru University Central Library,

Sikkim University Central Library, North Bengal University Central Library, Sikkim

State Library, NBBD College Central Library.

I express my gratitude to people and institutions who shared their experience that gave

me directions and insights. I acknowledge of my long association with Prof. A G Ghosh

(North Bengal University) Prof. AC Sinha (North East Hill University), Dr. Lily Alley

(NBBDC), Dr. Bina Pradhan (NBBDC), Dr.Veenu Pant and Dr. Krisha Ananth. I also

express my gratitude to my friends Dr. Sunita Kharel, Dr. Anira Phipon, Dr. Sangmu

Thendup, Dr. Renuka Devi, Dr. S Jeevenanda and Mr. Lopsang Chopel Lepcha for

sharing their expirences and also going through the draft and giving valuable comments

for being with me in my difficult times. I expressly thank my juniors for their patience.

I thank University Grants Commission, North East Regional Office, Guwahati for the

Teacher Fellowship Grant under Faculty Development Plan (XIIth

).

I express my gratitude to my parents and to my wife Dr. Neelam Rai for their faith and

their constant support for me.

ii

Abbreviations

NAI National Archives of India

SSA Sikkim State Archives

NAN National Archives of Nepal

RETB Report on the External Trade of Bengal with Nepal, Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan,

Government of Bengal. Calcutta.

IOL India Office London

BOT Bulletin of Tibetology

iii

List of Tables

Table. No. Name of the Tables Page No.

3.1 Calendar of the cycle of trade activities of the Newari merchants

in Keroung/Kyirong

62

5.1 List of main articles for exports and imports from Bengal to

Bhutan

181

5.2 List of articles imported and exported to Nepal in the years

1860-1863

187-188

5.3 Bengal’s trade with Sikkim and Tibet 1860-1864 191

5.4 Sikkim’s trade with Bengal in 1876-1877 195

5.5 Total value of trade registered between Bengal and Nepal in

rupees

196

5.6 Total value of commodities of Bengal-Nepal Trade in Rupees 198-200

5.7 Total value of trade registered between Bengal and Tibet in

Rupees

205

5.8 Total value of goods imported from Tibet to Bengal in Rupees 208

5.9 Total value of goods exported to Tibet from Bengal in Rupees 210

5.10 Total value of trade registered between Bengal and Sikkim in

Rupees

211-212

5.11 Sikkim’s trade with Bengal 1889-1890 213

5.12 Total value of goods imported from Sikkim to Bengal in Rupees 217-218

5.13 Total value of goods exported to Sikkim from Bengal in Rupees 219-220

5.14 Total value of trade registered between Bengal and Bhutan in

Rupees

221-222

5.15 Total value of goods imported from Bhutan to Bengal in Rupees 223 5.16 Total value of goods exported to Bhutan from Bengal in Rupees 224

5.17 Difference in the rates of duties levied by the Nepalese

authorities during the years 1881-1882

226

5.18 Duties levied on goods imported from Nepal into British

territory during the years1881-1882

227

5.19 Duties levied on goods exported to Nepal from British territory

in the years1881-1882

227-228

5.20 Customs duties on cattle in the year 1881-1882 229

5.21 Imperial Roads under the Management of Public Works

Department (Darjeeling District) in 1871

237

5.22 Local Fund Roads under the supervision of Deputy

Commissioner also used for Indo-Nepal Trade (Darjeeling

District)

237-238

5.23 Raised un-metalled Roads used for Indo-Nepal Trade

(Darjeeling District)

238

5.24 Trading Routes between Purnea District in Bihar and Nepal 240-241

5.25 Important routes in Dharbanga District 244

5.26 Important routes in Muzaffarpur District 245

5.27 Important routes of Champaran connecting Nepal 245-246

iv

List of Figures

Figure No. Name of the Figures Page No.

5.1 Import and Export between Bengal and Nepal from 1879-1880 to

1893-1894

197

5.2 Imports and Exports between Bengal and Tibet from 1885-1886

to 1893-1894

206

5.3 Total value of goods imported from Tibet to Bengal 1885-1886

to 1893-1894

209

5.4 Trade between Bengal and Sikkim from 1879-1880 to 1893-1894 213

5.5 Trade between Bengal and Bhutan from 1879-1880 to 1893-1894 222

List of Maps

Figure. No. Name of the Maps Page No.

2.1 General Map of Tibet 21

4.1 The Routes taken by Bogle,Turner and Manning between

Bengal and Tibet through Bhutan

137

5.1 Map showing trade routes in the Eastern Himalayas during

late eighteenth century

232

1

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

The Eastern Himalayas are one of the important geomorphological units of the larger

Himalayas. It covers the regions of Sikkim, Bhutan, eastern Nepal and southeastern

Tibet. The socio-cultural tradition that has evolved through the ages indicates that the

region has a special significance among the Himalayan belt. The entire length and

extent of the Eastern Himalayas are dotted with innumerable ethnic communities with

their unique system of traditional lifestyles, which was reflected largely on their polity,

culture, society, art and architecture, folk medicine, exchange of production and

economic sustenance. The trade that developed during the pre-colonial period was well

organized and was the cornerstone of the regional economy.

Politically, the Eastern Himalayas incorporate the kingdoms of Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan

and Sikkim a connotation that was a necessity during the colonial period in the

nineteenth century. The trade that existed in this region prior to the British intervention

was centered around Tibet with its organized religion. Since the reign of Song-Tsen

Gampo in the mid seventh century AD, Tibet had surfaced as a powerful kingdom and

became an active agency of a new civilization all over the highlands of Central Asia.

Tibet as a Buddhist theocratic state in later centuries, often influenced Nepal, Sikkim

and Bhutan, which were Buddhist countries. The involvement of organized religion

(Tibetan Buddhism) in commerce was overwhelming in the region, so much so that

monasteries sometimes politically motivated regional exchange. It was crucial in the

establishment of new towns, organizing commercial fairs and even State formation.

The monasteries influenced trade flows and even reshaped the frontier character of

2

Tibet. Thus, prior to the British intervention, Tibet stood at the epicentre of trans-

political socio economic exchange among the kingdoms of the Eastern Himalayas. The

reason for the centrality was its mineral wealth, particularly salt and gold.

Statement of the Problem

The commercial interaction between Tibet and her neighboring countries was in

perpetuity since ancient times. Tibet-India commercial link continued up to the Islamic

conquest of North India, while its relation with Bengal became more prominent under

the Pala Dynasty through their religious transactions. Similarly, trade between Tibet

and Nepal became significant in the seventh century. Besides this, Tibet-Bhutan trade

was mostly carried by the state officials and monasteries. Bhutanese caravans were

extensively used for transport through its four primary trading routes. While Tibet-

Sikkim trade relations developed along with its political relations through various

passes.

This pre-colonial Eastern Himalayan trade had a great reputation and the European

adventurers even prior to the British explored the region. The accounts of the Jesuit

missionaries and some independent merchant adventurers highlighted the commercial

prosperity of the Eastern Himalaya. The account of such missions later became a blue

print for the British missions in the second half of the eighteenth century that explored

trade ventures in the region.

The distinctive Himalayan geographical vantage provided a grand platform for socio-

economic and political exchange amongst the populace of the region. The mountain

passes, which connected the kingdoms of the Eastern Himalayas were used for trade

and trade oriented commerce. Trade was conducted by the state official, monasteries

3

and most importantly, by the indigenous trading communities. The hardy and resilient

trading communities, operating in a network of carefully crafted and fragile economic

structure were the main pillars of this commodity transaction. Such elaborate inland

trade was layered on multiple aspects starting from the society to the economy. It also

helped the growth of indigenous trading communities.

These trading communities developed ingenious traditions, which helped them to

conduct their trade and sustain themselves. Impression management by the

Tarangpurians of Nepal who lived on the fringes of Tibetan-Buddhist and Nepalese-

Hindu society was an important practice, which helped them succeed in conducting

trade. Again a ubiquitous tradition of artificial kinship was practiced, which enabled

traders to trade continuously and to receive hospitality and protection in foreign

countries. This custom was known differently across the kingdoms. It was necessary to

develop a formal relationship and to subsist and profit from the trans-Himalayan trade.

Another tradition was that of maintaining Nepos or village hosts by the Brukpa traders

of Bhutan. Such unique traditional practices in the Eastern Himalayan belt, were often

rooted in their culture and sanctified by the religion. These customs and traditions were

very instrumental in the socio-economic exchange, as the traders frequented the

Himalayas for trade and religious pilgrimage.

Meanwhile, the Dual Governance of 1765 and the Famine of 1770 in Bengal created a

financial crisis, which could be solved only with a new commercial endeavor in its

northern borders. Following this, the Court of Directors wished to established contact

with its northern neighbors in the Eastern Himalayas.

4

Since the Gurkha expansion in the eighteenth century had blocked trade routes to Tibet

through Nepal the Company sought alternative routes primarily though Bhutan. In this

spirit, British official missions were commissioned to renew the ancient Indo-Tibetan

trade, which lasted for almost one and half century.

These missions were deployed to Tibet, Bhutan, Nepal and Sikkim ascertain the

commercial viability and further the prospect of trade. The first English East India

Company mission disclosed the fact that the trade of Tibet was considerable surmising

its vast natural barrenness and sparse demographic distribution, which required large

supplies from other countries. The introduction of commercial relations with these

regions was a sort of adventurous pursuit for the Company, based on the accounts of

Company explorers. The purpose of these missions was to open up trade,

communication and to stem out possible rivals i.e. Russia and China. However, the

shifting state of affairs of the Himalayan kingdom demanded strong and assertive

imperial manifestations to protect its strategic and mercantile interest. These official

missions were not only commercial, but diplomatic and military, which altered the

very fabric of the Himalayan polity and economy. The outcome was the establishment

of a new trade network based on a colonial arrangement.

By 1860s, British political control of Eastern Himalayas was complete. The expansion

of trade in the nineteenth century, now channelled the British imperial engine into the

highlands of Asia. The development of colonial trade in the Eastern Himalayan region

took place in stages; pre-1875 and post-1875. Here a strong trade network developed,

which was more organized and systematized.

5

Although, the trade was disturbed periodically by the intermittent regional wars it

continued to grow. The Eastern Himalayan trade further improved from 1875 onwards,

as the British government began registering its trade in its trading marts

(centers/depot). Commodities of exchange and its volume were large and lucrative for

the British. Weekly harts/hat (weekly market for trade and exchanging of local

commodities) was arranged all across the trading marts to encourage traders to

commerce. Trade Agents were deployed on trading marts whose functions were not

only commercial but political as well. To strengthen communication, trade routes

especially overland routes with registering stations, bungalows or rest houses were

established. The pre-existing routes were developed and new routes were also

established. Roads were widened and metalled to accommodate traffic, making the

flow of commodities without any hindrance. Thus, British colonialism heralded

political intervention in the Eastern Himalayas shifting the commercial centre from

Tibet to British Bengal. However, trade in this region continued and the commodities

of the region found a larger global market. The present work is an attempt to examine

the character of the Eastern Himalayan trade, its history and its development during the

pre British and the extent and the nature of British colonial trade; which has been

overlooked by many scholars.

Review of Literature

Although the history of bi-lateral trade among the Eastern Himalayan kingdom has

been studied by many scholars, a comprehensive study on the Eastern Himalayan trade

network has not been considered so far.

6

K Warikoo1 in his book looks into the commercial relationship between Central Asia

and the Kingdom of Kashmir during the Dogra period (1846-1947) which basically

formed the bulk of the Western Himalayan trade. He furnishes the list of articles that

was on traffic. However, it was considerably lesser than the trade that passed through

Punjab-Afghanistan-Central Asia inland route or the Bombay-Batumi sea route. On the

other hand, it looks at the other extreme of the Himalayan trade, i.e. the Western

Himalayan trade which is not the concerned area of our study.

Schyuler VR Cammann2 work is a monograph based on his doctoral dissertation. He

focused on the early British attempt to open trade with Tibet during the eighteenth

century and surveys the process of historical development of Tibet with its bordering

areas. His work is based on the English, Tibetan and Chinese sources which throw

light on the background of the rivalries between England and Russia during the

twentieth century. Although the work of communion is inspiring to the regional study,

it does not encompass the entirety of the objectives undertaken in the thesis.

Alastair Lamb3 gave elaborate information on how the British Empire towards the end

of the nineteenth century was able to extend its sphere of influence in the Himalayas.

His book is an exhaustive work on the British policies in Asia and how it was greatly

conditioned by the Great Game rivalry between Britain and Russia. His study is on

trade that developed in the region. However, he did not study the development of

British colonial trade and its commodity movement.

1K Warikoo. Trade relations between Central Asia and Kashmir during the Dogra Period(1846-1947)

Cahiers de Asia Centrale, 1996. 2Schuyler VR Cammann. Trade through the Himalayas: The Early British Attempt to Open Tibet. New

Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1951. 3 Alastair Lamb Britian and Chinese Central Asia; The Road to Lhasa 1767 to 1905. London 1960. Print

7

Nirmal Chandra Sinha4 has disclosed the historical status of Tibet and focused on the

Far Eastern Diplomacy of British imperialism to open up China through Tibet in his

work. He also makes a cursory glimpse at the articles of Tibet trade submitted by

Captain Samuel Turner to Warren Hastings on 2nd March 1784. This work however, is

not a detailed study on the Eastern Himalayan trade and leaves out the socio-economic

characteristics of the region.

Wim van Spengen5 has written a detailed monograph on the Tibeto-Burman peoples of

the Himalayas and their economies. The author explains the Geo-structural

characteristics of a Tibet’s history. His work deals with the involvement of organized

religion of Tibet in shaping the frontier character of Tibet. In his book, the author

focuses on the indigenous trading communities, but does not link it to the wider

mechanisms of the Himalayan trade.

Christoph von Furer-Haimendorf6 in his work explains the dynamics of the Eastern

Himalayan economy, which allows the inhabitants of inhospitable mountains to earn

more than those living in the agriculturally more prosperous regions in the foothills.

He attributes this to the salt-grain trade, which was a very vital element to the region's

trade. Fieldwork over the period 1953 to 1971 enables the author to analyze how the

closing of the Tibetan frontier by the Chinese affected people so heavily dependent on

this trade. This work is a contemporary anthropological study and does not give an

analysis of the Eastern Himalayan trade during the colonial period. Although his work

4 A Tibetologist in Sikkim, Selected works of Prof. Nirmal Chandra Sinha, Kunga Yonten Hochotsang

comp. Namgyal Institute of Tibetology. Gangtok: 2008. Print. 5 Wim van Spengen. Tibetan Border Worlds: A Geo historical Analysis of Trade and Traders. London:

Kegan Paul International. 2000. 6 Christoph von Furer Haimendorf. Himalayan Traders: Life in Highland Nepal. London: John Murray,

1975.

8

is of immense value, it does not adequately answer the questions undertaken in the

study.

ClementMarkham’s7 edited volume contains a first hand account of the British official

missions to Tibet through Bhutan by George Bogle, Thomas Manning and others.

Markham, who was the President of the Royal Geographical Society brings out a

fascinating account of the historical and geographical aspect of the Eastern Himalayan

Kingdom. However, his work does not highlight the development of colonial trade

during the later stages and does not mention the indigenous trading communities

involved in the trade.

Derek Waller’s8 work underlines the explorations of native Indian trans-Himalayan

explorers recruited and trained by the officers of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of

India, who traversed much of Tibet and Central Asia. These natives came to be called

as Pundits. He gives a wonderful account of the explorer’s description of geographical,

political and military conditions mostly of Tibet. Yet, his work does not highlight the

trade aspect, which is the main element of our study.

Jahar Sen9 covers the Indo-Nepal commercial relations during the first half of the Rana

period. He gives a detailed account of the trading routes and the centers of the Indo-

Nepalese border along with the British Indian policy for promoting the Eastern

Himalayan trade. This study however is concerned with trade and commodity

movement between Nepal and British India, which is insufficient for the study

concerned.

7Clement Markham, ed. Narratives of the mission of George Bogle to Tibet and of the Journey of

Thomas Manning to Lhasa. London: Trubner and Co. Ludgate Hill, 1876. 8Derek Waller. The Pundits: British Exploration of Tibet and Central Asia. Kentucky: University Press

of Kentucky, 2004. Print 9 Jahar Sen. Indo-Nepal Trade in the 19th Century. Calcutta: Firma KL Mukhopadhaya, 1977.

9

MC Regmi10

deals with the general pattern of Nepal’s internal and external trade along

with commercial taxation and revenue until the first half of the nineteenth century.

Devi Prasad Sharma11

makes an extensive study of the trade and industry during the

Rana Period in Nepal (1846-1951). He looks into the internal and external trading

pattern of the Nepalese traders as well as the commercial taxation policy adopted

during the reign of the Ranas in Nepal. He also dealt with the commercial relations of

Nepal with its neighboring kingdoms and the volume of trade conducted with it.

However, both these works are micro studies on trade and economy of Nepal they do

not provide a encapsulating structure of the Himalayan trade, neither do they focus on

the shift in the pattern of trade with the advent of the British and its impact on the

polity of the region.

Ratna Sarkar and Indrajit Ray’s12

work highlights the inception of the Anglo-

Bhutanese relationship. The efforts of the British to promote trade with Bhutan are

witnessed in the British promotion of trade fairs in consonance with the contemporary

trade practices and rules in Bhutan. It explains how the annexation of Assam and

Bengal Duars in 1841-65 affected the Bhutanese economy. This article has focused on

the Indo-Bhutanese trade, but the authors have not studied Eastern Himalayan trade in

a comprehensive way.

The Nathu-la Trade Study Group led by Mahendra. P. Lama13

highlights several

aspects on the Indo-Tibetan Trade in general and the Nathu-la trade in particular. It

10

MC Regmi. A study in Nepali Economic History. New Delhi: Manjushree Publishing, 1999. 11

Devi Prasad Sharma. Trade and Trade industry of Nepal during the Rana Period. Kathmandu: Ratna

Book Publisher, 2008. 12

Ratna Sarkar and Indrajit Ray. Political Scenario in Bhutan during 1774-1906: An Impact Analysis on

Trade and Commerce. 2007. http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/227023.Pp.4-5. 13

Sikkim–Tibet Trade via Nathu-la: A Policy Study on Prospects, Opportunities and Requisite

Preparedness. Gangtok: Nathu-la Trade Study Group, 2005.

10

gives the historical background on the genesis of Indo-Tibetan trade and commercial

missions sent by the British to assess the trading prospect. The study further looks into

the history of the Nathu-la trade and analyses the prospect, potentials and opportunities

of this trade with China and offers certain policy options and recommendation to

further the Nathu-la trade. The report submitted extensively focused on the Indo-

Tibetan trade via Nathu-la and left behind socio economic aspect. It also does not deal

with the elements of colonial impact on the polity of the region. Further, this study

once again does not include the other kingdoms of the Eastern Himalayas.

Amar Kaul Jasbir Singh’s14

book is an excellent work which emphasizes on the history

of Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan and underscores the British colonial policies towards the

Himalayan kingdom. It lays stress on the geopolitics of the region, which also affected

the colonial commercial policies.However; this work is more of a political history and

does not adequately highlight how trade operated in the region.

The review of literature on the region concerned clearly shows that there is a gap in the

historical research on the Eastern Himalayan trade and it reveals there is a need of

conducting research in this area.

Objectives of the Study

By and large the purpose of the thesis is to understand how trade in the Eastern

Himalayas was intervened by the British in the mid eighteenth century and how this

14

Amar Kaul Jasbir Singh. Himalayan Triangle: A Historical Survey of British India’s Relation with

Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan. London: The British Library, 1988. Print

11

intervention transformed the structure of its economy. The main objectives of the study

are:

1. To examine the nature of the Eastern Himalayan trade and how the regions were a

singular entity of commercial enterprise.

2. To analyze the region’s inhabitants, particularly the trading communities, their mode

of operation, their customs and traditions associated with their commercial

enterprise.

3. To probe when, why and what enticed the English to initiate economic relationships

with Tibet and its surrounding kingdoms and the contemporary political scenario

existing among the kingdoms of the Himalayas.

4. To evaluate the trading pattern and the mode of transaction during the colonial

period prior to 1875.

5. To understand how the British systematized the Eastern Himalayan trade after 1875

and what were its results

Methodology

The study applies historical research methodology based on primary sources such as

unpublished original documents locatedin different archives, libraries and study

centres.They are National Archives of India, the West Bengal State Archives, Sikkim

State Archives, National Library, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Namgyal Institute of

Tibetology, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, Jawaharlal Nehru University

Library and Archives, Calcutta University Library, Presidency University Library and

Archives, Sikkim University Central Library. Besides this, contemporary literature on

12

the period, including travelogues, official accounts, military reports, books and articles

are also consulted.

Online reference to archival materials and primary published sources was also

consulted through various websitessuch as www.bl.uk for India Office Records and

Private Papers, www.himalayanmiscellany.com, www.pahar.in (MCADD Mountain of

Central Asia Digital Dataset) and archives.org using the Wayback Machine for

consultation of rare books.

The area of the study being located in the sensitive border region makes it somewhat

complicated for access to the primary sources at the National Archives of India. It is

primarily due to the ongoing domestic tension between Beijing and the Tibet

Autonomous Region (TAR), most of the documents and maps are yet to be

declassified in the Indian public domain. The East India Company authority in Bengal

had stationed a Collector in Rangpur (presently in northern Bangladesh) which housed

a large collection of documents relating to Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim.

Documents in this Archive at Rangpur were shifted to the National Archives of

Bangladesh in 2006 due to the brittle condition of the files. These documents are still

under the process of cataloguing and access is very limited.However, the sources

available in the National Archives of India and other archives, librariesin India, and

online sources such as British library helped to provide the data.

Chapterization

The thesis is divided into six Chapters. The first chapter is an Introduction, it explains

the constitution of Eastern Himalayas as defined by the Great Trigonometrical Survey

(GTS) of India (1802-1871). The chapter explains the geographical location of the

13

region, which includes the kingdom of Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim, its political

relation and the reasons for its economic cohesion. It underlines the statement of the

problem, objectives and methodology. Further, it also covers a survey of the existing

historiography on trade in the Himalayas.

The second chapter Eastern Himalayan Trade Before 1774, gives a picture about the

pre- existing conditions of the Eastern Himalayan trade, which was centred around

Tibet. It also looks into the commercial links that existed between Tibet and its

neighbours like Nepal, Bhutan Sikkim and India particularly Bengal. It explains how

this affluent and unrestricted trade was widely famed which lured European Jesuit

Missionaries and merchant adventurers who explored the region as early as fourteenth

century.

The third chapter Trade and Trading Communities, is anthropological in nature. It

analyses the customs and traditions etched in the trading operation of the Eastern

Himalayan trading communities. It highlights their trading pattern, ethics and seasonal

movement. The chapter also tries to understand how these traders adapted themselves

to the demands of the market and changing political scenario whilst trying to survive

and churn out profits.

The fourth chapter, British Missions in the Eastern Himalayas and the Emerging

New Relations, analyzes various missions starting from George Bogle (1774) up till

the Colonel Francis Young husband Mission (1903-04). The purpose of these missions

was to open up trade, communication and to stem out possible rivals i.e. Russia and

China. It explains how the shifting state of affairs in the Himalayan kingdom required

14

an assertive imperial expression to protect its strategic and mercantile interest, and how

it transformed the Himalayan polity and economy.

The fifth chapter Colonial Trade and Commodity Movement, deals with the

developmentof British commercial interests in the Eastern Himalayas, which were

motivated by political advantage. The chapter is divided into two sections pre-1875

and post-1875. This is primarily because in the year 1875, the Finance Department,

Government of Bengal, passed a resolution to make an attempt to register the Eastern

Himalayan trade which was hitherto documented but unregistered. The establishment

of colonial trade pattern led to the opening of trading marts, weekly trading haats,

appointment of trading agents and local intermediaries as an instrument of regulating

the Himalayan trade. It examines the volume of the trade in transaction and associated

duties. It further deals with the trade routes and commodity movement in the region.

The sixth and the final chapter is the Conclusion. Here a summary of the arguments of

the above chapters is placed.

15

Chapter 2

EASTERN HIMALAYAN TRADE BEFORE 1774

The Eastern Himalayas has a distinct way of life, which is reflected on their polity,

society and economy. As a crossing point between world’s two most ancient civilizations

i.e. China and India, the Eastern Himalayas form a milieu of multi-cultural symbiosis.1 It

is an unmistakable geopolitical entity and a proud repository of a unique culture and

economy.

Although the Himalayan trade was carried off on both extremes of Western and Eastern

Himalayas, the traditions of trade and the pattern of the economy were very much

different. The Western Himalayan trade was focused on the Central Asian region of

Bukhara, Kokand, and Turkestan (excluding Eastern Turkestan or Xinjiang region of

China) through Kashmir and Ladakh2 whereas, in the Eastern Himalayan trade Tibet,

Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim played a significant role. Both these inland Himalayan trade

(that include Western and Eastern Himalayas) developed uniquely, facing different socio-

economic and political challenges with different communities of traders participating in

its commercial operations.

Trade, whether within and outside the kingdoms was a part of this elaborate exchange

where individuals, societies and nations exchanged things. This led to the growth of an

elaborate trade network serving as a lifeline to their economy.

1 For details see The Himalayan Miscellany (Centre for Himalayan Studies) North Bengal University Vol.

VI foreword note by R Sahu. 2 K Warikoo. Trade Relations between Central Asia and Kashmir during the Dogra Period (1846-1947)

Cahiers de Asia Centrale, 1996.

16

During the ancient and the medieval period, the economy of the Eastern Himalayas was

centered largely on trade. Tibet was the nucleus of this highly structured trade since the

mid seventh century, when she emerged as a mighty military power during the rule of the

Song-Tsen Gampo to Ral-pa-Chen (620-820 AD).3 This era witnessed a Renaissance in

Tibetan culture. It was during this period that Tibetan alphabets (based on an Indo -

Brahmi script) and grammar was conceived and Buddhism (Mahayana) was also

introduced. Tibet during this period had become a dynamic center of a new culture in the

Himalayas.4The texts of Simhalasārthanāhu avadāna

5 highlights the merchant class both

of the Hinayana and Mahayana tradition were great contributors to the cause of

Buddhism. It further suggests that the first converts of Buddhism were the Bactrian

traders who built the first stupas.6With the spread of Buddhism in the region, the

Buddhist tradition also motivated trans-regional trade where the material culture of

Buddhist decoration and devotion like silk, gems, metalwork, amulets itself created a

commodity market as monks and merchant class crossed the lands cultivating converts

and market respectively.

In the thirteenth century, Kublai Khan7 after his conversion bestowed temporal rule upon

the abbots of Sakya monastery. Henceforth, Tibet was transformed into a theocratic state.

In1642 the Ganden Phodrang (Tibetan theocratic Government) was established by the

Fifth Dalai Lama who ran his administration from Potala in Lhasa. The Tibetans believed

3 A Tibetologist in Sikkim, Selected works of Prof. Nirmal Chandra Sinha. KungaYonten Hochotsang,

comp. Gangtok: Namgyal Institute of Tibetology, 2008. p. 89. 4 Ibid.

5Simhalasārthanāhu avadāna here refers to Buddhist mercantile community of Kathmandu (Newars)

domestication of a popular didactic story (avādana) of Indic Māhāyana Buddhism. 6 Todd T Lewis. “Newar- Tibetan Trade and the Domestication of “Simhalasārthanāhu avadāna.”

History of Religion.33. 2. University of Chicago Press, 1993. p 138. 7 Tibet was subjected to Gengis Khan, the Mongolian overlord in 1207 and in 1260, the government

was entrusted to Kublai Khan, his grandson.

17

it was ruled over by a God who was the incarnation of the head of the Yellow hat sect of

Lamaism.8

The geographical proximity amongst the Himalayan kingdom helped in developing a pan

Buddhist cultural identity. Buddhism and trade had a very close link together and had a

symbiotic relation.9 This cultural element was an important uniting feature amongst the

Himalayan Kingdom of Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, and Bengal. Since ancient times;

missionaries, merchants and pilgrims could move freely within these regions. In this

process, Buddhist merchants created a diaspora of trade networks, mercantile and

entrepreneurial web of import and export trade.10

This trans-Himalayan trade was also an important instrument of socio-economic

exchange. The Himalayan population was linked closely by a singular brand of religion,

i.e. Lamaism, a form of Mahayana Buddhism and its entrepreneurship. Tibetan

monasteries were major entrepreneurs during this time and often employed peddlers who

led caravans on their behalf. These peddlers were serfs (dud Chung) whose labors were

bound to aristocrats or monasteries.11

These monasteries were endowed with animal

livestock, cash and a range of assets from grains to Jewellery.

In the Eastern Himalayas the State carried out the major trade, whereas production was

left entirely to private enterprise. The farmers undertook the basic productive activities

who sold their output in the local markets or to the state agents, the Lamas, dignitaries

8 G E O Knight. Intimate Glimpses of Mysterious Tibet and Neighbouring Countries. London: The

Golden Vista Press, 1930. 9 James Heitzman. “Early Buddhism, Trade and Empire.” Studies in Archaeology and Paleo-

anthropology of South Asia. Oxford and IBH Publishing, 1984. pp 121-37. 10

Christopher I Beckwith. “Tibet and the Early Medieval Florissance in Eurasia: A Preliminary note on

the Economic History of The Tibetan Empire”. Central Asiatic Journal. 21 (1977). pp. 91-92. 11

Melvin Goldstein. “Serfdom and Mobility: An Examination of the Institution of Human Lease in

Traditional Tibetan Society.”Journal of Asiatic Studies. 30. 3 (1971). pp. 521-34.

18

and foreign traders. The traders had no stake in production they simply purchased goods

from the local markets filled their caravans and sent it out to places where the demand for

such commodities were high which often took several months of travelling.12

Trade had been one of the most vital determinant aspects of the Himalayan economy. The

Eastern Himalayas had a long tradition of trade and commerce. This trade across the

Himalayas was centered on the kingdom of Tibet, so much so that this lucrative trade and

its transactions in gold is mentioned even in the investigative work of Herodotus- The

Father of History.13

Thus, this trans-Himalayan trade, which was centered on Tibet, also

served as a hub for the Central Asian trade. This relationship amongst the Himalayan

kingdom also had a dual aspect; Tibet was the center of regional trade in wool, tea, salt,

grain and luxury goods with trading routes cutting through both the Sino-Tibetan border

and the Himalayan region.14

A Chinese General and explorer Chang K’ien of Central Asia testifies trade between

Northeast India and South-west China in silk and other items. These commodities were

brought into the East and North India from Central Asia.15

He further states that the Indo-

Mongoloids were the intermediaries of this trade. Highland salt, gold, silver, musk and

yak tails were valuable commodities in the plains and a wide diversity of trade networks

existed to exchange products for them. As trade and trading activities encouraged human

migration and cultural synthesis prominent merchant groups such as the Kashmiri,

12

F Grenrard. Tibet: The Country and its inhabitants. Delhi: (Reprint), 1974. p. 286. 13

G Rawlinson. The History of Herodotus. New York: Green and Co, 1889. pp. 407- 410. 14

Wim van Spengen. Tibetan Border Worlds: A Geo-historical Analysis of Trade and /Traders.

London: Kegan Paul International, 2000. pp. 100-107 . 15

Jahar Sen: India’s Trade with Central Asia via Nepal.

URL: htpp// www.thlib.org/static/reprints/bot/bot_08_02_03.pdf.21. Accessed on 07/08/2015.

19

Bengali, Marwari, Nepalese and Tibetan traders stood prominently in the region’s

history.16

The reasons why the other kingdoms sought trade with Tibet were due to Tibet’s rich

mineral wealth particularly salt and gold. Tibet had access to salt in its lakes, which was

highly sought in the region as none of the Himalayan kingdom has had access to salt.

Another important mineral was gold and as transaction payment was made in gold dust,

trade with Tibet was highly valued. Gold was found in great abundance in Tibetan Thok

(gold field) at Jalung and Chakchak in the Ngare province in Western Tibet, and also in

Central provinces. Gold was so abounding in the country that even laymen were

acquainted with the art of purifying these precious metals. Gold was found in most of the

rivers flowing out of Tibet, such as the Indus, the Yellow River and the upper Yangtse.17

Amongst these rivers, the most well known for its rich gold deposit is the upper Yang-

tzuchiang (Yangtse) as called in Chinese or the Dre- Chu in Tibetan. Even an Italian

traveler, Marco Polo speaks of this river as the Brius and Horace della Penna calls its

Biciu both representing the Tibetan Dre-Chu.18

The Chinese name Chin-sha Kiang or “The River of Golden Sands” to the Yangtse

river/Dre chu is a testament to the availability of the abundant gold flowing into this

river. Much of this gold came down into India by way of Nepal before the Gurkha

conquest in the mid eighteenth century, so that Nepal itself came to have a reputation of

being a land of much gold. Merchants and trading pilgrims belonging to different

16

Ibid. p.142. 17 Dr. A Wilson, in the last century, reported that the gold collected from the plains of Ladakh

(Little Tibet) is called “ant gold”. For details see G Rawlinson. Ibid. 18

WW Rockhill. The land of the Lamas: Notes of a journey through China Mongolia and Tibet.

Longmanns, Green and Company. London. 1891.

20

religions and nationalities conducted trade, which was centered on Lhasa, which gave the

trade of the region a very comprehensive feature.

This led to the development of a Tibeto-centric system, which provided the Himalayan

kingdom with a political and economic framework for international trade. Those willing

to trade with Tibet were required to submit to a suzerain vassal relationship with the

Tibetan sovereign. After the official investiture of a ruler, missions from that kingdom

were allowed to come to Tibet, where special trading licenses were issued and trading

marts were established. Here, Buddhist kingdoms like Bhutan and Sikkim entered into a

tributary relationship with Tibet. Under this system, the Buddhist kingdoms offered

tributes to Tibet and in return received titles and privileges. This cultural and economic

centrality of Tibet was recognized amongst the Eastern Himalayan kingdom where they

submitted to this system to enjoy the benefits of political recognition and trade with

Tibet.

The Himalayan trade under the central administration of the Lhasa, was free from

restrictions. The absence of duties on goods and the protection of trade lured many

foreign merchants to the prospect of gain viz, the Kashmiris, Gossain trading pilgrims of

India, the Newars and the Sherpas and Nyi-shang-ba traders of Nepal, the Bhutanese

traders, traders of Assam, Sikkim and the Chinese. These merchants established

themselves in great number and engaged themselves in extensive and lucrative

commerce.19

19

KungaYonten Hochotsang. op.cit. p.241.

21

Map 2.1: General Map of Tibet and its adjacent kingdoms.

2.1: Earlier Trade Relations between Tibet and India

Tibet had always maintained her commercial relationship with her neighboring countries

and since ancient times the ties with India had been not only commercial but religious as

well. Kautilya’s Arthashastra mentioned that India’s trade link with Tibet can be traced

to ancient times dating back to 500 BC.20

According to the Ancient Vedic texts the

continent of Asia laid floating on a lotus blossom (Padma), the blossom had four petals,

and the one pointing south was India and amidst the mighty mountains stood Mount

Meru, the mountain of the gods. Meru included the whole region, which extended

northwards from India. All Tibet belonged to it.21

20

BC Sharma. “Nepal ko Eitihasik Rupa-Rekha.” Benares, 1963 pp. 58,71-72,76 21

Sven Hedin. Trans-Himalaya: Discoveries and Adventures in Tibet. VoL.III. London: Mc Millian

and Co. Limited, 1913. p. 116.

22

The early influences on Tibetan culture may have come from the south and east in

ancient times. Chinese archaeologist sees similarities between potteries found at the

prehistoric Tibetan sites in Kham and from the other regions in Tibet. On the other hand

the presence of cowrie shells in Kham indicates that ancient trade with cultures around

the Bay of Bengal was active. 22

Likewise, a number of countries such as Bhutan, Nepal,

Sikkim, Kashmir, China and Central Asia also maintained close commercial link with

India.23

From the ancient times until the end of the eleventh century, India and Tibet had active

cultural and commercial contacts. With the Turkish conquest of Northern India and with

the decline and destruction of Buddhist monasteries all over North India, contact between

India and Tibet ceased. The interaction between the Buddhists of the Himalayas sect and

the Buddhists of Tibet, however, continued as in the words of Himalayan Buddhist,

“Lhasa became Varanasi.”24

However, trade contact continued due to the pilgrim traders

and intermediaries. Tibetan traders and pilgrims came to Varanasi and Vajrasana and a

good many of Tibetan pilgrims visited Jullundhar, Amritsar, Riwalsar, Purushpuren route

Urgyen, the mythical land where Guru Padmasambhava (Patron Saint of Lamaistic

Buddhism) was born. Urgyen or Udiyana is located in the Swat or Suvatsu, northeast of

Peshawar.25

By the Seventeenth century in the plains of India, knowledge about Tibet was rather

scanty and mystic except for the trader’s family or scholarly pilgrims to Kailash

Mansarovar. Tibet was known to India, as the ‘land of Lamas’ and the land from where

22

Ancient Tibet; Research Materials from Yeshe De Project. California: Dharma Publishing, 1986.

p.98. 23

Phanindra Nath Chakrabarti. op. cit. pp. 13-14. 24

Kunga Yonten Hochotsang. op.cit. 228. 25

Ibid. p. 228.

23

came the sacred flywhisk or Chamar of yak tail. For the Tibetans the only important

center for knowledge until the last decade of the eighteenth century was Varanasi, known

in its Urdu form as Benares. Few Tibetan traders would come down to Varanasi for

exchange of wares as well as exploration for further prospect.26

However, Tibet’s affiliation with Bengal in particular is very old. Under the Palas of

Bengal who also belonged to the Buddhist faith, a deep connection developed with the

Tibetan kingdom. The construction of Viharas and Stupas by the Pala Kings and the

constant religious transaction with Tibet had made Bengal closer to Tibet. More than this

was Tibet’s affiliation with Pandita Srijana Dipankara Atisa, famous in Tibet as Jo Atisa

or Jowo Atisa who belonged to what was then known to the Tibetans as Vangala, which

later came to be called Bangala under the Muslim Sultans and the Nawabs, and then after

under the British as Bengal. Atisa was revered for his special teachings in Tibet, which

are the Kalacahakra Tantra and his efforts and directives about reconstruction and

regeneration of the Sangha in Tibet.27

Commodities from India also had certain religious value, so much, so that no rice and

conch shells was accepted in the monasteries as well as in the orthodox household unless

it was from Phagyul (Aryabhumi land of Buddha).28

Thus, Tibet historically had close

ties with India and two centuries ago traders and pilgrims freely moved in and out of

Tibet.

26

Ibid. p. 228. 27

Ibid. p. 243. 28

Ibid. pp. 241-242.

24

2.1.2 Earlier Trade Relations between Tibet and Nepal

The Nepal-Tibet trade relation is an old one. Due to geographical proximity, socio-

economic and religious ties the relationship between them was continuously maintained.

The Himalayan Kingdom of Nepal was the crucial contact zone where Hindu civilization

met the way of life of Tibetan Buddhism. Commercial interaction between the two

Himalayan states became more prominent in the early seventh century with the

introduction of the Banepa-Kuti trade route, which transformed the Kathmandu Valley

into an important commercial hub.29

This trading route was established during the rule of Ansuvarma,30

and initiated an

intimate relationship between Nepal and Tibet and Tibet and India. As this route,

facilitated Tibet to learn Indian culture and gradually it became a principal channel for all

cultural and commercial contact between these countries. The Chinese Tang Annals also

notes that in ancient Nepal the merchants were larger in number than the agriculturist.31

This led to the sprouting of different trading communities along the Nepal-Tibet border,

who enjoyed a monopoly in the Tibetan markets and the entrepot trade between India and

Tibet.

The traditional Nepal-Tibet trade relations was carried out at two levels locally and

nationally. The local trade was maintained by local people of both the kingdoms who

conducted trade along the border areas. It was conducted mainly on barter system which

was to cater the basic needs of the local people. Between Nepal and Tibet, there were at

29

Tirtha Prasad Mishra. The Taming of Tibet. Jaipur: Nirala Publications, 1991. p.109. 30

King Amshuvarma (605-21 AD) was a famous king of Nepal during the Lichchhavi period. He

maintained a good relation with India, Tibet and China. To maintain friendly relation with Tibet he

married off his daughter Bhrikuti to Song-Tsen Gampo the illustrious king of Tibet. He was also well

versed in Sanskrit and composed a Sanskrit grammar “Shabda Vidya”. 31

Sylvian Levi. Le Nepal, Vol .II. Paris: E Leroux, 1905. p. 185

25

least eighteen passes through which the trade was conducted.32

Although Nepal was

divided among different smaller states of Kathmandu, Patan, Bhatgaon and Gorkha they

remained independent of each other’s authority. Here, every encouragement was given to

promote trade.33

Tibet with very few fertile lands required commodities and food grains to meet its

domestic demand, hence, salt-grain trade with Nepal was very important since ancient

times. Nepal had no good source of salt and Tibet on the other hand had poor land to

produce food grains. Thus, the salt-grain trade was a vital trade between Nepal and Tibet

and this barter trade was essential for both these kingdoms to meet their respective needs.

The Tibetan intermediary bartered salt for grain in the Terai regions or the foothills and

then bartered the grain in Tibet of salt and other commodities. The exchange varied

according to the distance that the produce had to be transported. If the exchange rate was

made in the Terai the rate was four measures of grain for one salt. If the exchange was

made in the hills, it was three measures of grain for one salt. If the exchange was made

near the border, the rate was dropped to two grains for one salt.34

Other principal items exported from Nepal to Tibet were commodities from the plains of

India such as pearl, corals, amber, diamonds, emerald, cotton, silk, textiles, sugar, spices,

tobacco, indigo etc. Nepalese indigenous products were also exported to Tibet such as

shoes, rice, buckwheat, black pulse, wheat, barley, oil, maize, peas, flour, tobacco, iron

ore, iron bells, idols, flattened rice, copper and iron utensils, chillies, etc. From Tibet,

32

Bhuwan Lal Joshi and Leo E Rose. Democratic Innovations in Nepal. California: Berkeley, 1966. p.

17. 33

Clement Markham, ed. Narratives of the Mission of George Bogle to Tibet and the Journey of

Thomas Manning to Lhasa. London: Trubner and Co, 1879. p. 126. 34

Geroge W Traill. Statistical Report on the Bhotia Mahals of Kumaon. Asiatic Research XVII (1832),

pp. 34-9. Also see Devi Prasad Sharma. Trade and Trade industry of Nepal during the Rana Period.

Kathmandu: Ratna Book Publisher, 2008. p. 101.

26

Nepal received gold, salt, borax, musk, drugs, ponies, Yak tails, Bhotia blankets, fur,

Chinese silks etc.35

Among all the commodities in this commercial transaction between these two kingdoms

salt was the chief item of Tibetan export to Nepal, wool and woollen items were also

other important export to Nepal. The Tibetan wool was mainly used by the Himalayan

women for weaving clothes mainly for their own consumption. Partly such imported

wool was re-exported to India by the traders of Tibet. This trade in wool was more

profitable. Much later during the 1930’s the Thakali traders paid Rs. 24 to 25 for one

maund of wool in Netsang (a trading center maintained by the Dolpo community in the

Dolpo District of Western Nepal) and sold it at Rs. 60 to 74 in Nautanwa (a town in Uttar

Pradesh, India which shares its borders with Nepal). The government of Nepal used to

levy duties on export and re-export.36

The eighteen passes which connected Nepal and Tibet were difficult to traverse and were

not the same. These passes varied; from the elevation of 15,000 to 20,000 feet above sea

level.37

Among the eighteen passes the Kerong and the Kuti routes were relatively easy.

The other alternate routes included the Taklakar (Yari pass), Mustang, Hatia and Wallang

pass which were also frequented by the traders. The number of days taken from

Kathmandu to reach Lhasa was 38 days from Kerong and 36 days from Kuti.

In the early years of the seventeenth century, Tibet was in the state of a civil war due to

the rivalry between two Buddhist sects (the Red Hats Sect of the Nyingma-pa and the

Yellow Hat Sect of the Geluk-pa). By taking this opportunity, Ram Shah the king of

35

Ibid. p. 80. 36

Cristoph Von Furer Haimendorf. Himalayan Traders: Life in the Highland Nepal. Varanasi: Bharat

Bharati, 1971.p. 192. 37

Joshi and Rose. op.cit. pp. 17-18.

27

Gorkha and Pratap Malla the king of Kantipur captured Kerong and Kuti respectively,

which were under Tibet’s suzerainty. They were also very important trading routes

between Tibet and India via Kathmandu valley. The Nepal-Tibet commercial treaty of

1640 was concluded which formalized conventional entrepot trade.38

The terms of the

Treaty were as follows:

1. Kathmandu obtained joint authority over Kuti and Kerong,

2. The Newar Merchants of Kathmandu were permitted to establish trade marts (32

Kothis) at Lhasa,

3. Kathmandu was given the right of sending a representative designated as Naya to

look after the interest of the Nepalese community at Lhasa,

4. Tibet agreed not to impose any custom duties on goods bought and sold by the

Nepalese merchants at Lhasa and other places of Tibet,

5. Nepal was authorized to mint coins for Tibet, and in return she would receive

gold and silver from Tibet,

6. Tibet agreed to conduct her trade with South Asia via Kathmandu,

7. The property of deceased Nepali merchants in Tibet was to be returned to Nepal.

This Treaty improved the commercial prosperity of Kantipur (a medieval kingdom in the

Malla Confederacy of Nepal from 1484 to1768). This lasted until the unification of Nepal

in 1826, by King Prithivi Narayan Shah under the Gorkha banner as it enjoyed a

monopoly of the trans- Himalayan trade. However, Kantipur’s control over Kuti and

38

Leo E Rose. Nepal: Strategy for Survival. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971. p. 14.

28

Kerong lasted only for twenty-five years. Seeing this lucrative business, even the king of

Bhadgaon and Lalitpur made efforts to circulate their coins in Tibet.39

The trade conducted through Kuti and Kerong were the most important as a large volume

of trade was conducted and a large sum of state revenue was collected from these two

routes.40

The Kuti and Kerong routes were the only two routes which remained opened

throughout the year and both the entrepot and indigenous trade were conducted through

these routes. The value of this entrepot was more important as it derived huge

commercial revenues for Nepal. These two routes, however, lost their importance with

the opening of the Phari route through Sikkim during the 1880’s and the regularization of

the Indo-Tibetan trade through it.

Check posts and custom houses were established along the Kuti and Kerong route and

were authorized to control the smuggling. Custom officers were appointed to collect

taxes from the trade existed. Custom houses along the Kuti routes were stationed at

Tatapani, Helambu, Lamabagar, Kodari, Milachhi, Gati, Listi and Dolkha. Along the

Kerong route custom houses were located in Balaju, Timure, Sangla, Sridibas, Bhot

Sangu, Bharkhu, Sunpati, Arughat, Serabesi (Nuwakot) and Dorkhu. Among these

custom houses the Tatapani and Listi along the Kathmandu-Kuti route and the Timure in

the Kerong-Kathmandu route were important. They were both custom houses and

commercial centers.41

Some years after signing the treaty, the Malla king of the Kathmadu Valley began to

export impure coins, which created bitterness and ruined the relation between the Malla

39

Ram Babu Acharya. Shree panch Bada maharaja Dhiraja Prithavi Narayan Shah ko Samchipta

Jiwan, Part II. Kathmandu: His Majesty’s Press, 2024 (B.S.) pp. 205. 40

HA Oldfield. Sketches from Nepal Vol. I. Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1974. p. 34. 41

Devi Prasad Sharma. op. cit. p. 77.

29

kings and the government of Tibet. During this time, two major developments took place

in Tibet as well as Nepal. First the Civil War of 1728 in Tibet, leading to Chinese

interference in the matter of Tibet. The turmoil resulted in the permanent stationing of

Chinese Resident and military garrison in Tibet after 1750. Thereafter, the Dalai Lama

and his state council were compelled to consult with the Chinese Resident on all

questions relating to the state affairs. Also at the same time, Prithivi Narayan Shah of

Gorkha conquered Newakot, which was under Jaya Prakash Malla, the king of Kantipur

and as a result, the Kerong route came under the control of the Gorkhas.42

Inferences of the British officials and travelers gives us information that, the dominance

of Nepal in the trade with Tibet. Kirkpatrick mentions that the annual profit of Nepal by

minting coins for Tibet amounted to Rs.1,00,000.43

Similarly, Hamilton mentions that the

Lama of Digarcha (Shigatse) and Lhasa used to send much bullion to mint at Kathmandu

and made a very liberal allowance for having it coined.44

BH Hodgson indicates that

during the time of Bhim Sen Thapa, 52 Nepali and 32 Indian merchants conducted

Nepal’s foreign trade.45

He further mentioned that the Indian merchants were allowed to

enter Nepal freely while the Kashmiris had even established their shops at Kathmandu.

Even the merchants of Benares had their shops flourish at Kathmandu. Contrary to this,

the Tibetans had no commercial establishments and agents at Kathmandu. They were

allowed only to continue their traditional method of trade in Nepal. They visited different

villages of Nepal with their goods and sell them or barter with the Nepalese indigenous

42

Ibid. p. 67. 43

William Kirkpatrick. An Account of the Kingdom of Nepaul. London: W Miller, 1811. p. 211. 44

Francis Hamilton Buchanan. An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1817. New Delhi: Asian

Publishing Service, 1986. pp. 213. 45

BH Hodgson. Essays on the Language, Literature and Religion of Nepal and Tibet, 1874. Varanasi:

Bharat Bharati Publishers, 1971. p. 92.

30

products. They also got their products to the trading marts which were established at the

borders; there they stayed up to four or five months during the winter season.46

With the Gorkha conquest of the Kathmandu valley, Prithivi Narayan Shah tried to revive

the Nepal-Tibet trade. He tried to check the debasement of the Nepalese minted

currencies for Tibet, which had ruptured the economic relation between the two

kingdoms during the Malla Period. To get things on track he sent a deputation to Tibet

with a proposal of circulating newly minted Gorkhali coins to Tibet. However, this

proposal was denied by Tibet who in turn forwarded a proposal to return all old debased

coins if they would be replaced by new pure coins. This counter proposal was, however,

not agreeable to the Prithivi Narayan Shah. After his death, his son Pratap Singh Shah

was able to conclude a Treaty with Tibet in August 1775, which solved the problem to

some extent. The main provisions of the Treaty were as follows:

1. Nepal government agreed to send silver and gold coins to Tibet, according to the

specimen given by Tibet.

2. Tibet agreed to close the eastern trade route through Sikkim and to regularize the

trade only through the routes of Kuti and Kerong.47

However, this Treaty did not materialize as envisioned. The Tibetan authority neither

closed the trading route via Sikkim nor stopped the circulating old coins in Tibet. Thus

the Treaty remained a dead letter for a long time and later on became a contention that

led to a war between the two countries in 1788.The war came to an end with the signing

46

MC Regmi. A Study in Nepali Economic History. New Delhi: Manjushree Publishing, 1999. p. 20. 47

PR Uprety. Nepal -Tibet Relations1850-1930. Kathmandu: Puga Nara, 1980. p. 19.

31

of the Kerong Treaty on June 1788.The provisions of the Kerong Treaty were as

follows:48

1. Tibet agreed to fix the rate of exchange between the old and the new coins. The

rate was fixed as two old coins equal to one new coin.

2. Nepal was given the right of keeping her representatives at Lhasa to look after her

commercial interest.

3. The Nepalese representatives in Lhasa had jurisdiction to decide the case in which

Nepalese would be involved. No Tibetan authority had jurisdiction over such

cases.

4. Tibet promised to supply unadulterated salt to Nepal.

5. Tibet agreed to provide commercial privileges to Nepalese merchants in Tibet.

6. Tibet promised to close the eastern trade route via Sikkim and to conduct all

South Asian trade through the Kathmandu Valley.

The Treaty provision was in favor of Nepal. The Nepalese traders were allowed to freely

enter Tibet for trade but for the same purpose, Tibetans were not allowed to enter Nepal.

The Tibetan authorities followed the treaty only for the time being. It was so because the

Central authority of Tibet and the Chinese authority in Lhasa were not informed about the

treaty provisions.

When they knew about it, they refused the treaty which led to the outbreak of the Second

Nepal-Tibet war or the Sino-Nepalese War (1788-1792). The war was initially fought

between the Nepalese and the Tibetan armies over a trade dispute related to a long-

standing problem of low quality coin manufactured in Nepal for Tibet. The Nepalese

48

Ibid.

32

army under Bahadur Shah plundered Tibet, which led them to sign the Treaty of Kerong.

Tibet agreed to pay annual tribute to Nepal. However, the Tibetans requested for Chinese

intervention and the Sino-Tibetan forces raided Nepal up to Nuwakot. The War ended

with the treaty of Vetrabati, which was signed between the two countries in 1792.49

The Treaty of Vetrabati/Betrawati and following provisions:

1. Nepal agreed not to raise questions on her privileges of sending coins to Tibet.

2. Tibet agreed to compensate the plundered property of Nepali merchants at Lhasa.

3. The Nepalese subjects with the exception of armed soldiers were permitted to

travel, to establish factories and to carry on trade within the jurisdiction of Tibet.

4. Nepal was to send a mission every five years to China with gifts to the Emperor.

The Chinese government was to bear the cost of the Nepalese mission, provide

transport facilities and send gifts in return.

Although the trade between Tibet and Nepal was regularized after the war, Nepal was

prevented from sending coins to Tibet; this made Nepal lose her assertive role in the

trans-Himalayan trade. The Chinese government after the war established a mint in Lhasa

for circulating her own currencies in Tibet and the Nepalese coins were strictly

prohibited. However, Tibet and Nepal maintained their local and national trade for sixty-

five years after the conclusion of this treaty.

49

Devi Prasad Sharma. op.cit. p. 69.

33

2.1.3 Tibet and Bhutan

Bhutan had been carrying out regular caravan trade through the rugged Himalayan terrain

with the Kingdom of Tibet, which lies to its north. In 1626, a foreign traveler noted that

Bhutan was well provided with Chinese merchandise such as silk, gold and porcelain.50

Since both Bhutan and Tibet had Lamaistic Buddhism as their state religion, monasteries

were grossly involved in the country’s external trade. Apart from this, the state also

regulated trade and the benefits went largely to the King, his nobles and its spiritual

associates the monasteries. In this relation, Peter Collister observed:

Any trade in more valuable goods was entirely for the benefit of the Deb Raja and

the principal officers.51

Even in Tibet, the great nobles and the monasteries who together with the state were the

only merchants on a large scale.52

The kings or his nobles employed trade agents for the

detailed execution of the trade and to accompany the caravans to the desired destination.

These agents and professionals in turn received a share of trade benefits. Even small

merchants carried out their own trade sometimes with their counterparts in the

neighboring countries and sometimes with the big merchants.53

During the eighteenth century Bhutanese annual trade was worth Rs. 150 thousand with

Tibet.54

The Bhutanese royal caravans going up to Lhasa, the capital of Tibet has had a

certain transitional character; since most of the commodities such as salt, gold, tea, pearls

50

Arbinda Deb. Bhutan and India: A Study in Frontier Political Relations (1772-1865). Calcutta: NA,

1976. p. 56. 51

Peter Collister. Bhutan and the British. NA: Serhind Publication with Belitha Press, 1987. p. 21. 52

Grenrard. op.cit. p. 286. 53

Ratna Sarkar and Indrajit Ray. Two Nineteenth Century Trade Routes in the Eastern Himalayas: the

Bhutanese Trade with Tibet and Bengal. http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/226950. 2010. 54

Shantiswarup Gupta. British Relations with Bhutan. Jaipur: PanchsheelPrakashan, 1974. p. 19.

34

and corals were not of Bhutanese origins, they merely imported the commodity form

either the plains or from any other region and then exported it to Tibet. This transit trade

was noticed when the British administration in Bengal temporarily sealed the Bhutanese

border and this act threatened the Bhutanese trade with Tibet and China.

Trade between Bhutan and Tibet was primarily conducted along four routes that the

traders used at different periods:

1. The Paro-Lhasa Route.

2. The Punakha-Gyantse-Shigatse-Lhasa Route.

3. The Bumthang- Lhasa Route

4. The Tashigang-Lhasa Route.

All these routes had a common destination, which was Lhasa, which was the greatest

trade center of Tibet. Another thing noticeable in the Bhutan-Tibet trade was that all

these four routes were competitive. For instance, the Tashigang Lhasa route was meant

for Assam bound traffic, whereas the Paro-Lhasa route carried Tibetan traffic that were

destined to reach Bengal.

The caravan trade was conducted during the winter months as there were less chances of

rain, which meant the river beds were dry and could be crossed easily. This was also a

season when agriculture was slack and the agriculturist had time to vend their crops and

to opt for alternate source of earning. In Tibet, for example, the agriculturist/traders in

winter proceeded north to collect salt, which was found in the salt lakes there. Then these

men proceeded towards Bhutan, Nepal or Sikkim, to sell their goods in those places

35

despite of the snow and frost along the routes.55

Even Sarat Chandra Das in his account

mentions that “winter was the best season to travel to Lhasa” for the purpose of trade.56

The exports from Bhutan consisted mainly of domestic products like rice, woolen cloths,

munjeet (type of dye) and wrought iron, as well as imported products from Bengal such

as the English broad cloth, indigo, tobacco, coral, leather and sandalwood. Since Tibet

topography did not allow any large scale cultivation the necessity of the Tibetan people

forced her to import food grains such as rice, both boiled and parched along with wheat

and flour. While many of these imports were meant for domestic consumption, some of

the food grains were further re-exported for the Chinese consumption.57

Apart from food

grains, garments were heavily imported especially woolen products and broadcloth.

However, these imported garments were bought only by the nobility, which also included

the Lamas. The common people wore coarse woolen clothes and dresses, which were

woven domestically. Imported woolen clothes found an additional extensive outlet in

temple decoration.

As far as cotton clothes were concerned, the Tibetan women preferred the color of white

in addition to light blue and russet and to sustain the whiteness in clothes, imported

indigo were in great demand.58

Wrought iron was also in great demand, especially for

industrial purpose. These irons were manufactured in Bhutan out of her own deposits of

55

Ekai Kawaguchi. Three Years in Tibet, Bibliotheca Himalayica, Series Vol.1, 22. Kathmandu: NA,

1979. p. 458. 56

Sarat Chandra Das. Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet. WW Rockhill, ed. London: J Murry, 1902.

p. 85. 57

Grenrard. op.cit. p. 295.. 58

Kawaguchi. op.cit. pp. 452-53.

36

iron-ore at Paro, these irons were used for the manufacture of small arms at Dib near

Che-Cho-Ling.59

The Bhutanese imports consisted of raw wool, musk, tea, silver, gold, embroidered silk

piece goods and rock salt. Some of these items were domestically available and produced

in Tibet while some were of Chinese origin. Musk pods were important import item, the

musk deer which inhabited the forest in Kong-bo, Tsari and Lo were hunted by the forest

dwellers and barter for their daily necessities and ornaments. Tibetan rock salt was also

an item of import in Bhutan, which she largely re-exported to Bengal. Bengal had no

other source for the Tibetan rock salt than this, it had high demand on account of

prevailing socio-religious and medicinal practices.60

As noted above, these salts were

extensively available in Northern Tibet. Lastly, Tibet was also a bulk exporter of raw

wool. Rearing of sheep was a household activity in Tibet that generated substantial raw

wool. It was partly used internally in its thriving wool industry at Lhasa and partly

exported to neighboring kingdoms. About 1500 mule packs of wool were annually

exported to Bhutan in the late nineteenth century.61

2.1.4 Tibet and Sikkim

Sikkim and Tibet shared a unique relation and their trade evolved over the years

simultaneously. In fact, Tibet had a great degree of political, religious and commercial

influence over Sikkim. The very creation of a state system in Sikkim was a result of

Tibetan mediation, when a great ritualistic schism occurred in the Tibetan Church. Trade

between Sikkim and Tibet was an expression of both politics and economics and the

59

Ibid. p. 447. 60

Ratna Sarkar and Indrajit Ray. op. cit. 61

Kawaguchi. op. cit. p. 450.

37

Tibetan monasteries were actively engaged in this.62

The installation of the first Chogyal

(Dharma Raja) of the Bhutia community belonging to the Tibetan stock was vehemently

backed by the Tibetan church. This resulted in the subjugation of the Lepchas and the

Limboos either by religious conversion or by force. Eventually, the bonds between

Sikkim and Tibet grew stronger.

HH Risley mentioned:

While the religious rapprochement was going on, the Rajas of Sikkim were

brought within the attraction of the civilization far higher than their own. Wool,

silk tea, all the comforts and ornaments of life, came to them form Tibet: while

intercourse with other countries were difficult. Small wonder, then, that their

continual effort was to show themselves to be thorough Tibetans: that the Tibetan

language came into use at their court and that their chief advisors were drawn

from the Tibetan monasteries. In course of time, this connection grew to be closer,

and the last three Rajas have married Tibetan wives, and have held landed

property and owned herds of cattle in Tibet.63

Trade between Sikkim and Tibet was conducted mainly through the mountain passes

colloquially called as La.64

The most prominent being the Nathu-la (Gnatui), Jelep- la,

Cho- la, Lachen, Lachung, Donkia and six other minor passes.65

Through these routes

small scale trade was regularly conducted. The political link dovetailed with kinship of

the Sikkimese royal family with the nobility of Tibet and the religious affiliation between

Sikkim and Tibet monasteries with a common Buddhist heritage facilitated this trade.

62

Alastair Lamb. British India and Tibet: 1776-1910. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986. p. 3. 63

HH Risley. The Gazetteer of Sikkim. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1894. p. ii. 64

La is a Tibetan word meaning mountains pass. 65

Vibah Arora. “Routing the Commodities of the Empire through Sikkim.” Indian Institute of

Technology, Delhi. 9 (2008). p. 5.

38

Colman Macaulay in his Report of a Mission to Sikkim and the Tibetan Frontier

mentions that the local inhabitants of the Lachung valley in North Sikkim often traversed

the Lachen route as the Donkia pass. However, sometimes the pass got disrupted during

odd season. He mentions that the Lachung people generally went to Tibet twice a year.

They took timber, tchen (paharia manjit, a kind of creeper, which gives red dye) and

some cinnamon to Shigatse and Gyantse. Macaulay mentioned that baskets of tchen were

made up as loads as they sold Rs.5 per load of tchen at Shigatse. These traders fetched

back tea, salt, wool, blankets, some pottery, sheep and goats. While some traders took

sheep and wool to Darjeeling directly from Gyantse by Phari and then Jelep-la and

fetched back to Lachung tobacco, raw Assam silk and copper vessels. Others went down

from Lachung into Gangtok with Tibetan salt, which they sold as far as Garh and

Limgmoo and fetched back Indian corn, murwa (fermented local beverage) and rice.66

2.2: Early European Explorations

Tibet famed as a land of abundant wealth presented itself as an exporter of gold dust,

borax, musk, wool, salt and sheep in India and represented a potential market for

importing western manufactured goods such as textiles, British-Indian tea, tobacco and

grains. The gold mines of Tibet were considered the richest in the world, which alone

made them commercially important, and a reason enough to aggressively promote

trade.67

According to many explorers and later the British administrators, Tibet offered a

great market for western manufacture and that Tibet could contribute to the currency

problem by flooding the world with supplies of gold.68

66

Colman Macaulay. Report of a Mission to Sikkim and Tibetan frontier. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat

Press, 1885. pp. 27-28. 67

LA Wadell. Among the Himalayas. Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1978. (Reprint). p. IV. 68

H H Risley. op. cit. p. xii.

39

Since the fourteenth century, onwards, Europe had started to maintain contact with Tibet,

but these travels were religious in nature with an intention of converting the natives into

Christianity and exploring the mysterious region. Nobody except the Englishman Ralph

Fitch and Dutch merchant adventurer Samuel Van de Putte surveyed the commercial

potentiality of Tibet during that period.69

The accounts of the missionaries, tell us Father Odoric of Pordenone a Franciscan monk

travelled from China and had reached Lhasa in 1328. His name deserves to be kept in

memory not only because he was first European to pass through Tibet and reach Lhasa,

but also had excited the curiosity of European travelers. Odoric calls Lhasa as Gota and

also mentioned Potala the monastery palace of the Dalai Lama. He calls Tibet as Riboth

and knew that it bordered India. He wrote:

This Kingdom is subject to the Great Khan, and there are found bread and wine in

much greater abundance than in any part of the world. The people of this country

live in tents of black felts. Their chief city is very fine, all of white stone, and the

streets well paved. It is called Gota. In this city, none dare shed human blood, nor

of any beast, out of reverence to an idol, they worship there. In this city, there

dwells the obassy, that is to say, their pope in their language. He is the chief of all

the idolaters, and bestows the benefices of the country at his pleasure.70

However, Berthhold Laufer disapproves this legend. He sets arguments to prove

otherwise, he holds the accounts of all the other travellers on the one point that Odoric’s

account of Tibet is rather thin fabric woven of “slender threads” and says his account was

69

Phanindra Nath Chakrabarti. op.cit. p.14. 70

Sven Hedin. Trans- Himalaya: discoveries and Adventures in Tibet. Vol. III. London: Mc Millian

and Company. 1913. pp 120-121.

40

not based on his travels but rather a second hand account based upon a dialogue with a

Chinese traveller.71

Antonio Andrade and Manuel Marquis, were two Portuguese Jesuits did go to Tibet in

1624 and founded a Christian mission at Tsaparang in Western Tibet. The Jesuit

missionaries who heard rumors about Christians living somewhere to the north of the

Indian sub-continent, either in the Himalaya Mountains or beyond on the Tibetan Plateau,

were eager to make contact with these supposed co-religionists. In the spring of 1624,

while in Delhi, Father Antonio de Andrade a Portuguese Jesuit priest, received

information about a large group of Hindu travelers who were just about to depart on a

pilgrimage somewhere deep in the retreat of the Himalaya Mountains.72

Accompanying the pilgrim group, he decided, would be an excellent way to penetrate the

Himalayas, hitherto virtually unexplored by Europeans. Andrade and a Jesuit companion,

Manuel Marques, both disguised as Hindus, left from Delhi with the pilgrim caravan in

early April of 1624. On the way up the valley of the Ganges River to Haridwar, their

disguises failed and were arrested as spies. Eventually, they were released for lack of

evidence and the Jesuits rejoined the caravan, but soon were detained again. Finally, they

admitted that they were on a mission to reach Tibet. Under the impression that Andrade

was a trader, and since not an Indian presumably in possession of new, exotic trade

goods, the king not only invited the Jesuit to visit him but also sent two guides to lead

him over the pass into his kingdom. 73

The two missionaries crossed the Mana Pass over

the Himalayas into the Western Tibetan province of Guge and were well received in its

71

B. Laufer. Was Odoric of Prodenone ever in Tibet. London: (I.O.L.) pp. 405-18. 72

. Clement Markham. op. cit. pp. 296-298 . 73

Ibid. pp.298

41

capital, Tsaparang, there they stayed for three weeks before returning to Agra the same

year. The following year they were back in Tsaparang building a permanent mission.

Not much is known about the journey, but Andrade reached Tibet from India, sometime

around August 1624. Andrade mentioned in his account that Tibet is a fertile country, but

the capital was a very barren spot. Lhasa only produced corn in those parts, which was

watered by the nearby river, the people kept large flocks of sheep and horses on the plain.

On trade, he mentions that the food was mainly imported, such as figs, peaches and wine,

and all these came from the warmer valley of the Sutlej, which took twelve days to

transport. Besides trading purposes, the Indian merchants were allowed to settle in the

town. The Tibetans also had commercial interaction with China. Andrade further

mentioned during his stay that caravans of more than 200 traders entered Tibet carrying

coarse silk and a great quantity of porcelain every year.74

Shortly, in 1626 two other Portuguese Jesuit missionaries, Father Cabral and Father

Cacella (members of the Tsaparang Mission) visited Shigatse in Central Tibet after an

arduous journey via Bhutan. The hostilities of the Lamas prevented them from founding a

mission at Shigatse75

. However, entering through the kingdom of Bhutan they gave a

description of it:

The Country is very rich in corn, rice and cattle, all that is very cheap. There is an

abundance of fruit, many kinds of pears first of all, then peaches, apples, walnuts

and quinces. Indian lemon, peas and very good turnips are also found. There is no

fish here, but very good dried fish is obtained either from the salt lake which is

74

C Wessels. Early Jesuit Travellers in Central Asia (1603-1721). Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1924. p

65. 75

Derek Waller. The Pundits: British Exploration of Tibet and Central Asia. Kentucky: University

Press of Kentucky, 2004. p 4.

42

not very far and which also furnishes salt, or from Cocho...something which are

not produced here are found in other places which is situated at no great distance,

for example grapes, from which wine is made, which are found in a town called

Compo, at twenty days distance extending along the Tsangpo on the border of

Kham.76

On trade, Cacella mentioned:

…this country is also well provided with Chinese merchandise such as silk, gold

and porcelain, all which comes from the same town of compo. From here men go

down into this regions, whilst trade is also carried on by them with the people of

Caximir (Kashmir) via Chaparangue. Many strangers come to Guiance

(Gyantse)…which is eight days distance from here…to Laca (Lhasa) comes many

Jogues (Jogis) and merchants from other parts.77

The first European who ventured the trans- Himalaya and brought back to Europe fuller

and valuable information about Tibet was the famous Austrian Jesuit monk Father John

Grueber /Johann Grueber. He left Peking and set out for Lhasa in 1661 with Father Albert

D’ Orville from Belgium, a member of the same order. They intended to travel though all

eastern Tibet by the Koko-nor, Lhasa, Shigatse and Kathmandu and eventually come to

India. The two priests crossed Hwang-Ho twice and after that passing Sining-fu, they

travelled for three months through the desert of Tatar Kamlukhs before entering the

76

Ibid. p. 149. 77

Wessels. op.cit. p. 150.

43

kingdom of Lhasa in October 8, 1661.78

Athanasius Kircher to whom Grueber had left his

journal and charts published an account of this journey.

For another fifty years there was little missionary activity in the Himalayas, then in the

early 1700’s the Capuchin fathers of the province of Ancona applied for an exclusive

right to establish missions in Tibet, and they acquired it by a special order of the

Congregatio de Propoganda Fide. Accordingly, Father Felice de Montecchio, Father

Domenico da Fano, and other members of the Capuchin order set off from Rome in the

year 1704 to travel to Indian and Tibet. Fano arrived in Lhasa in 1707. In his effort to

establish a mission station in the capital of the Dalai Lama, he encountered great

difficulties, and he returned to the eternal city to obtain more vigorous support for home.

In the year 1715, he was again in India, equipped for yet another round of missionary

attack on Tibet.79

Following this, the Italian Jesuit Father Ippolito Desideri, arrived in India from Genoa. At

Agra, he met up with his superior, the Portuguese Father Manuel Freyre and they left for

Tibet in 1714. Father Desideri lived there for a couple of years and came back to Nepal in

December 1727. Afterwards he wrote a book giving his remarkable impression of Tibet.

Desideri was able to provide the first accurate general description of Tibet, in all its

particulars; the flora, fauna, products of the soil, the inhabitants and their special customs,

which was made possible by his perfect knowledge of Tibetan language.80

Father

78

Phanindra Nath Chakrabarti. op.cit. pp. 13-14. 79

Sven Hedin. op.cit. p. 125. 80

Derek Waller. op.cit. p.7.

44

Desideri also translated the Kangair/ Kangyur81

of the great reforming Lama, Tsong-

khapa into Latin.82

In 1716, Orazio dell Penna and Domenico da Fano the Capuchin monks arrived in Lhasa

to reopen their mission, but the hostilities of the Lama and their deteriorating personal

health failed their objective. The mission was closed again in 1733, was re established in

1741, and closed for good when the Chinese expelled the remaining monks in 1745.

By the eighteenth century, these adventurers slowly unveiled the mysterious kingdom of

the Himalaya, which confirmed the imperialists that a flourishing trade existed in the

kingdom of the Eastern Himalayas, which was free and unrestricted. They established the

fact that foreign commodities had had a very promising market in Tibet. Tibet imported

goods in lieu of gold dust and the European manufactures were keenly accepted in the

Eastern Himalayas.

Ralph Fitch, who was the first Englishman who mentioned of a flourishing trade that

existed between Tibet and Bengal undertook secular exploration that was commercial in

nature. Ralph Fitch, who arrived at Cooch Behar in 1583 probed the situation of trade

between Tibet and Bengal.83

Fitch sailed with the Queens letter from London who was

abroad the ship “Tiger of India” in 13th

February1583 and arrived at Agra on1584. From

there he went to Fatehpur Sikri where Akbar, the then Mughal Emperor resided. After

Agra he went to Bengal via Allahabad, Benares and Patna with a fleet of 180 boats and

landed with his merchandise. He came to Malda and then to Cooch Behar. He mentioned

81

Kangair/ Kangyur or translated words consist of works in about 108 volumes supposed to have been

spoken by Buddha himself. All texts were presumably had a Sanskrit original although in many cases

the Tibetan text was translated from Chinese or other languages. Kangyur along with Tengyur are

loosely defined as a list of sacred texts recognized by different school of Tibetan Buddhism. 82

Clement Markham. op.cit. p. Iviii. 83

Ibid. p. 15.

45

in his account that trade in musk, cambals (blankets), silk and agates, cow tails. He also

talked of lofty mountain passes from where the merchants coming from China, Tartary

and Persia came. All these indicate the existence of a dynamic commercial intercourse

that prevailed between India, Tibet through the pass of Bhutan and Nepal.84

Samuel Van de Putte was the only European who had ever completed the journey from

India through Lhasa to China in 1728. Some of his notes and sketches are still preserved

at the New Zealand Society of Science museum. There is also a map of part of Tibet by

Van Putte in the museum at Middelburg, which includes the region between the Ganges

and Tsangpo (Brahmaputra) in Tibet. The great Dutch traveler had a very comprehensive

knowledge of Tibet and had greater proficiency in other oriental languages.85

By the mid-Eighteenth century, the Christian missionaries and merchant adventurers

were able to conjure up a substantial body of information on Tibet. A considerable data

on the country, geography, trade and customs was now available to those who were

interested. The British however, had played no role in the acquisition of this information

yet, but with the extension of British authority in India all this was about to change.

Robert Clive’s victory in the Battle of Plassey of 1757 made the British a paramount in

north India, whose jurisdiction extended to the foothills of the Himalayas.

As trade and politics became an inseparable component during the second half of the

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, trades among the nations were now negotiated by

both political diplomacy and military campaigns.86

The control over commerce and

exchange of commodities facilitated the British Empire with resources for global

84

Ibid. p Iiv. Also see Jahar Sen. op.cit. p. 21. 85

Ibid. pp. ixiii to ixv. 86

Vibah Arora. op.cit. p.1.

46

expansion. The East India Company, augmented its returns not merely by acquiring new

markets for their commodities by various means, but also trading in the commodities of

the newly acquired territories. Political control over the Himalayan kingdom facilitated

capital accumulation followed by expansion of capitalism.

The traditional trade that existed amongst the Himalayan Kingdom now witnessed a new

set of player after the eighteenth century, when the English East India Company desired

to penetrate and participate in this trans- Himalayan trade. The fundamental objective of

this endeavor was to reach the Chinese market through Tibet.87

A viable financial

prospect was hard to be ignored by the British which led to a series of commercial and

political mission towards the kingdom of the Eastern Himalayas to understand,

contemplate and pull off commercial, political and military tactics to root itself politically

and churn out profits from the Himalayan trade.

Thus, the foregoing explains the existence of an ancient trade network in the region of the

Eastern Himalayas with its center at Tibet since the Seventh century. This commercial

relation between Tibet and its adjacent kingdoms was the base of the region‘s economy

as the population could not practice large scale agriculture due to topographical

constraints. Tibet’s link with North India and Bengal in particular continued

uninterrupted until the Islamic invasion while its relation with Nepal witnessed

vicissitudes through continuous conflicts. Tibet-Bhutan trade relations were an ancient

one where monasteries were grossly involved in commodity transaction, while on the

other hand Tibet-Sikkim trade relation developed along with their political affiliations

through their numerous passes.

87

Phanindra Nath Chakrabarti. op. cit. pp. 13-14.

47

The pre-colonial trade was known in the west and explorations both religious and secular

began as early fourteenth century by Christian missionaries and merchant adventurers.

Such early explorations provided a sound knowledge base for the British Missions in the

later stages.

48

Chapter 3

TRADE AND TRADING COMMUNITIES

The chapter in this thesis studies the agents of the Himalayan trade which were the

state, the monasteries and trading communities. Amongst them, the real protagonist of

this regional exchange was the indigenous trading communities. These trading

communities of Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, and their ingenious pattern of trade

were vital, as it assimilated the region not only commercially but also culturally and

politically.

The mountainous topography of the Eastern Himalayas made it imperative for its

kingdoms to engage in commercial exchange for growth and development. As their

economies were not self-sufficient, they often substituted goods along their frontiers.

The trade, which developed in this region with its extensive network, was very

profitable and enabled wealth accumulation. Hence, it became an important factor for

their economic growth. Commerce was a preferred activity of not only its lay

inhabitants but also institutions like the state and monasteries.

The Eastern Himalayan trade had a very comprehensive feature; it encompassed not

only the economy but also stimulated the social and political development. In this vast

highland, the different communities with assorted customs and cultures participated in

direct commercial transaction through the regions porous borders. Their trading

pattern operated in a complex web of network, where they traversed rough hilly

terrain and elaborate passes of the Himalaya.

49

Diverse section of ethnic communities coexisted and complemented economically

thus developing a unique cultural identity with a sound economic growth. The trading

practices of such communities were substantial, not only for connecting and

promoting commerce in their unique indigenous ways but also in helping social

transaction between different communities across the Himalayas. This trade also

stimulated urbanization where towns and cities became the nerve centre of large scale

trade. Again the geographical proximity of the Eastern Himalayan kingdom made the

exchange fluid between the household, villages, districts, and the countries. As trade

and trade oriented business encouraged cultural synthesis and human migration, the

trading practices of the indigenous mercantile communities became significant for

connecting and promoting trade. These trading communities were the intermediaries

of trade in the Eastern Himalayas.

The theory of absolute advantage entails specialization of commodities as the basis of

efficiency. This absolute differences in advantage are the basis of any international

trade.1 The topography of the Himalayas made it difficult for its inhabitants to engage

in large scale agriculture so they sought to engage in trade with commodities which

were available to them in nature and specialized in them; be it in production or

transport.

3.1 Trading Communities in Tibet

The Tibetan race is placed among the Mongolian family of nations, who inhabited

high Asia since times immemorial. The people of Tibet do not call the country by this

name; they call it Bod/Phuey and the Tibetans call themselves Bod-Pa/ Phuey-Pa. It

1 Bo Sodersten and Geoffrey Reed. International Economics. London: McMillan Press, 1994. pp. 4-5.

50

is believed that the name Bod/Phuey is derived from the name Bon/Pon, an animistic

religion followed by many of the Tibetans prior to the arrival of Buddhism.2 It is

generally believed that the Tibetans came partly from the northeast and later from

Assam and Burma in the south east. Philologically the Tibetans belong to the same

linguistic family as the Burmese.3

The Tibetans have no ethnological relation with the Chinese; they belong to the

Central Asian tribe having ethnic similarity with people such as Evenks, Yakuts,

Orochhins and the Tungus inhabiting regions from Mongolia to trans-Baikal. Their

physical characteristics suggest two groups: firstly, the round headed group found

mostly in the cultivated river valleys of central and western Tibet who resemble the

Burmese and the second a long headed group who are taller and angular in build with

aquiline nose. They primarily constitute the noble families in Central Tibet and

generally are the nomads of east and Northeast Tibet.4

The Tibetan society comprised of the landed gentry on one side and the peasantry and

the shepherds on the other. The trading community stood in the middle.5 The

population of Tibet was divided into firstly the civil officials and nobility, Secondly

the Lamas or monks and thirdly people belonging to the Dok-pas (Dok meaning

pasturage or grazing station) or pastoralist who mostly lived in tents raising cattle and

the Pyo-pas or the cultivators. There were also foreigners who had settled in Tibet and

engaged in commerce, such as the Newari merchants from Nepal who professed

Buddhist religion and practiced trade in trading centres established at Lhasa. There

also existed Chinese merchants and the mendicants or pilgrim merchants from the

2 Wang Furen and Suo Wenqing. Highlights of Tibetan History. Beijing: New Word Press, 1864. pp. 9.

3 Sir Charles Bell. Tibet Past and Present. Delhi: Cambridge Press, 1998 (Reprint). p. 8.

4 The Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol.1. London, 1935. p. 757.

5 Sir Charles Bell. The People of Tibet. Delhi: Cambridge Press, 1998 (Reprint).pp. 90.

51

plains of India. All these sections of the Tibetan society were engaged in trade.6 It is

seen that trade was practiced by almost all the sections of the society in their own

capacity. For instance, a layman could be found practicing trade at a local level and at

the same time nobility and even high Lamas in cross border trade. The population

living on the Tibetan plateau relied on trade as a source of income through bartering

and selling products from cattle breeding like wool and dairy and taken from natural

environment such as gold, silver, borax, salt, musk deer pods and medicinal plants.

Imports from the outside world like silk, tea, manufactures, hard and precious stones

were keenly accepted and high in demand.7

The Tibetans were born traders as Sir Charles Bell puts it. Although there was a

regular mercantile class to deal with foreign trade still, almost all people engaged in

commerce during certain season. The Tibetans were not only keen traders but also

free traders in their nation. To lay any restriction on free commercial interaction was

considered barbarous dishonest by them. Unlike the west, the Tibetan society did not

had any sort of discrimination upon traders. The merchants held a respectable position

in the society and trade was highly honoured by the Tibetans. During the autumn and

early days of winter, after the crops were reaped, the herdsmen journey away from

their upland pastures and descend into the villages, bringing salt and soda (the latter

for tea) with them. Apart from this they even brought wool to sell it to regular

merchants. The herdsmen bartered their salt and soda for the peasant’s grain.8

6 J.A.H Louis. The Gates of Thibet. Delhi: Vivek Publishing House, 1972 (Reprint). pp.42-43.

7 Alessandro Boesi. “dByarrtswadgunbu” (Cordycepssinensis Berk): An Important Trade Item for the

Tibetan Population of Li thang Country, Sichuan Province, China. The Tibet Journal 28.3 (2003). pp.

29-42. JSTOR. Web.10 March 2016. 8 Sir Charles Bell. op. cit. p. 103.

52

The city of Lhasa and Shigatse were the chief trading centres of trade in Central

Tibet; Cham-do, Jye-Kun –do, Der-ge and Ta-chienlu (Ta-tsen-do) were other

important centres in eastern Tibet famous for both internal and external trade. Bell,

gives an elaborate description on how trade transaction in the local markets were

made using hand gestures. He mentioned:

Holding the other’s hand inside the long capacious Tibetan sleeve, the unit is

stated thus, Do di, i.e. ‘Do-tse these’. Three fingers being gripped three Do-tse

are indicated. The seller continues Tso di, i.e. ‘Ten these’ and grip two fingers.

Then Pu di, i.e. ‘Sangs these’, and four are gripped. The meaning of the whole

is three Do –tse and twenty four Sangs, for the tens refers to Sangs. A Sang is

worth at present, about one shilling and six pence, a Do-tse three pounds

fifteen shillings. The buyer makes his offer in a same manner. For six you take

three fingers and turn them over, thus doubling the figure. For seven you take

five fingers and then two. Similarly, eight is four double, nine is five plus

four.9

The pattern of domestic transaction in Tibet was very much similar to many other

countries in Asia, where bargaining was conducted using hand signs and gestures.

These gestures were a means of clear physical communication while trading, as trade

was often conducted between people who sometimes spoke different language and

dialects.

In larger trade dealings, the seller called upon the deities for blessings which are

shared by both parties. For example, if a pony was sold, the seller wrested his hands

9 Ibid. p.92

53

on the pony and say “May you have a good fortune, may the pony live long, may you

escape sickness and may our trade dealing with each other grow to hundreds to

thousands”. In case of a pony or a mule that is specially prized, the purchaser or his

servant gave a pinch of barley flour mixed with butter. This was done before the

vendor’s prayer, which they believed was good not only for the pony but for the entire

household.10

These gesticulation of trade came from a deep respect for nature and all

the sentient beings created by it. The principals of Buddhism were highly entrenched

in the Tibetan society which promoted mutual coexistence and harmony. Profit of

course was desirable but unlike the colonialist, was not expected to be reaped at the

misery of others.

The official external trade of Tibet was carried by the state which involved the

aristocrats and officials and High Lamas as entrepreneurs and all these politically

motivated regional exchange. The ecclesiastical involvement was very crucial in the

establishment of new commercial towns and organizing large fairs. Monasteries

sometimes even influenced trade flows and also reshaped the frontier character of the

kingdoms.11

In Tibet monasteries were major entrepreneurs during this time and often employed

peddlers who led caravans on their behalf. As per Melvin Goldstein a scholar in

Tibetan economic history, these peddlers were not free men; they were serfs (dud

chung) whose labour were bound to aristocrats or monastic estates.12

. It was these

peddlers who led the caravans on behalf of the monasteries. It was only in the

eighteenth century that many serfs ran away from their estates in search of physical

10

Ibid. 11

Wim van Spengen. op. cit. p 98. 12

Melvin Goldstein. Serfdom and Mobility: An Examination of the Institution of Human Lease in

Traditional Tibetan Society. Journal of Asiatic Studies. 30. 3 (1971): pp. 533-34.

54

mobility and personal freedom. After this, the monasteries started granting ‘human

lease’ status where individuals could move freely and engage in entrepreneurial

activities as long as they paid their lease either in cash or in occasional labour

services.13

Under this condition, the human lease peddlers could start trading on their

own with investment money borrowed from large financial institutions such as

Tibetan Buddhist monasteries. It was during this time, many Tibetans embraced

trading activities.

Tibet was well equipped with trade routes. However, this trade route did not connote

a proper route. The tracks were very rough and the only means of transport were the

Yaks, donkeys, mules and sometimes sheep and goats. Charles Bell mentioned that

the Yak although much larger than the Tibetan donkey carried almost the same load

as a donkey; about hundred and seventy pounds or 77.11 kgs. The mule took its

burden twenty to twenty five miles a day, a donkey ten to fifteen and the yak, a

similar distance or less. In western Tibet sheep and goats were used for transport and

each animal carried twenty to twenty five pounds. The load contained wool, salt or

borax and with this they made long marches across the mountains.14

Most of the trade was carried during the winter season; although the temperature was

low the chance for rain was less, which also meant that the river beds were dry. The

caravans proceeded smoothly along the river beds which reduced their hardship and

fatalities. This was also the season when agricultural activities were slack and the

farmers had time to vend their crops and opt for subsidiary jobs. Foods were cheap;

13

Ibid. pp. 528-33. 14

.Sir Charles Bell. The People of Tibet. op. cit. p. 96

55

especially barley, meat and wine which were easily available en route.15

This also

helped to sustain the business of the local innkeepers and the fodder sellers as the

traders would rest and also feed their pack animals.

Once winter season entered the farmers proceeded towards north to stock up their salt

which was obtained in the salt lake, and then marched towards Nepal, Bhutan and

Sikkim to sell their goods in those places.16

An average caravan was led by a host of

animals like mules, ponies, horses, yaks, sheep etc, who could negotiate narrow

rugged paths in the mountains. Horses dominated the caravans of Tibet, since they

were low cost animals and because of their cheapness even the Tibetan farmers

employed them for carrying loads in the fields.

The big merchants did not participate in the detailed execution of trade, they

employed trading agents and professionals to accompany the caravans who in turn

received a share of the trade profit. On the other hand small merchants were allowed

to carry out trade on their own, who traded with their counterparts in the neighbouring

countries and also sometimes with the big merchants.17

In the Kham region which is located in south-eastern Tibet significant wealth came

from trade. The ever increasing commerce of supply and growing demands of certain

goods (wool, musk and certain medicinal products) created a space for the growth of a

healthy mercantile community in Tibet. The Khampa traders in time with growing

15

Sarat Chandra Das. Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet. London: John Murry, 1902. pp. 85. 16

Ekai Kawaguchi. Three Years in Tibet. Madras: Theosophical Publishing Society, 1909. pp. 458. 17

Ratna Sarkar and Indrajit Ray. Two Nineteenth Century Trade Routes in the Eastern Himalayas: The

Bhutanese Trade with Tibet and Bengal.2006 http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/226950. p.

59. Digital Image

56

opportunities emerged as a powerful power brokers influencing the politics and the

economy of the region.18

3.2 Trading Communities in Nepal

As mentioned in the previous chapter, the trade relationship between Nepal and its

adjacent kingdoms was ancient and a symbiotic one, despite of its ecological contrast.

In Nepal, people were engaged in different occupations mostly community based but

besides this, they also resorted to a number of economic activities for the sustenance

of their livelihood. The traders of Nepal practicing their craft on the frontiers often

lived on the fringes of the Hindu society of Nepal and the Buddhist society of Tibet.

These traders used this element to their advantage and profited from it. Marginal to

both these traditions the traders were often bilingual and for centuries they acted as

cultural and economic hinge between Tibetans in the north and Nepalese in the south.

One of the most significant trading communities of Nepal was the Newars who

inhabited the Kathmandu Valley. They had developed a division of labour and

sophisticated urban civilization not seen elsewhere in the Himalayan kingdom.19

The

Newar Buddhist merchants of the Kathmandu Valley were the dominant traders of

Nepal who conducted their trading operation inside Tibet since the mid-17th

century.20

Apart from the Newars there were other trading communities such as the Thakalis,

Sherpas, Manangis,21

Magars etc. Even Marwari and Tibetan traders figure

18

Stephen Gros. Introduction to Frontier Tibet: Trade and Boundaries of Authority in Kham. Cross-

Currents: East Asian History and Cultural Review. E-Journal No. 19 (2016). pp. 10-12 19

David N Gellner. “Language, Caste, Religion and Territory: Newar Identity Ancient and Modern.”

European Journal of Sociology. 27. 1 (1986). Retrieved 17 August 2019. 20

Bhuwan Lal Joshi and Leo E Rose. Democratic Innovations in Nepal. California: Berkeley, 1966. p.

17. 21

Christoph von Furer Haimendorf. Himalayan Traders: Life in Highland Nepal. London: John

Murray, 1975. pp. 1-10

57

prominently in this trade. It is mentioned that in 1685, there was also a Eurasian

Armenian trade network linked through the region into Lhasa.22

These Nepali trading communities conducted trade at both internal and external level.

Further, external or cross border trade in a non-institutional level with Tibet was

mainly conducted by the communities inhabiting the border areas through the passes

connecting Tibet and Nepal.23

As far as internal trade was concerned it is noted that the topographical constraints

within the region, the lack of market, transportation and communication impediment

made it very difficult for the local traders to operate in their maximum capacity within

the country. Therefore, trade with the neighbouring countries was in fact was much

easier than with the interior parts itself.24

The internal trade was principally based on

the barter system. This was an ancient system, which prevailed and was sustained

through the ages. The village economy although self- sufficient to an extent was not

entirely capable of fulfilling all the necessities of its inhabitants. To meet such

demands, the people often exchanged their surplus with adjacent villages and

sometimes even with the villages across the precincts.

On the other hand, the border trade was intended to exchange necessary goods and

indigenous produce, where traders earned their livelihood on the profits from such

trade. Apart from this, institutionalized trade was also conducted between the

kingdom of Nepal and Tibet where the Newari traders were excelled. These

22

Khachikan Levon. “The Ledger of the Merchant Hovhannes Joughayetsi”. Journal of the Asiatic

Society (1966). pp.153-186. 23

James F Fisher. Trans Himalayan Traders: Economy, Society and Culture in Northwest Nepal.

California: University of California Press, 1986. Print. 24

Devi Prasad Sharma. Trade and Industry of Nepal During the Rana Period. Kathmandu: Ratna

Pustak Bhandar, 2009. p. 11.

58

merchants being Buddhist had an influential access with the Lhasa elites and married

Tibetan women. Thus, they were prevailing trading community even in Tibet.25

Trade often took place between the inhabiting trading communities of the

neighbouring countries residing in the border areas. The Nepalese in this context

supplied agricultural commodities such as grains, pulses, ghee, etc., forest produce

like honey and medicinal herbs and minerals. In return, they received commodities

such as salt, clothes, spices etc. from the adjacent neighbouring countries. Since

Nepal had no or little access to salt, up till the end of the nineteenth century she was

mostly dependent upon Tibet for salt. Only a small quantity of Indian salt was

imported.26

Eventually, the demand for salt exceeded the supply capacity of the

Tibetans traders. This led to the inroads of Indian salt known as Sabhar salt, which

was cheaper as compared to the Tibetan salt. However, Tibetan salt still continued as

a medium for barter of food grains and other commodities. This kind of transaction

was not only conducted internally but also with the Tibetan people across the borders.

Among the bartering items salt and food grains were vital.27

The salt -grain/rice trade conducted between Tibet and Nepal was a constructive one

not only for economic progression of the region but also for cultural interface.

Cristoph von Furer Haimendorf in his ethnographic recording of the trading

communities of the Khumbu region of the northern borders of Nepal highlights this

impression. The inhabitants of the high, stony and inhospitable mountains were

conspicuously richer than the people living in the agriculturally prosperous region.

25

Bhuwan Lal Joshi and Leo E Rose. op.cit. p. 17 26

MC Regmi. An Economic History of Nepal 1846-1901. Varanasi: Nath Publishing House, 1988. p.

188. 27

Devi Prasad Sharma. op. cit. p. 12.

59

The reason for this was trade particularly the movement of the Tibetan salt from the

north to be exchanged with the Nepalese grain from the south.28

As salt was an essential commodity, the Nepalese had access to salt in two ways:

Firstly, through the Nepalese traders who went to the Tibetan marts located near the

border area and exchanged their food grains with salt. Secondly, through the Tibetan

merchants who ventured into the interior parts of Nepal with their loads of salt to be

exchanged for food grain. However, the Tibetans were only allowed to trade inside

Nepal in certain allocated places such as Solukhumbu, Thakdana, Tarabhot, Humal

and Mugu as per the regulations imposed during the Rana period to safeguard the

domestic trade. However, they could barter their salt through Kuti and Kerong, as

these two routes were the principal outlet and inlet for entrepot trade for Indo-Tibetan

trade through Nepal.29

The traders were permitted to trade their goods only in certain

custom houses or trade marts which were controlled by the government known as the

Bhansar Addas (trading marts) or through licensed contracts. The government of

Nepal levied custom duties and other commercial taxes on food grains and other

commodities which were taken to Tibet. But Apart from food grains, livestock and the

manufactures of potters and artisans were also bartered in the hill region. Among the

food grains which could be exchanged for salt and other commodities were rice,

maize, millet, barley, wheat, madder etc. amongst those the most popular was rice.30

28

Haimendorf. op.cit. pp. 1-10 29

Devi Prasad Sharma. op.cit. p. 12. 30

Ibid. pp. 12-13.

60

3.2.1 Lhasa-Newar Trading Community

The Newars belong to the Tibeto-Burman ethnic group. They were the inhabitants of

the Kathmandu valley of more than 1500 years. The riches of the trans-Himalayan

trade, fertility of the valley soil and a relatively geographical location all endowed the

Newars of the valley to support a prosperous and artistic civilization.31

The Newari Buddhist community were the key players in the trade between India and

Tibet which was conducted via Kathmandu valley this was a lucrative trade and had

lasted up-till the last quarter of the nineteenth century. It was clear that the trade from

Kathmandu to Tibet was almost confined to this community and a large number of

them were engaged in this trade.32

Eventually, they became very prosperous and were

able to influence the Kathmandu court significantly.

These Newari merchants belonged to the Mahayana sect of Buddhism and provided

patronage to major Buddhist shrines both in Nepal and Tibet. According to some

folklore, these merchants came to Tibet along with the Lichchhavi Princess Brikuthi,

when she was married to Song-tsen Gampo the king of Tibet in the Seventh century.33

Daniel Wright highlighted that many of the Newari merchants had settled in Lhasa. In

1877 the numbers of Newar traders were 3000.34

Charles Bell also mentioned the

presence of Newari merchants in Lhasa who even had banking facilities in Calcutta.35

Besides this a large number of merchants and bankers of Lhasa at that time was the

31

Todd T Lewis. “Newar-Tibetan Trade and the Domestication of “Simhalasārthanāhuavadāna”.

History of Religion.33. 2. (1993). pp. 142. 32

File Nos. 1-3, Foreign, Revenue Department A,Government of India, December 1877. NAI. 33

Sylvian Levi. Le Nepal, Vol .II. Paris: E Leroux, 1905. p. 185-86. 34

Daniels Wright, ed. History of Nepal. Kathmandu: Nepal Antiquated Book Publishers. 1877. p 69. 35

Sir Charles Bell. op.cit.

61

Nepalese.36

The Nepalese Newari merchants had maintained extensive commercial

activities between the plains of India and the territory of Tibet from the earliest times.

In this connection, Rose and Joshi has mentioned that under the patronage the

Buddhist monastic institutions in Tibet, the Newar commercial communities in

Kathmandu Valley and the Hindu pilgrims of Bengal and Muslim trading

communities of Kashmir in north central India operated in a multifaceted and a highly

beneficial entrepot trade.37

The Newar Lhasa traders involving in long distance trade sent family members to

major cities in Tibet like Shigatse, Lhasa and Gyantse to live there for years at a time

forming a classic trade diaspora.38

Apart from their commercial enterprise the Newars

were also skilled craftsmen, these Newars for at least one thousand years were highly

sought artisans across Tibet. These Buddhist Newars of Kathmandu established

themselves in key centres as well as on the border of Tibet and Nepal. Some of them

married Tibetan women and constituted communities which were small in size but

extremely powerful and having, a quasi -monopoly of trade in important commodities

such as wool and salt.39

The male members of the family remained as Nepalese citizens and this helped obtain

support from the Nepalese government. Under this system, the Tibetan wife owned

the house as the non Tibetan males were not allowed to possess land or practice

agriculture. The household income came from trade. These Newars engaged in two

36

Sarat Chandra Das. Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet. Ed WW Rockhill. London: J Murry, 1902.

pp. 181. 37

Bhuwan Lal Joshi and Leo E Rose. op. cit. pp. 15. 38

Lewis. op. cit. p. 151. 39

Cornelle Jest. Proceedings of the France German Conference, 1993. “The Newar Merchant

Community in Tibet: An Interface of Newar and Tibetan Cultures”. Ed, Gerard Toffin. Sterling

Publishers Pvt. Limited, 1993. pp.159.

62

types of transaction; on one hand they acted as a middle man between the farmers of

the upper valleys of Nepal and the cattle breeders of Tibet acting as bankers and

guaranteeing loans. On the other hand, they bartered salt and wool from Tibet against

produce from the plains. Cornelli Jest studied these Buddhist Newars of the

Keroung/Kyirong, who were originally from Patan (a Buddhist city in the Kathmandu

valley) who were the members of the Sakya caste. These traders organized their

transaction in a yearly cycle as follows:

Table 3.1: Calendar of the cycle of trade activities of the Newari merchants in

Keroung/Kyirong Tibetan lunar month

(Western Calendar)

Activities of the Newar Occupation of the

Tibetan Pastoralists

Occupation of

the Nepalese

farmers

1st lunar month(mid

Feb-mid March)

New Year Festival Winter Pastures

2nd

lunar month (mid-

March-mid April)

Caravan from

Keroung/Kyirong to

Dzongkha

Winter Pastures

3rd

lunar month(mid-

April-mid May)

Caravan from Dzongkha to

Drog-pa settlements

Transfer to summer

grazing grounds

Harvest of

winter wheat

4th lunar month(mid

May-mid June)

Barter with the Drog-pa Lambing period, the

Drog-pa collect salt

Cultivation of

rice

5th lunar month(mid

June –mid July)

barter Summer pastures

6th lunar month(mid

July-mid August)

barter Summer pastures

shearing of sheep

7th lunar month(mid

Aug-mid Sept)

Return to Kyirong Summer pastures

8th lunar month(mid

Sept-mid Oct)

Barter of salt and grain Descent to winter

pastures

Harvest of rice

9th lunar month(mid

Oct-mid Nov)

From Kyirong to

Kathmandu Tibetan

products sold

Winter pastures Cultivation of

winter crops

10th lunar month(mid

Nov-mid Dec)

From Kathmandu to

Calcutta and Kalimpong

Winter pastures

11th lunar month(mid

Dec-mid Jan)

Return to Kathmandu Winter pastures

12th lunar month(mid

Jan-mid Feb)

Return to Kyirong Winter pastures

Source: Cornelle Jest. Proceedings of the France German Conference, 1993. “The Newar

Merchant Community in Tibet: An Interface of Newar and Tibetan Cultures”. Ed,

Gerard Toffin. Sterling Publishers Pvt. Limited, 1993. pp.159.

63

In the year 1640, a treaty was negotiated between Nepal and Tibet, which allowed the

Newari commercial communities of the Kathmandu valley to establish 32 Kothis

(business houses) at Lhasa and was accorded special privilege there. It was also

agreed that Nepal could mint coins for the Tibetan government.40

The bulk of external

trade of Tibet was handled by them. They mostly engaged in trade of corn, oil, salt,

tobacco and other articles of domestic consumption.41

Even with the disrupted trade

linkages after the unification of Nepal under the Gurkhas, the Newari traders of Nepal

continued to exercise their supremacy in the Tibetan trade. They had set up trade

marts at many places in Tibet and had Kothis not only in Lhasa but also in Tsetang,

Shigatse, Gyantse, Lhatse Kong-po etc.

After the Treaty of Thapathali42

they regained many privilege’s and extended their

trade marts in Kuti and Keroung. However, from the beginning of the nineteenth

century, their importance as intermediary traders of the Kathmandu valley decreased

and the Newari traders had to satisfy themselves with the domestic trade with Tibet.

Their numbers in Tibet started to decrease after the opening of the Phari route,43

and

their business in Tibet remained only nominal. After this the number of Nepali traders

in Tibet in 1907 was only 500 and it decreased further to 42 in 1923,44

which meant

that the interference of the British in the Himalayan trade was proving disastrous for

the erstwhile traders.

40

Leo E Rose. Nepal : Strategy for Survival. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971. p. 14. 41

Shew Shunker Singh and Pandit Gunanand. History of Nepal. Calcutta: Pajan Gupta, 1991. p 31. 42

The Treaty of Thapathali was signed in 24th

March 1856, between the Tibetan Government of

Gnaden Phodrang and the kingdom of Nepal in Thapathali Durbar in Kathmandu, following the

Nepalese-Tibetan War (1855-56). 43

Phari is a town located in south-western Tibet. The Report on the Administration of Bengal 1874-75,

initiated the British effort to the opening of a trade route through Phari to Sikkim and Kalimpong.

This trade was actually conducted only after the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1904. 44

Devi Prasad Sharma. op. cit. p 158.

64

Besides the Newars, the Nepalese communities who were involved in the

intermediary trade between Tibet and India were the merchants of Palpa district who

were engaged in this trade since the Fourteenth century. There were also other trading

communities of Nepal belonging to regions such as Karnali, Dhaulagiri, Kuti and

Keroung and of the eastern region. The most well-known traders of these regions

were from Olangchung, Khumbu, Kathmandu, Palpa, Mustang, Dolpa, Humla, Mugu

etc.45

3.2.2 Karnali Trading Communities

The Karnali Pradesh or the Karnali region is located in the high mountain lands of

north and mid hills of Nepal. It is the largest province of Nepal with an area of 24,453

sq kilometres. It includes districts like Humla, Dailekh, Dolpa, Jumla, Jagarkot,

Kalikot, Mugu, Salyan, Surkhet West Rukum, with its administrative centre at Jumla

district.46

Placed between the northerners (Tibet) and the southerners (Nepal) and with

access to food grains and salt, the Karnali traders were specialists in the business of

transport. Tibetan salt in Nepal was valued like gold where a sack of salt could be

bartered for 15 sacks of rice and vice versa in Tibet.

The people of the Karnal region especially the upper Karnal had developed the

caravan which comprised of sheep, mules and yaks and using them accordingly as an

ingenious way in response to their surroundings and climate. They traded in salt from

Tibet and food supplies from Nepal middle hills and terai and moved them where

they were needed. The various nomadic Tibetan traders (collectively called as the

45

PR Uprety. Nepal- Tibet Relations. Kathmandu: Puga Nara, 1980. p19. 46

Padam Bhandari. “Development Dilemma: Karnali Lags behind”. The Himalayan Times. Web 14th

September 2016.

65

Khampas) in Western Nepal didn’t acquire any permanent lands and migrated

between the terai and the hills with families and livestock. Their close contact and

regular interaction with the Khas47

of the southern middle hills helped the Tibetans to

adopt ways, and ally themselves with the people of south Karnal. The Humla and

Mugu Khampas forged links with the Thakalis and Gurungs while the Dolpo

Khampas associated themselves with the Magars.48

Such kind of social interaction

boosted business and benefitted both the parties.

The Karnali traders received rice from the terai (low lands or foothills) and salt from

Tibet. The caravan bringing their goods halted at the haat bazaars (weekly market)

which were set up all along the Nepal-Tibet border. Such markets used to be held

every alternate year on the Tibetan and the Nepalese side. The caravans of Karnali

especially those from Humla played an important role in the establishment of hill

towns like Silgadhi in Doti, Sanpe Bagar, Bayal Pata, Kuchchi Binayak in Achham

and Martadi and Kolti in Bajura. The caravans did not just bring in salt but also other

necessities. These caravans extended from Tibet to the terai along the banks of

Karnali, the Seti and the Mahakali Rivers. The open pastures were used by the

caravans. In Humla there was a system of collecting royalties in exchange for

allowing the caravans to use the pastures for grazing. 49

The traders of Humla and Mugu conducted direct trade with Tibet. The traders of

Limi in Humla travelled to Taklakot for trade with their wooden vessels. Similarly,

the tribes of Mugu crossed the Namja Pass for trading purpose. Thus, the inhabitants

47

Khas people also called as the Khas Arya is an ethno linguistic group native to the present day Nepal

as well as Kumaon, Garwal and the Himachal region of North India. They speak Khas language also

known as Parbatiyas. 48

Chhakka Bahadur Lama. “Karnali Salt Caravans.” Nepali Times. Issue .49. 29th

June 2001-05 July

2001. 49

Ibid

66

of Humla and Mugu had their monopoly trade with Tibet. The local Bhotiyas and

high caste Hindus were engaged in this trade with Tibet.50

Both of these communities

had their settlements in the border areas of the Karnali region. They conducted trade

crossing the Himalayan range with food grains for the exchange of Tibetan salt and

wool.

There were assorted trading communities in Jumla district itself. The barter trade in

Tarap village of Chharka Bhote of Jumla was controlled by Asi, Panchsaya,

Chaudhbis and Tibrikot tribes. There were many limitations on both internal and

external trade in Karnali region, as there was disparity in different districts and even

in villages. It was only when Jang Bahadur Rana51

the King of Nepal, removed such

variations free trade with Tibet on equal terms was conducted. In 1871, an order was

passed which stated that all the ryots (peasants) of the government were equal and

everyone was allowed to conduct trade wherever and whenever he liked. This enabled

the ryots to freely conduct both external and internal trade. Later Chandra Samsher52

further liberated the people of Karnali region to engage in trade. Thus the Rana rulers

gave full independence and equal prospect to its people and as a result many

communities adopted trading business.53

50

Christoph von Furer Haimendorf. op. cit. p. 227. 51

Shree Teen Maharaja Sir Jung Bahadur Kunwar Ranaji, was a Khas Rajput ruler of Nepal and

founder of the Rana Kingdom in Nepal. He became famous by the name Jung Bahadur which was

given to him by the first Prime Minister Mathabar Singh Thapa his maternal Uncle. 52

Field Marshall Maharaja Sri Teen Chandra Sumsher Jung Bahadur Rana was the Prime Minister of

Nepal from the Rana Dynasty. He served in his capacity from 27 June 1901 to 1929 after he

successfully disposed his liberal and reformist brother Dev Shamsher. 53

Sharma. op. cit. p. 159.

67

3.2.3 Dhaulagiri Trading Communities

The Dhaulagiri region was one of the fourteen zones of Nepal which were divided for

the administrative convenience. It comprised of four districts Balung, Mustang,

Mygadi and Parbat. The Dhaulagiri massif54

extends 120km from the Kali Gandaki

River west to the Bheri. It is bounded on the north and south westwards by tributaries

of the Bheri river and south east by Myagdi river.55

Trading routes that run through

the valley of Kali Gandaki and from there to the Mustang region in north Nepal were

inhabited by multiple ethnic groups and communities who interacted in this economic

climate since ancient times. The communities inhabiting the Dhaulagiri region were

active traders and carried out the trans -Himalayan trade not only to obtain profit but

also to maintain their subsistence.

The trading communities of the Dhaulagiri zone conducted the Nepal-Tibet trade both

barter and entrepot via the Mustang route. Their main trading centre was Tukche,

which served as an important entrepot. As a trading centre with immense caravan

traffic, Tukche also benefitted from the manure left behind by huge caravans of sheep,

donkeys and dzoppa (a cross breed between yak and ordinary cattle) which used to

bring trade goods to Tukche. Thus in a way the relation was a symbiotic one. The

caravans travelled southwards for trade and exchange from adjacent regions like

Jomosom, Baragaon or Mustang towards Pokhara or Baglung.56

54

In geological term a massif is a section of planet’s crust that is demarcated by faults or flexures. In

the movement of the crust, a massif tends to retain its internal structure while being displaced as a

whole. The term also refers to a group of mountains formed by such a structure. 55

Nanda R Shrestha. Historical Dictionary of Nepal. New Jersey: Scarecrow Press, 2003. p.143. 56

Christoph von Furer Haimendorf. Himalayan Traders: Life in Highland Nepal. London: John

Murray, 1975. p 176.

68

The Thakali are renowned community of merchants in the region, they were traders

and merchants of great economic and political acumen and were an excellent example

of tribal entrepreneurship in Nepal. The Thakalis operated a mixed economy based on

trade, agriculture and animal husbandry which included breeding of yak. The Thakali

were agro-pastoral trading people of the upper Kali-Gandaki River valley of Nepal, a

region known as Thak or Thak Khola. It is an isolated mountainous river valley

wedged down tightly between the towering peaks of the Dhaulagiri and Annapurna

that rises to over 8,000 meters above sea level.57

The Thak Khola played a very

important role in the long distance trade between Nepal, India and Tibet, being

situated in the mid- point on one of the easiest caravan routes to Tibet. Here, wealthy

Thakali traders stored in salt and wool imported from Tibet as well as grains grown in

middle ranges in Nepal in their warehouses.

Christoph von Furer Haimendorf, examined the communities of the Thakalis in

elaborate detail. The Thakalis belong to the Tibeto-Burman Language group and call

themselves as Tamangs and are fundamentally a trading community. For a long

period they enjoyed a virtual monopoly of the salt trade following the Kali-Gandaki

route.58

Several Thakali men also owned herds of yak, as yak breeding was profitable.

A person who owned 30-40 yaks earned substantial amount, partly from the sale of

butter and partly from the sale of the cattle itself to the Dolpo people, who reside in

the high altitude region west of Thak Khola. The Bhotias of Dolpo use the young yaks

for breeding and carrying loads, and gave in exchange full grown yaks which the

Thakalis, in-turn sold to the villagers of Baragaon for slaughter.59

The inhabitants of

57

Donald A Messerschmidt. “The Thakali of Nepal: Historical continuity and Socio Cultural Change.”

Ethno-History 29.4 (1982): pp. 265-280. 58

Haimendorf. op.cit. pp. 175. 59

Ibid. p. 180.

69

Marpha Village, which lies four miles north of Tukche in the Dhaulagiri zone of the

Mustang district in northern Nepal, were mainly active in transportation business and

provided transport for Thakali merchants.60

This shows that internal trade exchange

network was well maintained by the people of Kali-Gadhak region, who each

according to their specialization and need complemented accordingly.

Until the reign of Jung Bahadur Rana, the Thakali traders were free from trading in all

items including salt and food grains without any restrictions. The local headman of

each village controlled and supervised the trade and he was also authorized to collect

all the taxes along with commercial duties. The village headman then sent the collect

revenue to the government treasury.61

The Thakali soon realised that though they were allowed to conduct their trade

unrestricted paying the annual duties which were fixed and considerably high was

difficult. It was primarily due to this that many Thakali families had to migrate to

other regions.62

Customarily, the Mukhias numbering thirteen of Mustang had to pay

an annual amount of Rs. 12,500 as royalty to the government, but due to migration of

the Thakalis, they failed to collect the amount. The government rejected their

proposal of lowered tax and asked them to choose between their present agreements

or adopt a system which prevailed in the Humla-Jumla area. The Thakali

representatives agreed to adopt the system of the Humla areas. A regulation was made

in this regard in 1860, which stated:

60

Ibid. p. 184. 61

Devi Prasad Sharma. op.cit. pp. 159. 62

Susanne von der Heide. The Thakalis of North Western Nepal. Kathmandu: RatnaPustak

Bhandar.1988.

70

The Thakali traders of Mustang have been conducting unrestricted trade both,

internal and external, up to this time. Hence all the trading activities of that area

will be controlled by the Dana customs house.63

The Thakalis are not authorized

to control the dhakres [porters]. They themselves have to pay custom duties and

they are to be fined if engaged in illegal trade.64

Through this regulation the unrestricted trading rights of the Thakalis were restricted

along with their power to control the transport trade of the Dhakres (porters).

Following this decision custom houses were set up at Dana and custom duties were

imposed on all imports and exports of all traders including the Thakalis. The Prime

Minister Jung Bahadur thus, brought change in the taxation pattern upon the trading

community of the region. Once again in 1861 the government tried to curtail the

rights of the Thakalis. A regulation stated that the Thakali traders who took salt on

pack animals had to sell their product at the Dana custom house at current rates, while

another regulation stated that the Thakalis were no more allowed to take their product

beyond Dana.65

Thus the traders of different gaon (village) of Mustang, Panchgaon

(five villages) and Bara gaon (twelve villages) were permitted to carry salt from Tibet

but they had to sell the salt at the Dana custom house.66

Further they were forbidden

to store and sell off salt elsewhere. However, only the traders of Mustang were

allowed to trade with Tibet and other traders of the low lying region were forbidden to

do so. The Regulation of 1927 also stated:

63

Dana a business town at the Myagdi district in West Nepal lay on the ancient salt/rice trade route that

passed through the kali Gandaki valley. The trade route once connected Nepal mid-hills to Thak kola

and from there it went further north to Lo- Manthang and eventually into Tibet. 64

Poka No.6. “Regulations for Dana Custom Houses Regarding the collection of custom duties”, 2nd

February 1861, Government of Nepal, Kathmandu, NAN. 65

Haimendorf. op.cit. pp. 188 66

Poka No.7/14. “Order to the officials of the court at Pokhara 1940 (BikramSamvat)” Government of

Nepal, Kathmandu, NAN.

71

Only the traders of Mustang are traditionally allowed to conduct direct trade

with the traders of Tibet crossing the Nepal Tibet border. Our favourable

profit of trade naturally can go into the hands of Tibetans if we allow all

Nepali traders to go to Tibet. If all traders will go to Tibet, the traders of the

land of the Lamas will have opportunity to bargain with our traders for the

price of the commodities. Such a situation produces a great loss to the

Nepalese. So, the traders of other areas except Mustang gaon are not permitted

to conduct their trade with Tibet.67

Thus the Thakali traders of Mustang and Dolpa were allowed to come with salt as far

as Tukche, where they were compelled to sell their salt to the custom contractors. The

inhabitants or traders of Panchgaon and Bara gaon were allowed to bring salt as far

as south to Dana.

Later in 1927, the new regulation abolished the Nun-theka (salt trade monopoly)

officially. The restrictions of the different trading communities of the Dhaulagiri

region were also lifted off. Since then all the inhabitants and traders of the low lying

areas permitted to purchase salt with the Tibetan merchants in Mustang. From then on

the salt trade reverted to the days of the free trade with several traders involving in the

bartering of the Tibetan salt. Although, the trade continued freely until Tibet was

taken over by China.68

Another important trading community of the Dhaulagiri region were the

Tarangpurians. James F Fisher, in his extensive analysis on the Magars of Tarangpur

67

Poka No.8. “Revived Regulations and Rates of commercial Taxes in Dhaulagiri Region”

Government of Nepal, NAN. 68

Kapil Bisht. “In Nepal’s ancient salt hub Dana; A walk past yesterday”. Online Khabar.Web.30th

October 2016.

72

shows how the Tarangpurians had become the source of a long established salt-rice

trading system in the region. This community of the Magars lived in a border village

of Tarangpur, which was located in the Dolpo District of Dhaulagiri Zone in North-

west Nepal. These men were dexterous practitioners of border trade. They formed a

cultural buffer between Nepal and Tibet. The Tarangpurians basically agriculturist

with their grain surplus was able to satisfy the demand for salt in the Nepalese region

for centuries. The agriculture and trading economy of Tarangpur brought about a

distinct economic integration of the adjacent Eastern Himalayan kingdom of Tibet

and Nepal through synergy notwithstanding the cultural and ecological contrast.69

The Tarangpurians were specialists in “impression management”, as it was necessary

for conducting business. This helped them present an acceptable business face before

the Bhotias of Tibet and the Hindus of Nepal which were of two distinct cultures. The

strategy was to be compatible with both. Fisher mentioned:

The Tarangpur trader must endeavour to be all things to all men. He must use

the Tibetan language in his transaction to acquire salt, and he must use the

Nepali language in his transaction to get rid of it. To a Bhotia he must appear

to be a worthy Buddhist and indeed, he is one of sorts, though not of the

unalloyed kind of Bhot and Tibet. To the Hindus he wants to appear

sophisticated about ideas of caste ranking, concepts of purity and pollution,

clothing styles, correct Nepali and other demeanours by which Hindu

sophistication is measured in the Hills of western Nepal.70

69

James F Fisher. Trans Himalayan Traders: Economy, Society and Culture in Northwest Nepal.

California: University of California Press, 1986. p 1-7. 70

Ibid. p 94.

73

This management of impression was very important to the Tarangpurians. As the

Tibetan culture falls outside the purview of the Hindu social construct, the former was

considered as lesser with polluting attributes, such as beef eating etc. The Magars of

Tarangpur tried to hide certain status indicators and carefully disguises any behaviour

that may indicate that they were Buddhist. When they were in a Hindu area, they not

only spoke in a different language but also took different names and identities. Fisher

mentions that, this repression of status helps him to trade and operate in a Hindu area.

Apart from the salt-rice trade; the community also had a simultaneous circuit of trade

dealing with livestock, wool and manufactured commodities which later evolved and

assumed great importance.71

3.2.4 Gandaki Trading Communities

The Manang district administratively comes under the Gandaki Pradesh one of the

provinces of Nepal with its centre at Pokhara. The Manang valley, which lies close to

Nepal-Tibet border, offers tremendous opportunities due to its rich flora and fauna

and its access to Tibet. There are three important routes via the valley; the first via

Thorongla, Muktinath and Mustang to Lhasa; the second via Naur Khola and

Naurgaon to Lhasa and finally the third via Larkiya bazar, which was commonly used

by the people of central Nepal. The most prominent trading community of the region

are the Nyishangbas of the Manang district.

The Nyishangba72

people are ethnically a Tibetan trading community who live in the

Manang district of west-central Nepal. They are a resilient group of thriving traders

71

Ibid. 72

Nyishangba, as the Managis call themselves, meaning the people of Nyishang (an area in Tibet called

Shang) came to live in the Manag valley at several different times, as early as 600 AD. The Manag

valley was a tribute paying area to Se-rib, a southern Tibetan state as early as the 12th century. With

74

and were able to establish a very peculiar trading network which enabled them to

sustain throughout their trading history. They were formerly caravan traders who had

migrated to Nepal across the Himalaya from the southern edge of the Tibetan plateau

over several centuries. They traded for centuries along the North-south river valleys

that cut through the Himalayas. The Nyishangba or the Manangis of the Gandaki

region were skilled traders and were quick to respond to the changing political

scenario. In 1784, when the Shah of Gurkha attempted to unite the fringe countries

under one Nepalese kingdom, the Nyishangba/Manangis gave him their allegiance in

return for the privilege to trade freely in areas under the Sha’s jurisdiction.73

They

took advantage of the political change and created a sound economic condition for

themselves in and around the regions where they traded.

The Tibet-India trade route was more flexible and profitable for the Manangis until

the opening up of the Jelep-la route in the twentieth century. When the entrepot trade

declined for Nepal; the resilient Nyishangba/Manangis continued their trading

activities. With the development of new infrastructure in British-India, they shifted

their trade network towards colonial settlement in India, Burma and the Malay

Peninsula.74

Wim Van Spengen gives an ethnographical account of the Nyishangba and analyses

their historical, geographical and cultural background. For the Nyishangba trade was a

major source of earning livelihood and they were very keen and astute traders. To

further, their trading network the Nyishangbas initiated southbound trading network

the rise and fall of different dynasties Manag fell under the jurisdiction of different principalities at

different points of time( Messerchmidtop.cit. pp. 2-3, Van Spengen. op.cit. p. 146) 73

Prista Ratanapruck. “Kinship and Religious practices as institutionalization of Trade networks:

Manangi Trade communities in South and South East Asia”. Journal of the Economic and Social

History of the Orient, Brill Publishers . 50.32/3 (2007). p. 327- 328. 74

Ibid

75

and integrated themselves into wider trading networks of the Southeast Asian

capitalist economy. The traders of Manang went in search of emerging centres of

urban colonial activity, such as Calcutta, which by the 1920s became the single most-

important site for Nyishangba traders.75

3.2.5 Kuti and Kerong Trading Communities

The trade via Kuti and Keroung route was very vital to the entire Indo-Tibet trade

where Nepal played a role of an entrepot. This trade to a large part was conducted by

the Newar traders and the Lamas of Helambu (is a region of highland villages in

Nepal which lies about 80kms from Kathmandu) since they had direct commercial

contact with Tibet. The Lamas of Helambu were exempted from custom duties on

their imports and exports after the Anglo- Nepal War of 1814-16. There was also

exempted from paying the nirkhi76

on goods exported to Kuti and Keroung such as

rice, ghee, paper and plough shares as well as goods imported to Nepal including salt

and wool.77

Similar rights were also granted to the inhabitants of the Panchasaya khola. Since the

inhabitants did not have any access to agricultural land in the region they had to

perform public works in return for the rights to conduct trade with Tibet. By the Lal

Mohar (the Royal Seal) of 1855, they were also exempted from custom duties on their

imports and exports. Again in 1897, their privileges were reconfirmed by the

government but this time the custom duties on their import of salt were limited to load

basis. In 1922, Prime Minister Chandra Samsher abolished the local services and

75

Wim van Spengen. op.cit. p. 52 76

A sales tax in Nepal, which was collected from the vendors when special commodities were sold in

the market of the central hill region (For Details see Wim van Spengen. Tibetan Border Worlds: A

Geo-historical Analysis of Trade and Traders. London: Kegan Paul International, 2000) 77

Sharma. op.cit. pp.161.

76

privileges of the inhabitants of the Panchsaya Khola. However, on repeated demand

of the people of Akkaisgaon (twenty one villages) their traditional rights were restored

with full exemption of custom duties in the year 1926.78

3.2.6 The Khumbu Sherpas of Olangchung

The Olangchung Gola79

or locally known as the Walung or Holung, lies in the

Taplejung district in the Mechi Zone of Northeastern Nepal. It is located in the north

of Tamor River in the mountainous area in the North-west of Taplejung district

bordering Tibet in the north and Sikkim in the east. It was a trading hub, and hence

Gola which meant market in local language. Historically, the Tipta-la, was the pass

which connected the area with Tibet and was an important trading route. In the

eastern regions, the people of both Nepal and Tibet residing in the border areas had

little access to fertile land and had to depend upon trade to sustain them. The Khumbu

Sherpas were the intermediaries of trade between Tibet and the low-lying region of

Nepal. They had a virtual monopoly on the movement of goods from the Namche

Bazaar across the Nangpala to Kyabarak, a Tibetan village to Tingri near the border a

right on trade on trade which was confirmed by a government order. The trade

regulation of Khambughat which was promulgated in 1810, mentioned:

Conduct trade through your Kothis (business houses) without creating any

obstructions. The local people shall engage in trade as usually done in that

region. The Amali80

shall not impose any restrictions.81

78

Ibid. 79

Gola means a local market under the village development committee 80

Amali was a district administrator. 81

MC Regmi. Regulations for Khambu. Regmi Research Series, 11, No.3. Kathmandu, 1979. pp. 40.

77

It was only the inhabitants of the Panchgaon (five villages) in Olangchung who were

allowed to conduct direct trade and import goods from Tibet. The Khambu Sherpas,

were allowed to go to Tibet for acquiring salt and other merchandise for trade, while

other community had to buy salt only from the Khambus. Even the Sherpas of Solu

Khumbu82

were not permitted to conduct direct trade with Tibet but could carry a

single load of salt from Tibet for their direct consumption. They did not have any

right to hire porters or pack animals for carrying salt. Thus, they could not carry

Tibetan goods for the purpose of trade.83

The exclusive right was permitted only to

the Khumbu Sherpas of Ollacgchung.

The inhabitants of the six villages (Topke, Hunlin, Lamasang, Kiling, Sama, Tarum)

were also permitted to conduct direct trade with Tibet but they had to sell their

imported salt and other goods only at the Gola These inhabitants were also exempted

from paying any imports and export at the Gola.84

These inhabitants of the Panchgaon however had to perform certain services. They

were obliged to construct tracks, bridges and also had to maintain 500 yaks. They also

had to guard the northern borders. They were exempted from custom duties on the

imports of their domestic consumption, but had to pay if their imports were meant for

commercial purpose. According to a regulation of Olangchung of 1855, the custom

duties on the imports by the Sherpas of five villages were remitted but they were

compelled to pay each commercial tax, if they exported such goods to India. They

were also free from custom duties on the import and export from the Gola. The

82

Solu khumbu is one of the 14 districts of Province No.1 of eastern Nepal. 83

Sharma. op. cit. p.162-163. 84

John Angelo Jackson. Adventure Travels in the Himalayas. New Delhi: Indus Publishing House,

2005.

78

Sherpas of the eastern Nepal also had trade contact with India. Thus, they acted as

intermediaries of the trade between Tibet and India.85

In 1891, the monopoly of the Kambu Sherpas was cancelled when the government

introduced certain regulations. It compelled the Sherpas to sell and purchase goods

only in the Golas. The Ijara (contract) system of the Gola gave a serious setback to

their economy and as a result they virtually lost their trading privileges while some of

them even had to migrate to India. Considering the situation, the headman of the

village submitted a petition to the Durbar. The government considered the petition

and ordered to restore the trading privileges of the Sherpas of the five villages.

Thus the Sherpas of Ollangchung especially the Khambu Sherpas of Panchgaon with

special privileges emerged as a considerable player in the entrepot trade of this

region. However, it was also due to the rights awarded to them the revenue of the

Gola decreased. So the old regulation of the Gola was cancelled in 1926 and a new

one was made. According to this new regulation the inhabitants of these five villages

and six villages were made free of the local services to the government and made to

pay custom duties on the imports and exports.86

3.2.7 Tibetan Trading Communities in Nepal

Like the Nepalese traders in Tibet, there were also Tibetan traders engaged in

conducting trade in Nepal. But the Tibetans were not so facilitated as the Nepalese in

Tibet. The Tibetans were also engaged in barter trade along the border areas. The

Tibetan traders could come to Nepalese Gola with their salt and other commodities.

85

Sharma. op. cit. p. 163. 86

Ibid. p. 164.

79

They were however compelled to sell their salt to the Sherpa traders and the Gola

authorities. Besides their trading operation in Golas on the Eastern frontier the

Tibetans frequently visited Kathmandu for trade. They had established their trade

centre at Indrachowk in Kathmandu and generally came down to Kathmandu during

the winter seasons.

The Kampa traders of Tibet were engaged in salt-grain trade in Mustang. Each

Khampa trader had to pay an amount of Rs. 21 each year to the Nepalese authorities.

But the Tibetan traders could conduct their trade only in the Mustang Village.87

3.3 Trading Communities in Bhutan

Entrepot trade between Tibet and Bengal had always been a source of livelihood for

the Bhutanese trading community since ancient times. However, a great degree of

state regulation and interference also existed in the cross border trade. Besides the

Officers of the Governments, no person was allowed to trade with any foreign

country, nor could any inhabitant allowed to sell Tangun88

mares without the King’s

permission. All horses and blanket trade were monopolized at a low price by the

officer in whose jurisdiction they were produced.89

In Bhutan just like Tibet, the state was heavily involved in external trade which meant

that the profit went largely to the King, nobles and other associates. The involvement

87

Ibid 88

The Tangun or rtarngan are special breed of horses which are indigenous to Bhutan, it has its title

from the region in which they are bred. They were highly valued for their use as a beast of burden.

For more see An Account of an Embassy to the Court of Teschoo Lama in Tibet by Captain Samuel

Turner. Ralph Fitch also makes a remark for this species of horse. Fitch claims that they got their

name from Tangust’han, the general appellation of the assemblage of mountains that constitutes

Bhootan proper. He found them, even then, of some special significance, as more than one and half

century later these prized beasts were mentioned in Article 11 of the 1774 Anglo Bhutanese Treaty as

a part of annual tribute paid by Bhutan to Cooch Behar. See Raph Fitch, England’s Pioneer to India

and Burma. London: T Fisher Unwin.1899. p. 116. 89

Kishen Kant Bose. Account of Bhootan (1815). Varanasi: Pilgrim Publishing, 2005.p. 350.

80

of the monasteries was also very much visible with high ranking Lamas involving in

lucrative trade. Peter Collister observes “Any trade in more valuable goods was

entirely for the benefit of the Deb Raja and principal officers.”90

The great nobles and

the monasteries along with the state were the only merchants operating on a large

scale.

The Bhutanese trading community was composed mainly of officials who were

licensed traders. They served as an intermediary between Tibet in the north and

Cooch Behar and Assam in the south. The geographical location of Bhutan made her

a major centre for entrepot trade especially after the Gurkha conquest of the

Kathmandu Valley in the mid eighteenth century.

In the long distance trade, the merchants disposed of their commodities at transit

points to avoid further trade and sometimes to comply with the prevailing customs,

which allowed only local merchants to transit the commodity. Customarily a

particular group of merchants dominated a given stretch of trade route. For example,

the Bumthang merchants controlled the trade route from Bumthang to Lhasa while the

merchants of Punakha controlled the trade in between Gyantse and Shigatse and

monopolized the trade up the valley of river Mochu to Lingshi la.91

Thus there was an

overriding layer of localised traders pushing forward the commodities form one point

to another and making profits in the process.

The Bhutanese traders had no large stake in the production; they bought goods from

the local markets and loaded caravans to carry it to different places. Winter was the

90

Peter Collister. Bhutan and the British. Serhind Publication with Belitha Press, 1987. p. 21. 91

Ratna Sarkar and Indrajit Ray. Two Ninettenth Century Trade Routes in the Eastern Himalayas: The

Bhutanese Trade with Tibet and Bengal,2006. http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/226950. p.-

59.

81

best season for caravan trade. But the Bhutanese caravans involved porters as the

tracks were very rugged even for the animals. Bogle, mentions that the only way of

transporting goods in the hill country of Bhutan was by coolies. In similar perspective

Turner wrote:

The mode of conveyance here [in Tibet] for baggage are altogether different

form the usage of the inhabitants of Bhootan where everything, without

exception...is loaded up on the shoulders of the people, and where to the

shame be it spoken, the women bear the heaviest share of so laborious an

employment.92

Yaks as a beast of burden were also extensively used for trade in Bhutanese caravans.

It was because of their short legs and heavy body weight these animals could easily

negotiate the rugged mountain passes against strong winds and water currents. They

were also least selective in their diets and ate whatever grass was available wayside.

They marched 9-10 miles a day in mountains and about 16 miles on the plains

although horses could run at double this speed. Caravans of sheep were also popular

among the nomads in the hills. The sized of the caravans were fairly large which

provided them with safety against robbers and also on account of profit. Each caravan

in these routes consisted of at least eight hundred animals and ninety men.93

The Tawang route in Arunachal Pradesh adjacent to east Bhutan was frequently used

by the Bhutanese and the Tibetans to communicate and trade since many centuries.

This route was a great commercial highway. The Bhutanese traders brought their

92

Captain Samuel Turner. An Account of an Embassy to the Court of Teschoo Lama in Tibet London:

Trubner and Co. Ludgate Hill, 1800. p 208 93

Fernand Grenard. Tibet: The Country and its inhabitants. London: Hutchison and Company 1904. p.

289.

82

merchandise to Lhasa in December, which consisted of a great quantity of rice and

tobacco.94

When trading was over these merchants left in March before the onset of

monsoon. The Bhutanese took with them exports of Tibet, which consisted of gold

and silver, which were the primary article followed by salt, wool, woollen

manufactures, furs, drugs and musk. During the reign of king Nara Narayan (1555-

1587) there was a major trade route between Bengal and Tibet passing through Cooch

Behar and Bhutan.95

This is further supplanted by the English traveller Ralph Fitch in

1583 when he noted that musk, wool, agate, silk and pepper were commodities of the

Bengal-Tibet trade plying through and Bhutan.96

Bhutan with its limited cultivation and production had a very low manufactures. The

given topographical scenario and sparse demography made agricultural and

irrigational innovation very constrained. Since trade of Bhutan was confined entirely

to Bengal and Tibet, her exports were very little as compared to her imports. Her

exports to Bengal were almost entirely limited to dark coloured blankets, coarse

cotton clothes that was made by villagers inhabiting the southern part of the country

above the Doors. Other items included clarified butter or ghee, small circular wooden

bowls, Daos or small straight swords, spears and arrow heads manufactured at

Tasagong, large copper cauldrons, paper which was manufactured from the plant

described by Buchanan as Daphne Pappyfera which were of remarkable quality and

pottery. Her imports from Bengal constituted broad clothes, coral, white long clothes,

94

Clement Markham, ed. Narratives of the Mission of George Bogle to Tibet and the Journey of

Thomas Manning to Lhasa. London: Trubner and Co, 1879. p. cxix. 95

N Rhodes and SK Bose, eds. The Coinages of Cooch Bihar. Dhubri: Library of Numismatics

Studies,1999. 96

Francoise Pommaret.“Ancient Trading Partners: Bhutan Cooch Behar and Assam (17th

to 19th

century).”

Journal of Bhutan Studies. Vol.2. No.1. Centre for Bhutan Studies. Thimpu, 2000. pp. 30-31.

83

elephants. Towards Tibet its export included small quantity of grain and some

wrought iron where as she imported brick tea, blankets, gold, silver musk and salt.97

Babu Kishen Kant Bose’s Account of Bhootan refers to Bhutanese exports that

consisted of tangun horses, blankets, walnuts, musks, cow tails, oranges and munjeet

(madder) which the indigenous trading community sold at the neighbouring regions

such as Rungpur. From Rungpur, they took back woollen clothes, pattus, indigo,

sandal wood, red sandal wood, asafoetida, nutmegs, cloves, nakhi and coarse cotton

clothes of which they used a part in Bhutan and sent the rest to Lhasa. From Lhasa

they imported tea, silver, gold and embroidered silk goods. In Lhasa rice was not

produced nor any sort of grain. Thus, there was a great demand for rice, wheat and

flour which the Bhutanese traders catered. Kishan Kant Bose also mentioned that the

Bhutanese sent the same sort of goods as they exported to Rungpur, to Nepal and

Assam and they like wise imported rock salt.98

3.3.1 Brokpa Traders of Bhutan:

One of the very illustrious communities of transhumance traders is the Brokpas of

Bhutan who oiled the machinery of domestic economy in their own unique traditional

way. With about few thousand semi nomadic pastorals spread across the north

western, central and eastern high Himalayan valleys of Bhutan, the Brokpas are one

of the most spectacular semi nomadic people reputed for their unique life style. They

are the inhabitants of the Merek and Sakteng valleys of Tashigang. This community

of highlanders practice transhumance and survive on the produce of their livestock

97

Captain R Boileau Pemberton. Political Mission to Bootan (1837-38): Varanasi: Pilgrim Publishing,

2005. pp. 223-225. 98

Kishen Kant Bose. Account of Bhootan (1815). Varanasi: Pilgrim Publishing, 2005. p. 350.

84

such as butter, cheese, yak meat, wool, hides etc. Brokpas is a derivative of the

Tibetan word Brog meaning pasture and pas meaning inhabitants. The Brokpas in

some villages also cultivated buck wheat and maize but only during the summers,

their original occupation was herding as flocks of yak and sheep formed their chief

source of wealth. They involved in regional trade based on barter with the people of

warmer valleys during the winter when their lands were buried in snow.

Brokpas had a well-defined seasonal cycle of movement. Their migratory pattern

came out of economic necessity. As, the extreme climate of the place made it difficult

to live there throughout the year, when the winter set in the Brokpas moved south

wards with their herds across several passes dropping lower and lower in pursuit of

fast disappearing grasses to warmer regions. In the villages of lower altitude, they

maintained social bonds. Almost all the Brokpa families had nepos or village hosts. In

the summer months, the Brokpas brought down butter and cheese and their nepos sold

it in the village for them in exchange for rice, maize and chillies. They moved from

one village to another and collected the food grains that had been bartered for their

butter and cheese by their nepos. A single Brokpa family would have several nepos in

different villages. This unique system of dependence was beneficial to both the parties

and kept the traditional economy running through many generations.

The Brokpas from Sakteng usually traded with Tawang and Bomdila regions of

Arunachal Pradesh, as in the past there was a continuous movement of cattle. The

Brokpas also traded with Monpas (ethnic group of Arunachal Pradesh in northeast

85

India) crossing the borders and extended their system as far as Udalguri in Assam.

There they bought raw silks, cooking pots, salts etc.99

3.3.2 The Khampa Traders of Bhutan

The Khampas who were a class of Tibetans traders from eastern Tibet carried on

traffic along the two routes; one through the districts Tashigang or Benkar to

Dewangari and the other through the Tawang Raja’s territory, who was a subordinate

officer under the Soeena Deba, the principal authority in the Khampa country.

Pemberton mentions in 1838,100

that the communications with Assam were almost

entirely carried on by the Khampas.

Pemberton mentions that the Khampas and the Bhutanese all made annual trip to

Hazoo/Hajo annual fair, which was a village in lower Assam. They came to Hajo to

venerate the statue of Lord Buddha in a temple, which was erected by Muslim

conquerors of Assam. He mentioned:

The Khampas on these occasions come down on their gayest apparel, and

uniting spiritual and secular pursuits, worship and barter with equal zeal. Both

men and women wear the same warm woollen clothes in the plains which

were necessary to preserve life in the frozen regions where they habitually

reside; and the women are all ornamented with silver neck chains, and other

ornaments in which the turquoise stone is almost invariably studded. The

goods they bring down consist principally of red and party-coloured blankets,

gold dust and silver, rock salts, cowries, musks and few coarse Chinese silks,

99

Raghubir Chand. Brokpas: The Hidden Highlanders of Bhutan. Nainital: PAHAR Pothi, 2004. pp.

23, 28, 93-95. 100

RB Pemberton. Report on Bhootan. Calcutta: Bengal Military Orphan Press, 1838. Print. p. 78.

86

munjeet and bee’s wax: these they exchanged for lac, the raw and

manufactured silk of Assam, cotton, dried fish and tobacco, they return

homewards during the months of February and March, taking care to leave the

plains before the return of hot weather or rains, of both of which they entertain

the most serious apprehensions.101

3.4 Trading Communities in Sikkim

Sikkim occupies a very significant geopolitical position in the Eastern Himalayas;

with Bhutan in the east, Nepal in the west, Bengal in the south and the Tibet in the

north. The landlocked Sikkim was never a great producer and a great consumer of

commodities but occupied a strategic position on the Indo-Tibetan frontier.102

Sikkim

provided access to the most quickest and direct route from Tibet to the plains of India.

The earliest set up of the traditional Sikkimese economy was mostly shaped and

influenced by geographical and cultural factors. The Traditional occupational

structure was primarily agro-based which was to an extent was supplemented with

hunting and gathering. Trade was carried off in a very minimal way which was

largely domestic based on barter system and to a certain extent border/ frontier trade

with its adjacent kingdoms.

The inhabitants of Sikkim were agriculturist, although some communities practiced

trade, but the extent of their trading operation were at a rudimentary level which

meant that the produce were circulated and bartered locally. The goods in production

could not find a market beyond a certain geographical area due to limited volume of

101

Ibid. pp. 227-228. 102

Vibha Arora. “Routing the commodities of the Empire through Sikkim (1817-1906).” Indian

Institute of Technology Delhi( 2008). p.2.

87

production. However, within these limitations certain communities were involved in

trade. They were the Lepchas of Dzongu, Lachenpas and Lachungpas, the Tromopos,

the Newar and the Marwari communities.

3.4.1 The Lepchas of Dzongu in North Sikkim

The community of the Lepchas who are the indigenous tribes of Sikkim practiced

cross border trade with the Tibetans and the Nepalese. During the pre-colonial times

these Lepchas particularly of Dzongu had to travel abroad to obtain cloths, thread, salt

and metal goods. They collected in the forest the red dye wood called vyim (the

Nepalese called it munjeet/manjit) and took it along with the other surplus to the

Tibetan border where they would exchange for salt and wool. Later on these Lepchas

even took the exchanged salt to Darjeeling and sold them or exchanged it with threads

and clothes.103

Until 1918, most of the Lepchas in the Dzongu area used to take forest dyes to Lachen

in north Sikkim and bartered them for Tibetan salt and wool. They kept a certain

amount of salt for their own use, but the bulk of it was taken to Darjeeling where they

exchanged it for raw cotton for weaving clothes. This trade was however taken over

by the moneylenders and traders from India ousting the local traders.104

These Lepchas in order to trade continuously and also receive hospitality and

protection in foreign countries developed a formal relationship of artificial kinship.

This relation had religious sanctions, it was called ingzong which was equivalent to

the Tibetan term re-koo/tho-koo, Bhutanese pre-koo the Nepali mit. The term ingzong

103

Geoffrey Gorer. The Lepchas of Sikkim. London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1938. (Reprint Delhi:

Gyan Publishing House, 1996) pp. 200-201. 104

CJ Morris. Living with the Lepchas: A book about the Sikkim Himalayas. London: William

Heinemann, 1938. p. 278.

88

is only applicable to the ceremonial trading relationship set up between the Lepchas

and the foreigners. Such practices were very much accepted in the Eastern Himalayas

for social cohesiveness and economic benefits.105

Afterwards with the presence of

moneylenders and hotels this custom lost its significance.

3.4.2 The Lachenpas and Lachungpas of North Sikkim

Tucked away in north Sikkim at the heights of 3000mts, are the two highland

communities of Lachen and Lachung of the Bhutia community. They were essentially

herdsmen and traders and trans-border trade was their mainstay. For the Bhutias who

lived near the borders of Tibet grazing of sheep, goats and yak was the most

important occupation as they could graze their cattle’s in Tibet during their seasonal

stay in that country. The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung for centuries had grazed

their Yaks and sheep in the Khamba Dzong section of the Phari district in Tibet

during the summer and fall months.106

As pasturing provided meat, fur, milk and milk

products, it was traded for goods that they found useful in daily lives. Their migratory

behaviour also reflected on their occupational pattern of life. As the highlanders, they

preferred cooler climate, thus they often moved to regions of higher altitude during

the summer. The people of Lachen would move every year in the month of April to

higher places like Zemu, Talem, Samong, Yathang, Kalep and Thanggu. They sowed

potatoes there and came back to Lachen. Then again in the summer i.e. around May,

the entire village would go to their summer residence, lived there for some time and

then return only in the month of September. During their stay, they sustained

105

Ibid. 106

Veena Bhasin. Transhumants of the Himalayas: Changpas of Ladakh, Gaddis of Himachal Pradesh

and Bhutia’s of Sikkim. Delhi: Kamla Raj Enterprises, 1996. pp. 13.

89

themselves by engaging in trade, pasturing and agriculture.107

These men were granted

official rights to graze their cattle at Gerchung in Khamba dzong in Tibet and the

Sikkimese king often processed their representations to the Dalai Lama.108

In the summer they crossed over to Tibet with textiles and a limited range of

consumer goods which found an available market in Tibet. In return they brought

back black wool, salt and borax. Many of them had traditional trading partners in

Tibet and many Lachenpas and Lachungpas made considerable investments in the

Tibetan trade.109

These communities of the Bhutias practiced agriculture, pasturage

and trade where they played an important role in the border trade between Tibet and

Sikkim. Before the Chinese invasion of Tibet, they used to make good income from

pasturing as well as trade with Tibet.

The Tibetan black wools which they brought back were essential raw materials for the

traditional handicraft such as carpet-making and the weaving of blankets and tweeds.

The Lachenpas and Lachungpas also held fair sized sheep and yak herds. These two

communities were heavily dependent on Tibet for grazing. Animals from Lachen

spent several months in Tibet and those from Lachung were seldom brought back

even in winter.

Coleman Macaulay, who was the Secretary to the Government of Bengal and Member

of the Legislative Council was deputed to Sikkim and the Tibetan frontier by the

Lieutenant Governor in October 1844, with a triple object. Firstly, to discuss with the

107

Jigme Wangchuk Bhutia “The Economy of Sikkim (17th

to 20th

c. AD): A History of its Transition

from a Primal to a Colonial one.” Social, Political and Economic Aspect of Sikkim During the Pre

and Post merger Period. Ed, Tej Kumar Siwakoti. Solapur:Laxmi Book Publication, 2017. pp. 200. 108

File No. 5/60 (1) /1923. Representation ofLachen and LachungPiponsfor the grant of site, at

Gerchuvng in Khamba dzong. General Department, Government of Sikkim. 109

JS Lall. “Sikkim”. The Himalaya; Aspects of Change. eds.JS Lall and AD Moddie. New Delhi:

Oxford University Press, 1981. pp 226-227, 233-234.

90

Maharaja of Sikkim certain pending questions concerning the administration of

Sikkim and his relation to the British Government. Secondly, to visit Lachen valley to

see if a trade route could be opened in that direction with the province of Tsang in

Tibet and finally to endeavour to meet, and establish a friendly relation with the

Tibetan authorities of the district adjoining Sikkim on the north. Macaulay mentioned

in his Report on 2nd

November 1884 that at Lachung, he had a meeting with the

Phipun (Pipon)110

whom he had a conversation about the Sikkim-Tibet Trade.

The Pipon explained that very few traders pass through the Donkia pass111

as it was

difficult terrain and that Lachen was a much easier pass. He further said that the

Lachung people generally visit Tibet twice a year. They took with them timber, tchen

(Paharia manjit which is a creeper used as red dye), some cinnamon to Shigatse and

Gyantse city in Tibet. On the mode of trade, the Pipon explained that they received

Rs.5 per load for tchen at Shigatse and they fetch back tea, salt and goats. Some even

took sheep and wool to Darjeeling directly from Gyantse by Phari and Jeylep-la and

fetched back to Lachung tobacco, raw Assam silk and copper vessels. While others

went down from Lachung to Gangtok with Tibetan salt which they sold as far as Garh

110

Pipon is the elected representative of a Dzumsa which is the traditional system of local self-

governance prevalent in the two tribal villages in Lachen and Lachung. According to Census of

India 2001, District Census Handbook: Sikkim, these institutions have existed for more 350 years.

The Pipon system has been upheld by the Supreme Court of India and also recognized by the State

Government. The Sikkim Panchayat AmendmentAct, 1995 gave the status of Gram Panchayat to

the Dzumsa in the two villages. Sikkim Panchayat Amendment Act, 2001 further states that the

“Dzumsas existing in Lachen and Lachung shall exercise the powers and functions as provided

under the Act in addition to the powers and functions exercised by them under the existing

Traditional and Customary law”. Apart from the Pipon system and prior to the introduction of

statutory Panchayati Raj Institution the village level administration in Sikkim was looked after by

Mandalsand Tassas appointed by the Chogyal/Dharma Rajas of Sikkim. 111

The Donkia or Dongkha pass is a high mountain pass at an elevation of 5,486m which connects

Sikkim and Tibet and is located in North Sikkim. The first observer to record the pass in western

literature was botanist Joseph Dalton Hooker, who crossed the pass on 7th

September 1849.

91

and Lingmoo and returning back with Indian corn and murwa (or chang is an

alcoholic beverage made from millets popular in the parts of Eastern Himalayas).112

The Indo-Tibetan trade which flourished with the signing of the Lhasa convention of

1904 upto its final closure in 1962, played a very important role in the enrichment of

the Sikkimese economy. The route from Kalimpong to Lhasa passed through South-

eastern Sikkim and crossed the frontier into Tibet via Jelep-la. Four miles to the north

west of this pass is the Nathu-la on the road to Gangtok. After the opening of the

Jelep-la route Sikkim started acquiring a share in the Tibet trade.113

It was an

important channel of commerce for Sikkim however, under successive Indo-

Sikkimese treaties; Sikkim did not enjoy the right to impose duties or other imports

on the movements of goods. It was incorporated in the Indian fiscal and economic

system, but the benefit from the trade through Sikkim accrued to the Durbar and not

to the people, from the monopoly enjoyed by the Sikkim State Transport Service114

in

the carriage of goods up to Gangtok, there after the Tibetan muleteers took over the

carriage business.

3.4.2 Tromopa Trading Community

The Tromopa115

community of the Bhutias were the inhabitants of the Chumbi Valley

which lied in the frontier of Sikkim sharing its borders with Tibet before the Chinese

occupation of Tibet and the Phari region. With the opening of the new trade route, the

112

Coleman Macaulay. Report of a Mission to Sikkim and the Tibetan Frontier with Memorandum of

our Relations with Tibet: Calcutta. Bengal Secretariat Press, 1885. p 27. 113

Sir Charles Bell. The People of Tibet. op. cit. p. 93. 114

A system of vehicular transport introduced in Sikkim by the Chogyal in the year 1944 as the Sikkim

State Transport Service. Later it was renamed as the Sikkim Nationalized Transport Department in

1955 115

Prakash Chandra Mehta. Ethnographic Atlas of Indian Tribes. New Delhi: Discovery Publishing

House. 2004, p. 126.

92

Tromopas emerged as significant players in this entrepot trade. They controlled the

trade between the Phari at the head of the valley and Kalimpong which was about

ninety-five miles away to the south-west across Sikkim and the Indian frontier. The

Tromopas bought goods at one end and sold at the other, which included goods like

wool, cotton goods, silk, indigo, vessels, enamelled iron, aluminium, matches, soaps

etc. The Tromopas were also engaged in transport and kept mules, ponies, yaks which

helped them to transport goods along different mountain tracks between the two trade

centres.116

3.4.3 The Newar Trading Community

The Newars of Sikkim are a prominent group of traders and contractors. Family

histories of the Newars of Sikkim reveal that their ancestors migrated to Sikkim at the

time of the consolidation of Nepal by the Gurkha King Prithivi Narayan Shah.117

During the second half of the nineteenth century (1868), the wave of Newari

migration increased after the pioneer Newari merchants Lachimi Das

Pradhan/Laksmidas Kasaju and Chandrabir Maske obtained rights to mine copper and

mint coins, for which they established Taksaris (mint) and mines in many parts in

Sikkim. 118

Although Newari migration to Sikkim had begun much earlier in the mid eighteenth

century but their number were not large in the earlier days. The established Newars

occupied higher occupational status and position as Pradhans (chiefs). They were not

only landlords and traders but also expert in minting coins. They remained one of the

116

Sir Charles Bell.op.cit.p.69. 117

TB Subba. Dynamics of a Hill Society: theNepalis in Darjeeling and Sikkim Himalayas. Delhi:

Mittal Publications, 1989. p. 1. 118

Bal Gopal Shrestha. The Newars of Sikkim: Reinventing Language, Culture and Identity in the

Diaspora. Kathmandu: Vajra Books, 2015. p.17 .

93

most influential groups in Sikkim since then. These Newari traders also practice trade

between Sikkim and Nepal and along with this trading class came a host of service

caste such as the miners, blacksmiths, tailors and cobblers.119

The Durbar Officials namely Phodang Lama and Khangsa Dewan granted Laksimidas

Pradhan a renowned businessperson in Darjeeling the permission to explore copper

mines in Sikkim. They were granted a tract of land along the Teesta and Rangeet

rivers in Namchi despite of the Chogyal’s order, which forbade foreigners to settle in

Sikkim and engage in commerce.120

Later, Thutob Namgyal the then Chogyal of

Sikkim permitted him to work in a copper Khani (mine) in Tuk Khani (South Sikkim)

on the payment of Rs. 200 in 1883 121

and later were given lease of following copper

mines

1. Tuk Khani near Turuk (South Sikkim)

2. Rinchi Khani in Rinchinpong (West Sikkim)

3. Bhotang Kahni in Rangpo Bazar (East Sikkim)

4. Pachey Khani near Rhenock (East Sikkim)

5. Rathok Khani in Namthang (South Sikkim)122

Another pioneer Newari merchant was Chandrabir Pradhan (Maske). He was a

businessman from Nepal who moved to Sikkim for business in 1845. In Thekedari

(contract) work, he frequently cooperated with Laksimidas when mining copper and

119

PK Bhattacharjee. Aspect of Cultural History of Sikkim Studies in Coinage. New Delhi: KP Bagchi

and Company, 1984. p. 15. 120

Sir Thutob Namgyal and Maharani Yeshay Dolma. History of Sikkim (Denzong-gyal–rab):

Gangtok: Unpublished Typescript, 1908.p. 73. 121

Interview with Motichand Pradhan the descendent of Laksidas Pradhan. 122

Bal Gopal Shresta. op. cit. pp.18, 20, 24.

94

minting coins for the Sikkimese government. They were awarded the title of taksari

or minter.123

Trade in Sikkim prior to the British intervention was conducted through barter, later

the British authorities permitted to circulate Nepalese currency after the request of the

Nepalese in 1849 to facilitate their trade.124

Thereafter, in 1881, the King of Sikkim

on the approval of the British authorities sought to mint its own Sikkimese coins.

Subsequently the Sikkimese Durbar authorized Laksmidas to mint coins in 1883 for a

period of five years. However, the minting of the coins in Sikkim was abolished in

1887.125

Apart from these two merchants some other prominent Newari merchants

and minters in Sikkim were Jitman Sing Pradhan, Marghoj Gurung and Pratap Singh

Chettri.

The Newars were also engaged in money lending and proved to be an important part

of the Sikkimese economy. They were also employed by the Sikkimese Government

in the royal services in various capacities and began to serve at the court of the

Chogyal from as early as 1900s.

3.4.4 The Marwari Trading Community

The opening up of the hidden land of Sikkim by the British administration also

witnessed the entry of the plainsmen into the vocational structure of Sikkim. They

engaged themselves mostly in subsidiary commercial trade or service. The growth of

trade in the mid nineteenth century encouraged money lending as a prospering

123

Ibid. p. 24 124

SK Sharma and Usha Sharma, eds. Encyclopedia of Sikkim and Bhutan. New Delhi: Anmol

Publications, 1997. p. 56. 125

Bal Gopal Shresta. “Ritual and Identity in the Diaspora: The Newars in Sikkim”. Bulletin of

Tibetology. 01.03 (2005) .p. 30.

95

business. The usury business saw the emergence of the Marwari community

especially after the direct British administration after 1890. With the establishment of

Gangtok as an important commercial hub the Marwaris established themselves in

great numbers as bankers, moneylenders, businessman and shopkeepers. The rates of

interest charged by the Marwaris were high and went up to twenty-four percent. Some

even went to the interiors to lend money and collect their interest.126

They even held

agricultural lands in villages which were acquired from the peasants on account of

interest on debt.

The beginning of the twentieth century also saw the introduction of large cardamom

in Sikkim, the Indian merchants particularly the Marwaris engaged in barter with the

Sikkimese peasants. They were encouraged to sell their produce and even buy rice,

flour, tea and other commodities from the same merchants who in this way gained

profit made on selling them these goods. But when the villagers had an urgent need

for food supplies a system of Dadani127

was established whereby goods and money

were given on credit during the monsoons and re-paid with a prefix amount before the

harvest. The loan rates were highly disadvantageous to the borrower. Later, JC White

the first British Political Officer in Sikkim abolished the system of Dadani in 1909. It

was replaced by a system of government loans.128

It can be understood that even after the settlement of the trading class from the plains

of mainland India who conducted and participated in the Indo-Tibetan Trade, there

126

Sarat Chandra Das. Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet. London: J Murry,1902.p. 85 127

In desperate situation some would take loans in Dadani or if a larger amount was required, they

would put one of their cardamom fields under byaj. According to this illegal system, a secret

written agreement was drawn between the peasant and the moneylender, where by certain amount

of money was lent, equal to the value of the cardamom field … for more see Balicki. 128

Anna Balicki. Lamas , Shamans and Ancestors: Village Religion in Sikkim. Netherland: Brill

Publishers, 2008.pp.182-183.

96

was no industrial undertakings in Sikkim. Answering to this query as to why

industries parallel to the outside world could not develop in Sikkim even under the

colonial patronage. It was primarily because the calibre and the financial strength

required to succeed and guide an industrial venture was missing even amongst the

plainsmen who could not rise above mere trade and money lending. The technical

skills along with the understanding of invention and retailing was lacking in most of

the entrepreneurs.129

The people of Sikkim generally lacked the resource to carry out voluminous trade and

to compete with the Indians from the plains, mostly of the Marwari trading

community. The British did little to restrict the Indian traders and did nothing to

ensure that the trade should remain Sikkimese hands.

Exports and imports took its course across different kingdoms where different

mercantile communities participated. In Tibet the monasteries and the high ranking

lamas were the crucial agent of trade, where as in Nepal the state engaged the Newari

traders who conducted trade in large volumes and were even stationed in Lhasa, in

Bhutan and Sikkim the state officials and the nobility had the exclusive right to

conduct trade. But the most crucial agents of this magnificent trade were its

indigenous communities.

Thus to conclude, the trading communities of the Eastern Himalayan kingdom not

only a key apparatus of this elaborate trade but also adopted survival strategies which

helped them conduct this trade and sustain their livelihood. Their ingenious tradition

of impression management, forging artificial kinship, the specialization of trade

129

JC Debnath. Economic History and Development of Sikkim. New Delhi: Abhijeet Publication, 2009.

pp. 19.

97

routes etc. all helped these traders to thrive in this elaborate trade network. The

Himalayan trade nexus had multiple layers of agents who profited from this trade

such as the caravans, muleteers and porters who provided transportation and also the

innkeepers who provided food and shelter for the commuters. They played a vital role

in the evolving and prospering trade and formed a crucial part of the economic

infrastructure. This catenation of trade during the pre-colonial period was an organic

one as it assimilated and linked the society there by creating a symbiosis unlike the

Colonial trade which only focused on resource extraction.

98

Chapter 4

BRITISH MISSIONS IN THE EASTERN HIMALAYAS AND THE

EMERGING NEW RELATIONS

This chapter explains how the colonial intervention in the Eastern Himalayas was

initiated in the late eighteenth century through British Missions, which sought to

renew the ancient Indian commercial ties with the Himalayan kingdom in its northern

frontiers. Official missions were not only commercial, but also diplomatic and

military. Such missions were deployed to Bhutan, Tibet, Nepal and Sikkim to identify

political situation and ascertain prospects for commercial ventures. British Missions

were organized which lasted for about one hundred and thirty years starting from

George Bogle in 1774 to Francis Younghusband in 1904.

The eighteenth century ushered the onset of the industrial revolution in England,

which brought great changes to its economic life. The boom in technology and

scientific invention saw the utilization of power and increase of production. The

inventions of Hargreaves, Arkwright, Crompton, John Kay, Wyatt, Hawksley and

Wright and others revolutionized the English textile and steel industries and brought

about a phenomenal increase in its volume of production. All these great inventions

and technology on one hand, increased production, but on the other hand also

necessitated the need for raw materials and markets for their finished products. The

solution lay in the colonies and the Indian subcontinent could provide them both.

However, the English East India Company in Bengal was not doing so well in terms of

finance. After 1765, the disastrous Dual System of governance in Bengal was exacting

a heavy toll on the Company and to add to it, the Bengal d of 1770 precipitated the

99

crisis. The Company soon realized that Bengal had become a desolate province and its

treasury on the verge of bankruptcy.1

The Charter of the East India Company authorized an act of war against any regional

authorities to meet its ends, which changed the nature of this trading corporation. After

1765, the Company was no longer an international trading firm dealing with silks and

spices, it had transformed into an aggressive colonial power. In less than forty years, it

had managed to garner 200,000 men that was twice the size of the British army. This

helped to establish the East India Company’s paramountcy over the entire

subcontinent.2

It was the Great Bengal Famine of 1770, which necessitated a search for a new

commercial venture in the hitherto unexplored region of the Eastern Himalayas. The

famine had caused massive fiscal loss, especially the export of grain and cotton

industry, which was the plinth of Bengal’s economy.3 Thus, the Court of Directors had

ordered an investigation on the possibility of northern trade for which explorers were

dispatched to the Himalayan kingdom.4 It was the rising Gurkha power in the

eighteenth century which had blocked all the trading routes of Nepal with the

adjoining kingdoms especially Tibet. Seeing this, the East India Company sought

alternative course of action to establish commercial relations sometimes through a

policy of conciliation and sometimes through belligerence.

1 Shantiswarup Gupta. British Relations with Bhutan. Jaipur: Panchsheel Prakashan, 1974. pp. 39-40

2 William Dalrymple. The Anarchy: The East India Company Corporate Violence and the Pillage of an

Empire. London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2019. 3 Arbinda Deb. India and Bhutan: A Study in Frontier Political Relations (1772-1865). Calcutta: Firma

KLM, Pvt. Limited, 1976. p. 56. 4 SC Sarkar. “Some Notes on the Intercourse of Bengal with the Northern countries in the Second Half

of the Eighteenth century”. Bengal Past and Present. Vol.XLI (1931). p. 121.

100

A.M Davies, the biographer of Lord Warren Hastings, the first Governor General of

India, lamented for the fact that Tibet even by mid Eighteenth century was unknown

and unexplored by the Englishmen.5 A host of explorers with secular and non-secular

intent challenged this statement of Davies in the coming years.

The Court of Directors in 10th

April 1771, instructed Lord Warren Hastings, the

Governor of Fort William in Bengal Presidency to enquire into the possibilities of

maximizing the “vend of the company’s staples and other European commodities by

sending proper personages to reside at Rangpore and to explore the interior parts of

Bhutan, Assam and other adjacent countries.”6

Following this suit, the Bengal Government instructed the President of the

Comptrolling Committee of Commerce to enquire into the subject and the committee

referred the Court’s letter to Charles Purling, the Collector of Rangpur. He was

instructed to prepare a report that would suggest measures through which British

goods could be promoted in the kingdom of the Eastern Himalayas. Purling made

some enquiries and came up with the conclusion that the region did not offer

feasibility for a thriving trade, as they did not have a regulated commerce. He asserted

that the locals were not accustomed to trade with foreigners, and their transaction was

mostly local and cross border. They bartered for articles, which was detrimental to the

Company.7

Lord Warren Hasting, the Governor General of Bengal despite of the Purling’s report,

decided to take effective steps for the establishment of commercial contact with

5 A M Davies. Warren Hastings. London: NA, 1936. p. 428.

6 File No. 1, Public Consultation, Political Department. A, Government of Bengal, Calcutta, December

1771, National Archives of India (NAI). 7 Shantiswarup Gupta. op. cit. p. 40

101

Bhutan and Tibet. He decided to pursue a policy of leniency and patience towards the

Himalayan countries in order to achieve his goal of renewing the Eastern Himalayan

trade. The letter which he had received from Palden Yeshe (the Third Panchen Lama)8

after the defeat of the Druk Desi9 Shidariva/Sonam Lhundup in the Battle of Cooch

Behar (1772-1774), the East India Company was provide with an opportunity to send

a mission to Tibet.10

In his minute dated 9th

May 1774, Hastings remarked:

A Treaty with Tibet has been a favourite object with our masters. They have

repeatedly recommended the establishment of an intercourse with that country.

The present juncture is the most favourable for pursuing these views; the letter

from the Lama invites us to friendship and communication. The occasion is

too favourable for the attempt to be neglected.11

Warren Hastings sought to renew the old association between Tibet and Bengal by

establishing friendly commercial relationship so it may access to Central Asia via

Tibet.12

The first instance of official contact of the East India Company with the

8 The Panchen Lama is an important institution of the Geluk school of Tibetan Buddhism with spiritual

authority second only to the Dalai Lama. His seat is at the Tashi lhunpo monastery located in

Shigatse city one of the important administrative divisions in Tibet. Panchen is an abbreviation of

Pandita and Chenpo meaning Great Scholar. The lineage of the Panchen Lama began with Lobsang

Choekyi Gyaltsen, tutor of the 5th

Dalai Lama who received the title Panchen Bogd from Altan Khan

and the Dalai Lama in 1645. Traditionally the Panchen Lama is the head of the Tashi lhunpo

Monastery and held religious and secular power over the Tsang region centered in Shigatse,

independent of the Ganden Podrang authority led by Dalai Lama. From the name of the Tashi lhunpo

monastery, the Europeans referred to the Panchen Lama as the Tashi Lama sometimes spelt as Tesho-

Lama or even Teshu- Lama. 9 The Druk Desi or the King of Bhutan, was also known as the Deb Raja. It was a title to the secular

(administrative) rulers of Bhutan under the Dual system of Governance during the seventeenth and

nineteenth centuries. Under this system, the authority was divided into secular and religious

administration both unified under the nominal authority of Zhabdrung Rimpochi. 10

Arbinda Deb. “Tibet and Bengal; A Study in the Trade Policy and Trade Pattern (1775-1875)”.

Bulletin Of Tibetology. Vol. 03. (1984). p 17. 11

File No. 3, Secret Consultations, Political Department. A, Government of Bengal, Calcutta, 9th

May

1774, NAI. 12

R Sarkar and Indrajit Ray. Political Scenario in Bhutan during 1774-1906: An Impact Analysis on

Trade and Commerce. 2007. http://www.dspace.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/227023. pp. 4-5.

102

kingdom of the Eastern Himalayas came in 1772 when the Deb Raja of Bhutan

defeated King Khagendra Naryan of Cooch Behar.

Commemorating the feat of British enterprise one hundred and thirty three years later

Sir Francis Younghusband wrote:

In the year 1772, they [Bhutanese] descended into the plains of Bengal and

overran Kuch Behar, carried off the Raja as a prisoner, seized his country and

offered such a menace to the British province of Bengal, now only separated

from them by a small stream, that when the people of Kuch Behar asked the

British Governor for help he granted their request, and resolved to drive the

mountaineers back to their fastness.13

Nazir Deo (commander of troops) of Cooch Behar later re-attacked Bhutan and

subsequently won the battle with the help of the British soldiers. Bhutanese troops

were being defeated on every angle at Chichattakotta to Buxa Duar.14

The Bhutanese

king now sought help from Tibet and the intervention came with a letter of mediation

from Panchen Lama of Tibet to Warren Hastings. He sent two emissaries with a letter

of mediation asking the Company Government to stop the assault. Ultimately, an

agreement was struck where treaty was concluded between the Deb Raja of Bhutan

and the East India Company on April 1774. Based on this mediation, the English

agreed to relinquish all the lands, which belonged to the Deb Raja before the

13

Francis Younghusband. India and Tibet (1910). New Delhi: Low Price Publication (Reprint), 1994.

p. 4. 14

The Duars derived from Sanskrit word Duar meaning doors. There are 18 entry points between the

hills of Bhutan and the plains of India. The Duars in India politically constitute the plains of

Darjeeling district, the whole of Jalpaiguri district, Alipur district and the Upper region of Cooch

Behar district in West Bengal and the districts of Dhubri, Kokrajhar, Barpeta, Golpara and

Bongaigaon in Assam.

103

commencement of the war with the Raja of Cooch Behar. Thus, the area in North

Bengal under British was extended up to the Duars in the North-east India.15

This event necessitated urgent consideration to undertake new policy by the East India

Company that subsequently brought about a complete change in the region’s geo

political situation. The Directors of the Company in London thought to explore the

possibility of trade with the Himalayan kingdom. The officials of the company in

Calcutta were directed from London to obtain all relevant information on the question

whether trade could be opened with these Himalayan States.16

The second development came about when the Directors of the Company in London

suggested in 1768, to the Governor in Bengal to investigate the possibility of entering

into China through Tibet.17

It was this decision that led the company to think of

sending James Logan, a surgeon in the Company’s service towards the end of 1769 to

Nepal. Logan was instructed to establish trade links with Tibet and the Western

province in China by way of Nepal.18

The possibility of entering into China through

Tibet had prospect of several additional advantages.

Firstly, the establishment of this trade with Tibet would no longer necessitate the

export of gold from England to conduct the Chinese trade. As the Indian articles had a

remarkable demand in China, the profit generated from the trade would in turn

substitute the need for gold.

15

Phanindra Nath Chakrabarti. Trans Himalayan Trade: A Retrospect (1774-1914): In Quest of Tibet’s

Identity. Delhi: Classics India Publication, 1990. p. 32. 16

Ibid. pp. 33. 17

Miscellaneous Vol. 219, Home Department, Government of India, British Library. (I.O.L.) London.

pp. 325.(accessed from the Chef Ministers Office, Government of Sikkim) 18

SC Sarkar. “Some notes on intercourse of Bengal”. Proceedings of the IHRC, Vol. XIII, 193:p. 184.

104

Secondly, development of a good relation between the British and Panchen Lama of

Tibet may help the British enter into China’s internal and foreign market by overland

route through Tibet. Thirdly, the British aspiration for the cultivation of tea plantation

in India was also supplemented by this. It could close down the necessity of importing

tea from China. As Western China, contiguous to Tibet, was famous for the cultivation

of tea plants where from the seeds could easily be brought to India through Tibet.

Therefore, even before Warren Hastings appointment as the Governor General of

Bengal in April 1772, the Company had already thought of establishing diplomatic

and commercial relations with Tibet. Hastings desire of opening up the doors of Tibet

was intensified by some contemporaneous events that took place in the region.19

As discussed earlier the Gorkha conquest of the Kathmandu Valley had closed down

the traditional Nepal-Tibet trade, thus sealing off any possibility of India-Tibet trade

via Nepal. This forced the Court of Directors to suggest the Company officials in

Bengal for the exploration of Assam and Bengal that might open up fresh channel for

entrance into Tibet. The Anglo-Bhutan treaty of 1772 created a congenial atmosphere

for this venture. Soon this venture proved futile when hostilities were renewed

between Bhutan and the English East India Company.20

The interference of the Bhutanese Deb Raja Zhidar/Kunga Rinchen, in the internal

matters of Cooch Behar forced the royal family to flee. On the request of Khagendra

Narayan who was the Nazir Deo, the English East India Company dispatched four

companies of soldiers in 1773, for the defence of Cooch Behar under Captain Jones

and also to help the Cooch Behar king retrieve the throne. The defeat of Bhutan at the

19

Phanindra Nath Chakrabarti. op.cit. p. 33. 20

Ibid. p. 34.

105

hands of the English East India Company had a definitive statement that the English

East India Company was here to stay with a strong political presence. This alarmed the

Gurkha King of Nepal as well as Panchen Lama of Tibet who were now

contemplating a peaceful solution to the escalating tension in the Eastern Himalayas.21

The primary consideration of the East India Company was trade and it was apparently

clear to the Company that at least one of the commercial possibilities of Tibet was its

borax production since 1644. The Company’s attempt to penetrate Tibet had its unique

character, the attempts were not only confined amongst the Englishmen, some Indians

were also sent when the Company’s authority felt it necessary. These English missions

maintained diaries, memoirs and journals of the author’s day-to-day experience thus

making its worth to the posterity. The Servants of the Company at Calcutta were

directed from London on March 16th

, 1768 to obtain all relevant information on the

question whether trade could be opened with the Himalayan States.

In the interval between the receipt of the Panchen Lama’s letter and the sending of his

reply, Warren Hastings took the opportunity to learn more about Tibet from the two

men who had come to Calcutta from Tashi lhunpo as the Panchen Lama’s messengers.

One was a native Tibetan called Pema, while the other was a Hindu Gossain pilgrim

named Purangir. Both these men were of great acumen and vast information, and

Hastings learned much from them. Warren Hastings was presented with gifts that they

had brought from Panchen Lama. These included gilded Russian leather stamped with

Czar’s double- headed eagle, and Chinese silk (which suggested external commerce)

small ingots of gold and silver, purses of gold dust and bags of musk which suggested

21

George Bogle. EUR. MSS.E/226 Hamliton to Hastings, Government of India, 30 May, 1776.

(I.O.L),London.

106

internal wealth; and Tibetan woollen cloth which together with the well-made chests

in which the gifts had come, indicating a knowledge of arts and industries.22

After

seeing these things, Hastings was very much impressed with the prosperity and

abundance and then decided to send an Englishmen to Tibet on “justifiable plea of

paying a proper tribute of respect in return for the advances which had been made by

the Lama.”23

The Council was convinced by the report of the Governor General of Bengal who

pointed out that Tibet offered an excellent field of commerce where gold and silver

were the medium of commerce. The pre-existing trade had its centre in Tibet with its

neighbouring kingdoms of Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim in the Eastern Himalayan

region.24

However, both Tibet and China actively resisted the British efforts to foster Indo-

Tibetan trade. Although Anglo-Chinese talk was going on during the mid-eighteenth

century for British access to Chinas internal trade but it was not successful. As the

entry of the English East India Company into the free trade of China by sea was

impossible, the Company resolved to explore the route to China through Tibet. A land

route to China through Tibet in the exclusive possession of the Company had obvious

advantage. Tibet bought more Indian goods than it sold, and the payment was made in

gold and silver. Secondly, this would replenish the demand of gold and silver in the

China trade and lastly, the route would serve as a way round the restriction of Canton.

22

Schuyler Cammann. Trade through the Himalaya: The Early British attempt to open Tibet. New

Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1951. pp. 30-31. 23

Captain Samuel Turner. An Account of an Embassy to the Court of Teshoo Lama in Tibet. London:

Trubner and Co. Ludgate Hill, 1800. p. xiii. 24

Shantiswarup Gupta. op.cit. p. 23

107

The English East India Company fuelled by its mercantile insatiability and its

imperialistic ambition decided to organize a British Official Mission led by George

Bogle and Alexander Hamilton, a physician. The Council gave its consent to depute

George Bogle,25

on an embassy to Tibet. He was instructed to proceeded via Bhutan

(as per the existing route of commerce between Tibet and India, the best was through

Bhutan). He learnt that from Nepal to Bhutan it was eight days journey and two of

those he had to pass over the mountains, which were very high. The road through

Morung was far; so the Buxa Duar road was the most preferable to him.26

Although

the main intention of the Company was to secure access and commercial information

from the source that was Tibet, its actual official journey began from Bhutan.

4.1. Missions towards Bhutan

The British interaction with Bhutan began as early as 1772, as discussed previously. In

fact even before the appointment of Warren Hastings as the Governor General, the

Court of Directors was inquisitive about the possibility of northern trade and had

entertained the prospect of sending explorers to Bhutan and Assam.27

It was

understood that entering Tibet through Nepal was long, arduous and was

25

George Bogle was a Scottish, born on 1746. He was educated at Haddington, Glasgow and Edinburg

University. He served as a clerk in a counting house for 4 years. Later he entered the East India

Company Service in 1769 where he served as an Assistant to the Select Committee and Assistant

Secretary to the Board of Revenue. He became a Registrar to the Sadar Dewani Adalat and Secretary

to the Select Committee. He was appointed as an envoy to Panchen Lama in 1774. After his return

from Tibet he became Commissioner of Law Suits. He was once again appointed as an envoy to

Tibet on April 19, 1779 and became a member of the Committee of Revenue at Calcutta in 1781. He

died on April 3, 1781 as a result of a fatal illness… For more details see Clement Markham, ed.

Narratives of the mission of George Bogle to Tibet and of the Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa.

London: Trubner and Co. Ludgate Hill, 1876 26

File No.4, Hastings Memorandum, Secret Consultations, Political Department. A, Government of

Bengal, 9th

May 1774. NAI. New Delhi. 27

S. C. Sarkar. op. cit. p. 121.

108

uneconomical and therefore the route through Bhutan and Chumbi Valley was a better

alternative.28

4.1.1 George Bogle Mission to Bhutan in1774

On the receipt of Bogle’s appointment letter on 13th

May 1774, he proceeded towards

Tassisudon/ Tashichoedzong at Thimpu on Fourth of July where Deb Raja received

him. Bogle sought latter’s permission to visit Tibet. Bogle was further instructed to

take with him certain articles as gifts for the Deb Raja the King of Bhutan and the

Panchen Lama which were rare to those region. He took with him English and Indian

manufactured cloth, brocades, chintzes and muslins, precious stones and pearls, spices

particularly cloves, nutmeg and mace; Birmingham glass-wares, cutlery and

manufactured goods like mirrors, clocks and watches.29

Bogle also faced many doubts on his proposal from the Deb Raja who was suspicious

towards his intentions. His request was finally granted after four long months of his

detention at Tassisudon (Thimpu).

However, it was a difficult to convince the Deb Raja to help him in his ordeal. The

Bhutanese were suspicious of foreigners presumably because they had heard of the

recent conquest of Bengal by the British, who had also gone there as mere traders.

Bogle also faced many objections on his proposal from the Deb Raja who gave him a

number of excuses of not letting him pass through Bhutan to Tibet. The Deb Raja also

made clear that Panchen Lama was not a ruler but rather a priest and did not have any

authority in the government. The Emperor of China had a strong authority in Tibet and

28

Ibid. 29

Clement Markham. op.cit. p. 9.

109

was represented by two Harakas.30

He further explained that without the consent of

the Chinese Emperor no one could be admitted into Tibet.

While his stay in Bhutan, Bogle was able to build a sound base for his mission. He

excelled in his assignment, which was nothing short of an exercise in commercial

diplomacy par excellence. Much later Francis Younghusband wrote, “as regards to

personal relationship he was eminently successful and that was about as much as he

could have expected to establish at the start.”31

This meant that Bogle was able to form a good relationship with the Panchen Lama

who had influence in the Tibetan court and was even held in high regard by Emperor

Chien- Lung.32

Not only this, Bogle also had good association with the Deb Raja, so

much so that, on his return he was able to conclude a treaty with him on May 1775.

This treaty provided important privileges to the traders from Bhutan, which contained

following articles: The Preamble was intended for the promotion of trade with Tibet. It

mentioned:

Whereas, the trade between Bengal and Tibet was formerly very considerable

and all Hindu and Musalman merchants were allowed to trade into Nepal,

which was the center of communication between the two countries and

whereas, from the wars and oppression in Nepal, the merchants have of late

years unable to travel into that country, the Governor as well as the Deb Raja,

30

Harakaras here means Chinese envoys, they were also called as Ambans. 31

Francis Younghusband. India and Tibet (1910). New Delhi: Oriental Publishers (reprint), 1971. pp.

24-25. 32

Arbinda Deb. Bhutan and India: A Study in frontier Political relations (1772-1865). Calcutta: Firma

K L M Private Limited, 1976. p. 57.

110

united in friendship, being desirous of removing these obstacles so that the

merchants may carry on their free trade and secure as former.33

The Treaty also authorized certain provisions: (a) It permitted the Bhutanese to enjoy

the trading privileges in Rangpur and also allowed them to proceed beyond. They

could do so either by themselves or by the goomasthas (trade agents) to all places in

Bengal for trading and selling their horses, free from duty and hindrances. (b) Taxes

collected at Rangpur34

upon the Bhutanese Caravan were also exempted which

amounted to 2015 Naraini rupees in the year 1771. (c) In return, the Deb Raja of

Bhutan was to allow all British Indian subjects to freely pass and re-pass through his

country for conducting the Bengal-Tibet trade. However, no English or European

merchants were allowed to enter the Deb Raja’s dominion. (d) The Bhutanese were

granted exclusive trading rights in sandal, indigo, otter skins, tobacco, betel nut and

pan. Other merchants were prohibited from importing these commodities into Bhutan

and the Governor General confirmed this by an order to the Rangpur Commissioner.35

Bogle in his report mentioned that the Bhutanese king and his officers were highly

involved in the trade and the only way to establish a fluid commercial exchange

between Bengal and Bhutan was to continue their exclusive trading privileges. He

recommended the abolition of duty on horses (tangun ponies) which amounted to six

annas. The Governor General Warren Hastings in consonance with the Treaty of May

1775, instructed Bogle to grant certain concessions and instructed Bogle to relinquish

33

Markham. op. cit. p. 184. 34

A trade fair was established at Rangpur (now in Bangladesh). It continued in operation up till 1831-

32 35

Clement Markham, ed. Narratives of the mission of George Bogle to Tibet and of the Journey of

Thomas Manning to Lhasa. London: Trubner and Co. Ludgate Hill, 1876. pp. 184-185.

111

the tribute or duty that was exacted from Bhutan caravans, which came annually to

Rangpur fair.36

Bogle asserted that it was crucial to persuade the native traders to visit Calcutta in

winter as it would enable these merchants to procure English broadcloth at the low

rate provide them passports and escorts to the northern frontier. He held that the

merchants would logically discover the most suitable manner to conduct the trade and

driven by profit would carry this trade while returning back to their country and

perhaps even beyond their own borders.37

In 1780, Bogle himself organized a fair at Rangpur, the Bhutanese who were

exempted from all duties flocked the fair where they bought and sold freely. This was

for the first time after the Gurkha conquest, that the region saw the continuance of the

ancient trans- Himalayan trade conducted by the native traders. The success however

lasted for only half a century. In this context, Surgeon Rennie wrote that this trade

gradually declined when the privileges enjoyed by the Bhutanese traders was

abolished to increase the revenues. Dr. Campbell the Superintendent of Darjeeling

organized a fair at Titalya in 1832, which was a great success while under his control,

later when Titalya was incorporated with Rangpur the fair slowly lost its significance

and diminished.38

4.1.2 Alexander Hamilton Mission to Bhutan in 1776 and 1777

The English East India Company’s relation with Bhutan had always been of disputes

on local frontiers. Another Mission was sent to Bhutan in 1776 under Alexander

Hamilton, to examine the Bhutanese claims over the district of Ambari, Falakata and

36

Arbinda Deb. op. cit. p. 60. 37

Markam. op. cit. pp. 204-205. 38

David Field Rennie. Bhotan and the Story of the Dooar War. London: John Murry, 1866. p. 160.

112

Jalpesh in the Bengal Duars. Hamilton reported if the Deb Raja was restored these

districts he might reciprocate by levying moderate transit duties on British

merchandise. Hamilton once again went to Bhutan in 1777 to congratulate the newly

consecrated Deb Raja. Warren Hastings in order to preserve the lasting result of

Bogle’s mission to Bhutan decided to cede the tracts of Ambari Falakata and Jalpesh

to Bhutan in 1787.

4.1.3 Samuel Turner’s Mission to Bhutan in 1783

The second mission to Tibet was revived under Samuel Turner; he was deputed on

1783 and was accompanied by Samuel Davis, Dr. Robert Sanders and Purangir

Gossian as a guide. Turner was instructed to proceed to Bhutan, he took Bogle’s route.

The three Englishmen went first to Rangpur, where they obtained passport from the

Deb Raja to permit them to enter Bhutan.39

Turner and the rest met the Deb Raja at

Tassisudon on 3rd

June. Turner was detained in Bhutan for almost three months owing

to a civil war that was raging in Bhutan and due to the reluctance of the Tibetan

authorities to admit him into their country. Undeterred by the setbacks, Turner pushed

further and finally succeeded to secure permission to go to Tibet. Turner like Bogle

fully appreciated that commerce with Bhutan and Tibet could be promoted only

through native agency. He tried to extend the scope of Bogle’s treaty with the Deb

Raja. Turner had received assurance from Regent of the Panchen Lama that he would

offer necessary help to the merchants of British India. Since, Turner was also assured

assistance for the transport of their goods right from the frontier of Bhutan, it also

meant commercial benefits for the native Bhutanese merchants.40

However, this

39

Turner. op.cit. p. 5. 40

Arbinda Deb. op. cit. p.63.

113

amiable relation between the India and Bhutan did not last and later became estranged

due to frontier disputes on multiple occasions.41

4.1.4 Babu Kishen Kant Bose Mission to Bhutan in 1815

In 1815, Mr. David Scott, the Judge at Rangpur, sent a native officer Babu Kishen

Kant Bose to settle some frontier dispute with the Deb Raja. He was sent from

Gowlparah to Bijnee, then to Sidlee and Cherrung and the up to the valley of Patchoo-

Matchoo to Punakha.42

Kishen Kant Bose wrote an account of his observation during

his stay in Bhutan, a portion of which was translated and published in the fifteenth

volume of the Asiatic Researchers.43

During his stay, Babu Kishen Kant Bose

collected information on the country and its people, later his account was translated by

David Scott, which became a tremendous source for future reference.

In 1826, the whole pattern of the Anglo-Bhutanese relationship underwent a change,

after the Anglo-Burmese War 1825-1826, the King of Ava, by the Peace of Yandabo

agreed to withdraw from Assam, which then became virtually a British protectorate. In

the year 1826, Assam was annexed and the Duars also came under its subjugation.

With this the British territories now was extended right up to the borders of Bhutan.

The direct consequence of this was that the Indo-Bhutanese border now became a

scene of endless boundary disputes.44

41

Ashley. Eden. Political Missions to Bhootan: Comprising the Report of Hon’ Ashley Eden-1864,

Captain R B. Pemberton 1837-1838 with Dr. W. Griffith’s Journal and the Account by Babu Kishen

Kant Bose. Varanasi: Pilgrims Publishing, 2005.p. 5-6. 42

Ibid 43

David Field Rennie. op. cit. p. 40. 44

Amar Kaul Jasbir Singh. Himalayan Triangle: A Historical Survey of British India’s Relation with

Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan. London: The British Library, 1988. p. 299.

114

4.1.5 Captain R.B. Pemberton Mission to Bhutan in 1837

Captain R.B. Pemberton was nominated as an envoy to Bhutan on 7th

August 1837. He

was escorted by Ensign Blake as the commandant and Dr. Griffith as the medical

attendant. The main objective of this mission was to secure peace and tranquillity in

the Indo-Bhutanese border and to put the relations on a satisfactory setting. He was

asked to convince the Deb Raja to allow British India manage the administration of

the Duars. A notable feature of this mission was that Pemberton was entrusted with

the task of submitting a report to the Agent of North East Frontier, on the nature of

internal administration of Bhutan and on her relations with Tibet. It was believed that

the Report could provide comprehensive information to the Company as to what

extent the fear of the Chinese power prevailed over the Eastern Himalayan kingdom,

which would in turn help the Company to make policies to extend English trade in

those regions.45

Clearly, the Company was following the same line of thinking as

initiated by Hastings, to bring Bhutan closer and through it further its contacts with

Tibet.

However, on closer analysis it becomes evident that the missions, which preceded

Pemberton were largely driven by economy, with a desire to trade with Tibet through

Bhutan route. Pemberton’s mission on the other hand also had a significant political

objective. There was a growing apprehension of the Chinese extension of sphere of

interest in Bhutan and other adjoining kingdoms and his mission was also to showcase

British presence through political and administrative means. Pemberton’s objective

45

Manorama Kohli. India and Bhutan: A Study in Interrelations 1772-1910. New Delhi: Munshiram

Manoharlal Publishers, 1982. p. 42

115

was also to find out the factual basis of this apprehension and if true also to bring

Bhutan, Sikkim and if possible Tibet under the British sphere of influence.46

Pemberton entered Bhutan by the Bansaka Duar and travelled diagonally with an

intention of seeing the country as much as possible, before reaching the capital in

April 1838. On reaching the capital Pemberton was not received amiably. Pemberton

saw the country was in a state of anarchy due to internal political turbulence.47

Under

such circumstances, the Deb Raja declined to enter into any kind of understanding

with the Company. However, he wrote to the Governor General the main reason for

him not accepting the terms of the treaty as proposed by Pemberton was the clause

which stipulated that the tribute due to be paid by the Fort William was payable in

Narayani currency48

which they could not procure in the hills as the Bhutanese

preferred the Deb mohr. 49

Pemberton returned by Buxa Duar, the same route that was taken by Bogle and the

mission reached Golpara in May 1838. He submitted his report, which became a

source of information; it contained the resume of previous relations with Bhutan, its

roads, rivers, geology, government, priesthood, revenue, military resources,

agriculture, manufactures, trade, population and civil and social state. It was

accompanied by the journal of Dr. Griffiths, containing the remarks on the nature of

the country, especially its vegetation, boundaries, divisions and population. This

storehouse of information later helped the Company to formulate policies towards

Bhutan.

46

Ibid. p. 43. 47

Markham. op. cit. p. lxxxiii. 48

Narayani currency was the currency of Cooch Behar the currency is named after the Royal Koch

Dynasty. 49

Deb mohr was the currency which was used in Bhutan and in the Duars territory. It was named

after the Deb Raja of Bhutan.

116

The failure of Pemberton’s Mission to establish British influence in Bhutan now made

it imperative on part of Fort William to take a decisive step towards Bhutan to protect

its territorial interest. The Bengal Government now shed its previous policy of

appeasement and replaced it various coercive measures, which guaranteed

confrontation. The cultivation of tea for commercial purpose led to the annexation of

the Assam Duars, which was previously under the Bhutanese management. Major

Jenkins the Agent of the North East Frontier Agency recommended the annexation of

Kalling and Boree-Goomah Duars to the Bengal Government by justifying that the

local populations were oppressed by the Bhutanese. On 1 May 1841, the Court of

Directors at London gave the approval to the Bengal Government to exercise its power

over the Assam Duars. This resulted in the annexation of Kamrup and the Darrang

Duars, the British agreed to pay the Bhutanese Government a sum of rupees 10,000

annually as compensation for the loss of revenue from the Duars.50

The Bhutan Government on the other hand refused to accept the annexation or the

offer of compensation for the Duars and claimed the civil war in Bhutan had rendered

the difficult for them to administer the Duars and asked to depute a Bengal Official to

discuss matters relating to restoration of the Duars. This was followed by a period of

waxing and waning with the Bhutanese authorities periodically attempting to get back

the Duars. Consequently, there was a series of frontier disputes from 1856 to 1859.

With the outbreak of Revolt of 1857, for a brief period the Bhutanese were in

possession of the Bengal Duars.51

50

Smriti Das. Assam Bhutan Trade Relations 1856-1949. Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad Institute of

Asian Studies. Kolkata: Anshah Publishing House, 2005. p. 27. 51

Amar Kaul Jasbir Singh. op. cit. pp. 306-309.

117

The British Crown directly took up the affairs of India after 1858. This time the policy

of the British was clear and evident and the Crown was longer subservient to the

Bhutanese insolence. To make the Bhutanese understand their intentions the Bengal

Government decided to take possession of Ambari Falakata in 1860. They informed

the Deb Raja that the territory would not be returned until the Bhutanese stop their

ingress and restore the disputed territories. In the year 186, the Government of India

dispatched a special mission to Bhutan under Ashley Eden.52

4.1.6 Ashley Eden Mission to Bhutan in 1863

Ashley Eden was appointed as an envoy to Bhutan in August 1863 his instructions

were to explain the Bhutanese Court to stop the repression of its subjects, dependent

allies and demanded the surrender of all captives. Bhutan was to restore plundered

property for ensuing the peace and security on the frontier. He was instructed to obtain

all the necessary information relating to nature, population and resources of that

country.

However, the mission was suffering from a serious handicap from the very beginning,

the aversion of the Bhutanese towards the British and the clash of ego between Eden

and Tongsa Penlop made things worse. The Bhutanese completely insulted the British

envoy and rejected the proposal in open Durbar. On his return, Eden informed his

government of the failure of his mission, the treatment received by him. The mission

had proved that the Bhutanese were not ready to accept the terms of friendship with

the British Government.

52

Ibid. pp. 310-313.

118

The Governor General in Council was now determined to occupy and seize the Bengal

Duars of Bhutan which, included the garrison of Dallingkot, Passakha and Dewanagiri

to prevent the Bhutanese advancement into the Darjeeling district. On 12th

November

1864, a declaration was issued from Fort William, which stated:

The future boundary between the territories of the Queen of England and those

of Bhootan will be surveyed and marked off; and the Authority of the

Government of Bhootan within this boundary will cease forever...53

Following this, in the year 1865, a war between the British and Bhutan broke out and

came to an end in 1866. The Bhutanese forces were routed and the Deb Raja was

forced to seek a negotiated settlement. On 11th

November 1865, a treaty of peace was

signed known as the Treaty of Sinchula also referred by the Bhutanese as the Ten-

Article Treaty of Rawa Pani.54

By Article II of the Treaty the Bhutanese were compelled to surrender Eastern Duars,

Guma, Ripu, Cherang, Sidli and Binjin Duars by the Sinchula Treaty and in return the

British agreed to pay annual sum of rupees 50,000 to the Bhutanese for all the Duars

in between Assam and Bhutan.55

With this, the whole of the sub-Himalayan tract in

the Bengal Duar was appropriated by the Crown. The occupation of the Duars was

commercially important because of the tea plantation, as the British knew that tea

plantation was not possible so long as the Duars remained under the jurisdiction of

Bhutan.

53

David Field Rennie. op. cit. p. 161. 54

Nagendra Singh. Bhutan: A kingdom in the Himalayas. A Study of the Land, its people and their

government New Delhi: Thomas Press (India) Publication Division, 1972. p. 46. 55

WW Hunter. The Imperial Gazetteer of India. Vol II. London. 1885. p. 107.

119

Commercial benefits of the Company were ensured by Article IX, which allowed free

trade to be conducted between the two powers. No duties were to be imposed on the

Bhutanese goods entering British territories nor shall the Bhutanese government

impose any duties on the British goods imported into, or transported through the

Bhutanese territories.56

4.2 Missions towards Tibet

For Warren Hastings, opening up of new channels of commerce was the only way to

make up for the loss incurring in Bengal. He knew that Tibet, offered a promising field

of commerce and things were in Company’s favour, as the Lamas were friendly and

receptive. He had the information that gold and silver were used as a medium of

exchange which could increase the Company’s bullion stock. As there was a pre-

existing commerce between Tibet and her Eastern Himalayan neighbours, the

Company could enter this trade network as a major player.

This was followed by sporadic attempts of dispatch missions from the authorities in

India to the Government of Bhutan and to the suzerain power of Tibet. Warren

Hastings seized this favourable opportunity to follow up and further the Company’s

interaction with Tibet by commissioning missions George Bogle (1774), Captain

Samuel Turner (1783), Purangir Gossain (1785) and Thomas Manning (1811) etc.57

4.2.1 George Bogle’s Mission to Tibet in 1774

As said earlier George Bogle moved to Tibet from Bhutan as per the directions given

by Warren Hastings. Since his primary objective was to open up trade between Bengal 56

R Moktan. Sikkim: Darjeeling Compendium of Documents. Darjeeling: R Moktan, 2004. pp 22-25. 57

Earl of Ronaldshay. Himalayan Bhutan, Sikkim and Tibet (1920). New Delhi: Ess Ess Publications,

1977 (Reprint). pp. 197-198.

120

and Tibet and to establish a resident at Lhasa he proceeded bearing various gifts to

Panchen Lama of Tibet58

. All these items were chiefly of British and Indian

manufactures which he could exhibit as a specimen of trade. Apart from this, he was

instructed to study the social, economic, political, and religious institutions of Bhutan

and Tibet along with its geographical features. He was also directed to gauge the

commercial relations of Tibet with her neighbours like Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, Bengal

and China.

Bogle was held in Bhutan for four months. However, he was undeterred, and decided

to approach the Tibetan authorities directly for the permission to visit the country. For

this he decided to send Purangir Gossain,59

a Hindu Pilgrim high in the favour of

Panchen Lama to convince the Lama of their intentions; which was only to explore

and trade. The request was finally granted after four long months of his detention at

Tassisudon. Bogle left for Tibet in October and reached Desheripgay/Chanmanninga

city located 130 miles west of Lhasa, on 12th

of November 1774.60

Upon his arrival,

the Panchen Lama received him very graciously and soon developed great liking for

Bogle and a close friendship was formed between the two. Bogle remained in Tashi

lhunpo for about five months and returned to Bengal on April 1775. On his way back,

he halted at Punakha in Bhutan where he met with the Deb Raja in order to continue

the trade negotiations and then returned to Calcutta.

58

Clement Markham. op.cit. p 9. 59

Gossain is an Indian vernacular modification of the Sanskrit term, Goswami, and is applied to Hindu

religious mendicants in general. Among the Gossain’s various functions, their economic and

diplomatic roles were noteworthy in Tibet in the eighteenth century. The GossainPurangir acted as

attendant and diplomats on behalf of Tibet and British. Purangir was both a private secretary to the

third Panchen Lama and his diplomatic agent. Purangir visited Bengal on his behalf on several

occasion. He was also chosen by the Panchen Lama to be the head of the Tibetan monastery

established in the bank of river Ganges. 60

Richard Brookes. The General Gazetteer; Compendious Geographical Dictionary. IXVth Edition.

London: C Baldwin Printers, 1820.

121

Bogle submitted his report of his journey at the Fort William, which set in motion a

wave of Company’s policies, which were to alter the economic pattern in the

Himalayas in near future. Bogle reported:

Tibet had an extensive foreign trade as no duties are levied. Merchants of

different countries especially from Kashmir, Nepal, Bhutan, Siberia, China

etc., recourse to Lhasa with their merchandise. The most considerable

commerce is with China. Tibet supplies gold dust, silver, musk and cow tails.

It imports tea, Pelong handkerchiefs, silk threads, furs, porcelain cups, glass

wares, snuff boxes, knives, cutlery and tobacco from China; furs and bulgar

hides from Siberia; sugar resins and other fruits through Kashmir; iron and

rice from Nepal; timber, manjit, silk and cotton Bengal clothes through Assam

and rice, wrought iron and coarse woollen clothes from Bhutan. The trade

between India and Tibet was carried through Nepal, Morung, Beneras,

Mirzapur and Bhutan. The trade through Nepal had seized due to Gorkha

conquest of Prithivi Narain, in order to settle the expenses of his huge army,

he imposed heavy taxes on the merchants and thus drove them away. The

Morung road was practically closed when that region was conquered by the

Gorkhas. The Beneras, Mirzapur route was too long and hazardous. The trade

of Bhutan was monopolized by the Bhoteas. Thus, there is no effective

channel for commerce left to the inhabitants of India to carry on the trade with

Tibet. Besides these articles there is room to introduce many new ones as the

people are uncommonly anxious about everything new.61

61

File No. 4, Secret Consultations, Political Department. A, Government of Bengal, Calcutta, 24th

February 1775, NAI.

122

It also became evident from Bogle’s Report that a flourishing commercial relationship

existed between Bengal and Tibet. The articles formerly obtained by Tibet from

Bengal were broadcloth- red, yellow and blue, Malda striped cloths, coral beads, otter

skins, cloves and nutmegs, amber, cutleries, hard wares, glassware, pearls and

diamonds and the cost of transporting goods from Bengal to Tibet was rupees 12 per

maund.62

He cites, prior to the Islamic invasion of the Indian subcontinent, the Lamas

of Tibet had monasteries and other religious foundations in Bengal to which the

Tibetan clergy used to resort in order to study the doctrines and learning of the

Brahmins. The trade between the two countries was very extensive and the returns

were made in gold dust, musk, cow tails and other valuable articles, it was highly

beneficial to Bengal. But the conquest of the Mughals puts an end to this trade. The

monasteries were plundered and destroyed and their population was driven out of the

country. Since then there was little communication between the inhabitants of Bengal

and Tibet.63

Based on this Report of George Bogle, the policies of commercial exploration were

formulated by the British towards the Himalayan Kingdom. Bogle’s information on

Tibet’s foreign trade also played a major role in shaping the British relations with

Bhutan. He expressed how Tibet offered a wide range of commercial possibilities. He

surmised that Tibet had a sparse demographic distribution that required large supplies

from the outside world and how the demand for British manufactured goods was

highly sought. He also highlighted the traditional trading route between Tibet and

Nepal was dormant due to the Gurkha expansion and suggested to open a new route.

Regarding this, he stressed that the route via Bhutan was the shortest because of its

62

Markham. op. cit. Bogle’s Memorandum on the merchandise of Tibet (19th

April 1779) 63

Ibid. Bogle’s Report to Warren Hastings (30th

September 1775.)

123

proximity to Tibet. This intelligence led to a series of dispatch of several embassies to

Bhutan after 1776.

Bogle’s Report also paved a way for the restoration of commercial relationship

between Bengal and Tibet. The bond which he made with the Panchen Lama with the

encouragement of Warren Hastings helped to gain trust of the Tibetans towards the

British. He made arrangements for the grant of a piece of land on the Ganges to the

Panchen Lama for the construction of a Tibetan monastery. This monastery was

established near Calcutta and was known as the Bhot Bagan.64

With the Panchen

Lama’s permission Bogle initiated a limited commercial intercourse between Bengal

and Tibet. The Kashmiri merchants promised, at the Lama’s instance to send their

agents to Calcutta and the Panchen Lama promised to request the Deb Raja of Bhutan

to allow them to pass through his territories. The Lama also promised to request the

ruler of Nepal to permit the merchants to pass through his territories. Bogle also

secured the permission for Hindu and Muslim merchants of Bengal to go to Tibet via

Bhutan. However, the Lama could not grant any further concession, as his Tibetan

subjects dreaded going to Bengal on account of its tropical climate and secondly, the

European merchants were not allowed to go to Tibet on account of the jealousy and

suspicion of Gesub Rimpochi, the Regent of Tibet and the Chinese Ambans at Lhasa.

But the Panchen Lama promised to try to secure the consent of the Emperor of China

for the re-establishment of free trade between Tibet and Bengal and the establishment

64

Ibid. “Your compliance with Panchen Lama’s desire of founding a monastery and temple on the

banks of Ganges will probably tend to produce an intercourse with the northern nations. The safe

return of the people whom the Lama proposes to send next winter to visit the holy places of Bengal

will serve to inspire their countrymen with confidence. Religion will probably lead many others to

undertake the journey, and these pilgrimages, like the Haj of Mecca, may, in time, open a mart for

the commodities of Bengal”.

124

of English factories at Peking as soon as Dalai Lama (then a minor) assumed power at

a right age according to the Tibetan tradition.65

Bogle’s Report also exposed the likelihood of an extensive commerce between China

and Bengal. He wrote that the Panchen Lama had corresponded with Changay Lama

who was the High Priest in the Court at Peking, advising him to send his people to

visit the temples in Hindustan. He had also promised to use his best officers to appeal

before the Emperor of China to and send a deputation to Peiking.66

This information

increased the possibility of a good relation between Bengal and Tibet.

Bogle’s Report also prepared the way for the establishment of extensive tea plantation

in Bengal and Assam under European management. He reported that tea was

consumed in high quantity in both Tibet and Bhutan and found that it was obtained

mainly from China. If tea could be cultivated in the British territory, this large and

profitable trade could be captured from China. He wrote in his memorandum on trade

and production of Tibet that “the most considerable branch of commerce is with

China. The imports are coarse tea of which the consumption is immense.”67

This later

led to the annexation of Bengal and Assam Duars in the later years.

Again, it was due to Bogle’s initiative that the Company pursued a passive policy

towards Bhutan for a long time. He reported that there was no practical advantage in

occupying Bhutan or any part of Bhutan. He held that settlement in Bhutan would be

unfeasible and the Bhutanese would not consent to occupation without a fight. Relying

on force would be wrong and it will only add to the difficulties in keeping

65

Ibid. pp. 131-133. 66

File No. 2. Bogle’s Report to Warren Hastings dated 30th September 1775, Public Cons, Political

Department A. Government of Bengal, Calcutta, 19th

April 1779, NAI. 67

File No.19 & File No. 20, Public Cons, Political Department. A, Government of Bengal, Calcutta,

25th

November 1789, NAI.

125

communications open and insurmountable. Therefore, he did not advocate any

expedition against Bhutan, knowing well the Bhutanese would well opt for defensive

strategy as the climate would wear down the offensive troops. He surmised that all

these effort was not worth the effort so a friendly policy was rather conducive in

dealing with Bhutan.68

Again, Bogle’s Report also paved the way for the Anglo-Nepal War. When the

Panchen Lama had requested the sovereign of Nepal Raja Pratap Singh to grant

passage to the merchants through Nepal it was denied. The British resented to this

refusal of the Gurkha ruler and was determined to teach him a lesson. His Report also

led to the conquest of Assam; Bogle mentioned in his Report that there was much

great advantage in the establishment of commercial relation with Assam by

conquering that country than in trying to open commerce with Nepal, Bhutan and

Tibet.

He succeeded in collecting a large amount of valuable information about Bhutan and

Tibet. His narrative included a good sketch of the geography of the region- the

mountains, rivers, lakes, the climate and natural vegetation. It also gave an account of

the political, social and economic institutions of these countries.

Warren Hastings continued to pursue his dreams and did everything in his power to

secure permission for European merchants to visit Bhutan and Tibet for trade and

commerce. To continue the communication with Bhutan and prevent the opening

made by Bogle, he sent four missions more to Bhutan.

68

Markham. op. cit. pp. 55-58.

126

In April 1779, Hastings once again appointed George Bogle to proceed on a mission to

Tibet through Bhutan. This time his intention was to establish a free and lasting

intercourse of trade with Tibet and other kingdoms northwards of Bengal and to

directly open communication with the Court of Peking. The time for the realization of

these agendas were ripe as the influence of Geshub Rimpochi, the regent of the young

Dalai Lama and the chief opponent of this colonial trade was losing his influence with

the Dalai Lamas coming of age. It was also a time when Panchen Lama’s influence

was becoming powerful.

However, the mission had to be abandoned altogether as the Panchen Lama died of

small pox on his visit to China at Peking on 5th

July 1780.69

Following this, Bogle

himself passed away on 3rd

April 1781.

4.2.2 Samuel Turner’s Mission to Tibet in 1783

The sudden demise of George Bogle and the Panchen Lama created a great setback to

Hastings desire for promoting and extending Company’s trade with the Himalayan

kingdom. Hastings conviction towards establishing of trade was very strong and

remained impervious. On 12th

February 1782, the Pundit70

Purangir Gossain, gave a

report to Hasting on his journey to Peking. He brought with him letters from the

Regent of Tashi lhunpo which expressed great friendship towards Hasting and gave

69

Shantiswarup Gupta. op. cit p.51. 70

These were native explorers who came to be called as “Pundits” in public documents of the Survey

of India. However, in the closed files of the Government of British India, they were given their true

designation as spies. As British colonialism moved northwards within the Indian subcontinent, the

British demanded precise frontiers and sought orderly political and economic relationship with their

neighbours. Though the use of Pundits, were phased out in the 1890’s in favour of purely British

expeditions, the native explorers gathered an immense amount of information on the topography of

the region, the customs of its inhabitants and the nature of its government and military resources.

They were responsible for documenting an area of over million square miles; most of it was complete

unknown territory to the western world… For details see Derek Waller. The Pundits: British

Exploration of Tibet and Central Asia. Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky, 2004.

127

him hope that the Tibetans at Tashi lhunpo were still inclined to cooperate with his

plans for trade.71

The second phase of Warren Hastings commercial pursuit came in 1783. Undaunted

by the difficulties, Hastings with great determination deputed Lieut. Samuel Turner,72

on a mission to Bhutan and Tibet. The time was just right for another venture towards

opening trade contacts with the North as the international situation had greatly

improved which greatly affected the outlook in India. The American Revolution had

just ended and the war with France and her allies in India was ending. As a result the

commerce was beginning to move freely once more. Thus, Hastings had strong reason

to anticipate a renewed flood of manufactured goods from Britain, and it was

becoming necessary to find open markets for them.

Towards the Eastern Himalayas, Lord Warren Hastings continued his passive policy.

During this time, the news of reincarnation of Panchen Lama had quickly spread and

Warren Hastings promptly decided to utilize this opportunity of sending another

mission to Tibet.73

His main objective was to secure an extension of commercial

facilities and to propel English manufactures in the highlands of Himalayas. A mission

was sent to convey the Governor General’s greetings to the re-incarnated Lama.

Turner was instructed to restore Ambari Falakata and Jalpes to the Deb Raja of Bhutan

71

Schuyler Cammann. op. cit.p. 82. 72

Samuel Turner was born in Gloucester shire in 1749, and entered the army of the East India

Company. He was a kinsman of Warren Hastings, who, having assured himself of the young officer’s

ability, appointed him to conduct the second embassy to Tibet, from January 1783 to March 1784. In

1792 Turner distinguished himself at the siege of Seringapatam, and he afterwards, as envoy to Tipu

Sultan, conducted some negotiation to the satisfaction of the government. Having amassed a

considerable fortune, he returned to England, and published his narrative of the Tibet Mission in

1800. He died in London, on January 2, 1802. Later his work was translated into French by Castera…

For more details see Clement Markham. op. cit. 73

File No.3. Political Department Consultation, Government of Bengal, Calcutta, 9th

January 1783,

NAI.

128

as a gesture of goodwill, which would help, facilitate the concession of the demands

he was going to make.

Samuel Turner, a Lieutenant in the army of East India Company was deputed on 9th

January 1783 and was accompanied by Lieut. Samuel Davis74

as drafts men and

surveyor, Dr. Robert Sanders75

as surgeon and Purangir Gossain as a guide. Turner

like his predecessor was directed to proceed to Bhutan he took Bogle’s route. The

three Englishmen went first to Rangpur, where they obtained passport from the Deb

Raja to permit them to enter Bhutan.76

Turner and the rest met the Deb Raja at

Tassisudon on 3rd

June. Turner was detained in Bhutan for almost three months owing

to a civil war that was raging in Bhutan and due to the reluctance of the Tibetan

authorities to admit him into their country. The Regent of Tibet sent a letter dated 1st

August 1783, stating as Tibet country is subject to the Emperor of China and the rule

of the China Government is that no stranger was admitted without the Emperor’s

consent and he was remediless. He asked Turner to return to Calcutta. Undeterred by

the setbacks Turner pushed further and finally succeeded after many attempts. The

Regent refused to admit more than two Englishmen and therefore Davis was left

74

Lieut. Samuel Davis, of Bengal Engineering Corps, was born in 1760. His father having also been in

the army, his military commission was signed by George II, in the last year of his reign and

countersigned by William Pitt. Samuel Davis was an excellent artist and the Bhutan’s illustration in

Turners’s work is from him. Mr. Davis afterwards received an appointment of Judge and Magistrate

at Benares. He returned to England in 1806 and became a Director of the East India Company in

1809. At the time of the renewal of the Charter Act of 1814, the Committee of the House of Common

entrusted him with the task of drawing up, in their name the memorable ‘Fifth Report of the Revenue

of Bengal’, which to this day remains an important document on the internal administration of India.

He died at the age of fifty nine in the year 1819… For more details see Clement Markham. op.cit. 75

Dr. Robert Sanders, some years after his return from Tibet retired from the service, and resided in

London where he practiced as a physician for many years. 76

Turner. op.cit. p. 5.

129

behind. Tuner and Saunders left Bhutan on 8th

September and reached Tashi lhunpo on

the 22nd

September1783.77

On his arrival in Tashi lhunpo at Shigatse city, Turner presented the Governor

General’s letter to the Regent, who was the brother of the previous Panchen Lama and

Solpon Chenpo whose status at that time was equivalent to Vice Regent.78

He saw the

new Panchen Lama, an infant of eighteen months, residing in the valley of Painom

where he had been discovered. Turner wanted to move further towards Lhasa to

conciliate the chiefs in power there and to obtain their sanctions to the establishment

of free interaction between Tibet and Bengal but the Regent discouraged him.79

In his interview with Solpon Chenppo, the latter appraised him about the diplomatic

difficulties that he and the Regent had to face in getting the Englishmen to Tashi

lhunpo. The Chinese embassy had strictly commanded the Regent and his assistant not

to expose the young Panchen Lama before any strangers which was an indication

towards the English.80

He had realized that the power of the Chinese or rather the Qing

and the Ambans (Chinese officials) of Lhasa were over whelming obstacles to any

enduring negotiation at that time. Turner also observed that the influence of the

Chinese court was very strong in Lhasa, which the Tibetans disliked. With regards, to

the outside world, Turner also talks about their attitude towards Russia. He found out

that the Tibetans knew about the reigning Czarina, Catherine the Great, as well as the

extent of her dominions and the commerce that was carried out between Russia and

China. He also learned that Russia had also made many attempts to extend their trade

into the inner parts of Tibet. However, the disinclination of Tibetans to make any

77

Gupta. op. cit. p. 52. 78

Cammann. op. cit. p. 86. 79

Ibid. 80

Turner. op. cit. p.239.

130

foreign connection and the watchful jealousy of the Chinese had defeated every such

attempt.81

According to the Report submitted by Bogle even in 1774, the Panchen

Lama had certain concerns on the growing Russo-Chinese relations and how it was

affecting Tibet. He mentioned there were many hindrances in establishing an effective

Anglo-Tibetan relationship in the eighteenth century.82

When Turner brought up the matter of trade with Bengal, The Regent told him that

correspondence between him and the Dalai Lama was continuous and the Dalai Lama

was always in favour of establishing good relationship with the English. In discussing

commerce in general, the Regent expressed his admiration at the bold and enterprising

spirit of the Englishmen. Turner was granted an audience with the Regent for the last

time in 30th

November. At this time, the Regent presented Turner with gifts and letters

for Hastings, and asked him to remember- his unchanged and steady friendship.83

Samuel Turner left Tashi lhunpo for Bengal on 2nd

December, on his way back he met

with the Deb Raja of Bhutan and finally arrived at Patna, where the Governor General

was residing and submitted his report on 2nd

March 1784.

Samuel Turners Mission did not quite yield result as what Hastings would have

aspired. Turner failed to secure an extension of commercial privileges, which had been

granted to Bogle. The reason for it was plenty, the untimely death of Panchen Lama

had deprived the British of their only friend in Tibet. There was revision of distrust

among the Tibetans against the foreigners especially against the British. The Tibetans

now feared the ambitious designs of the Englishmen after the Anglo- French Wars of

the 18th

century, which had resulted in the establishment of the British rule in the

81

Ibid. pp. 272-73. Also see Cammann. op. cit. p. 88 82

Taraknath Das. British Expansion in Tibet. Calcutta: NM Raychowdhury & Company, 1928.p. 4. 83

Cammann. op cit. p. 88.

131

Carnatic. There was also an increasing suspicion of the Chinese towards the British; as

a result, the Ambans at Lhasa put hard pressure on not allowing the British to enter

Tibet. Turner however, succeeded in obtaining an assurance from the Regent as when

Panchen Lama assumed power in his hands, he would revert the policies of his

predecessors and not only grant the English the permission to trade with Tibet, but

also secure from the Chinese Emperor permission to trade with China.84

However, Turner made a significant collection of information on the physical features,

economic resources, social life, religion and military organization of Bhutan and

Tibet. This was very vital, as this report later became a platform of future British

policies. Turner highlights that Tibet offered an excellent field for trade and the

information, which he furnished on the economic resources. It exercised a decisive

influence on the British policies towards the Himalayan kingdom. Turner wrote:

Their mines and minerals are capable of opening such inexhaustible sources of

wealth as to be alone sufficient to purchase everything of which they (the

Tibetans) stand in need.85

There were mines of lead, rich in silver ore: mines of cinnabar, containing mercury

and mines of copper.86

The information provided by Turner also explains the repeated

effort made by the British Government in the latter half of the nineteenth century for

the establishment of closer relation with Tibet.

By 1784, opposition to Hastings rule in India began to grow in England and in the

following year, the first Governor General of India, Lord Warren Hastings tendered

84

Gupta. op .cit. p. 53. 85

Samuel Turner. op.cit. pp. 370-72. 86

Ibid. p. 372

132

his resignation to the Court of Directors in a letter of January 1785. With his

retirement, all direct diplomatic intercourse between India and Tibet also ceased.

Hastings policy was wise and consistent and the knowledge, which was acquired

during his stewardship, provided stepping-stones for future strategies. His policies

were persistent and continuous but at the same time cautious and conciliatory. The

extension the English commercial appendages into the Himalayan kingdom arose from

a dire need in the second half of the eighteenth century. It was the tenacity of Lord

Warren Hastings, which resulted in the establishment of commercial intercourse with

Tibet and its adjacent regions, as the Directors of the East India Company had wanted.

4.2.3 Purangir Gossain’s Mission to Tibet in 1785

However, the intercourse of the Bengal Government with Tibet was not completely

terminated. As a continuation of Hastings policy, Hon’ble John McPherson87

consented to dispatch Purangir Gossain to Tashi lhunpo from Bengal to attend the

investiture of the infant reincarnated Pachen Lama. Purangir arrived at Tashi lhunpo

on 8th

May 1785, and returned to Bengal in December of the same year. Purangir had

an audience with the infant Tashi Lama/Panchen Lama who was attended by regent

and Solpon Chenpo and delivered the presents and letters brought for him.88

Purangir also witnessed the consecration of the infant Tashi Lama/Panchen Lama at

Tashi lhunpo monastery, with great pomp in the presence of the Dalai Lama, the

Chinese Political Agents or Ambans, the Gesub Rimpochi and the heads of all the

87

Sir John Macpherson was the first Baronet from Sleat, Isle of Skye, Scotland. He was a Scottish

administrator in India. He was the acting Governor General of Bengal from 1785 to 1786. He had

been a senior member on the Council, so he automatically succeeded to the post of the Governor

General, pending the arrival of a new appointee from England. For Details See ...Lee Sidney, ed.

Dictionary of National Biography. Vol. 35. London: Smith Elder and Company. 88

Cammann. op. cit. p. 103.

133

monasteries in Tibet in October 1784. However, Purangir Gossain was asked to return

back by the Regent Chanzu Cusho who assured him continued friendly relation, which

was established by George Bogle.

This mission was the last.89

On his return, Purangir reported this to the John

McPherson who was acting Governor General of Bengal and reported that Tibet was

at peace. With regard to the recently established commercial relation between Bengal

and Tibet, Purangir revealed that he was not the first to arrive at Tashi lhunpo from

Bengal and that many merchants had already arrived there to trade goods, and still

others followed after he left, bringing their commodities to Tibet. The authorities

extended full cooperation in continuing the commercial intercourse. Trade was still

flourishing and there were no complaints of impediment or loss.

The markets at Tashi lhunpo, were well stocked with English and Indian goods, but

there were not so much of them to lower the market value below the prices of two or

three years preceding. Meanwhile the traders of India found the rate of exchange

greatly in their favor. He reported that during the course of his interview with the

Regent and his ministers he found the native authorities encouraged the commercial

intercourse with British India. He also reported the Regent was somewhat distressed at

the departure of Hastings and losing a friend and ally. The Regent also acknowledged

Hastings as the original cause of opening the communication and beginning a

correspondence between the Government of Bengal and Tibet. Accordingly, the

Regent had expressed a desire to maintain friendly relations with Hastings successor.

He was determined to invite the new Governor General to join him in preserving the

Tibet-Bengal diplomatic and commercial relation and for the benefit of both the

89

Markham. op. cit. pp. lxxiv-lxxv.

134

parties. Therefore, when Purangir left he brought with him letters from the young

Tashi Lama/Panchen Lama and the Regent to McPherson.90

The policy towards Eastern Himalayas was however, not given adequate attention by

his successor Lord Cornwallis. It seems that the failure of Turner’s mission to secure

adequate commercial concessions and the admittance of European merchants to trade

with Tibet did not quite give him a fair impression. Again, Lord Cornwallis

preoccupation with the Mysore War and the re-organization of the administration of

Bengal left him with little time to attend to that subject.

However, there was no cessation of commercial intercourse. The Hindu merchants of

Bengal continued to go to Tibet for the purpose of Trade in spite of the indifferences

of the successors of Warren Hastings. Even independent adventurers and explorers

continued to pursue their dreams of reaching Lhasa. One such person was Mr. Thomas

Manning91

who went to Tibet, completely on his own, in September 1811. The

Government did not provide him with any encouragement or help.

4.2.4 Thomas Manning to Tibet in 1811

Thomas Manning was the only Englishman who had ever visited Lhasa and met with

the Dalai Lama. Manning was an astute scholar and in his Cambridge years, devoted

his time in learning the language and culture of China. He was resolved in pursuing

his Chinese quest and therefore decided to proceed to Canton to acquaint himself with

the Chinese customs and culture. He was recommended by Sir Joseph Banks, the

90

Cammann. op. cit. pp. 104-105. 91

Thomas Manning was the son of William Manning of Norflok. He was born on 8th

November 1772.

He studied at Cambridge and remained there till 1810. In 1811 he went to Lhasa through Bhutan. He

returned to Cooch Behar on 10th

June 1812. He then went to Canton. In 1817, he proceeded to Peking

and in July of the same year, he went back to England. In 1838 he went to Bath where he died on 2nd

May 1840 at the age of 68. ….Also See Clement Markham. op.cit.

135

President of the Royal Society in his letter to the Chairman of the Court of Directors

on 31st March 1806. Sir Joseph Banks, believing that Manning was likely to succeed,

requested the Directors to assist in his earnest endeavours to accomplish this purpose.

He concluded his letter by stating:

For my art I take deep interest in the fate of this very amiable young man, both

on account of his mild character and the energies of his mind, and I shall feel

infinite obligation to you, Sir, and to the Court, if my application has any

effect in deciding them to grant the favour he solicits.92

Thus, with this recommendation, Thomas Manning proceeded towards China in one of

the Company’s ship to Canton and stayed in China from 1807 to 1810. Afterwards the

select committee at Canton addressed a letter to Lord Minto, the Governor General of

India, dated 19th

February, 1810 in which they introduced Manning, who was about to

proceed to Calcutta as a highly qualified scholar who in his search for knowledge of

the Chinese language and customs would approach the Governor General for

assistance. But unfortunately, Lord Minto was preoccupied at Daylesford in Australia;

hence Manning was not able to get any sort of assistance from the Government. He

was unable to secure any official recognition and was left entirely on his own

resources. He set out with his Chinese servant to Rangpur and then started his

expedition.

He entered Bhutan by Lakhi Duar instead of Buxa Duar as Bogle and Turner had

entered. Travelling via Tazagong, Dunajong, Dumsong and Matakha he reached Paro

on 21st September. His route lied west of that taken by Bogle and Turner. The Deb

92

Markham. op. cit. p. clvii.

136

Raja, who gave him every possible help, hosted him with great courtesy. He reached

Pharijong, on the frontier of Tibet, in the guise of a medical practitioner. There he

found a Chinese general with troops, some of whom he cured and the general

permitted him to company his escort to Lhasa in 1811. Thus, he was able to penetrate

Tibet and reached Lhasa where he resided for several months, there he met the Dalai

Lama and had interviews with him on many occasions. All the credit of his

extraordinary journey is solely due to himself and when he returned Calcutta, he

refused to give any particulars of his journey partly due to the unofficial treatment he

received there.93

The excerpts of his travel account highlighted his personal trouble

and difficulties, but on the other hand showed the social habits of the Tibetan people

and also of the relative position of the Chinese and the Tibetans during that point of

time. The account proved that, the native Tibetans despite of the Chinese sanctions

gladly welcomed the strangers and it was not impossible to make contacts with Tibet.

Thus, the myth of Tibet being a forbidden land was not absolutely true at least for

individual travelers making their journey in unofficial capacity.94

93

Ibid. pp. clvii - clix. 94

Ibid. p. lxxx.

137

Map 4.1: The Routes taken By Bogle, Turner and Manning between Bengal and Tibet

through Bhutan.

Source: Clement Markham, ed. Narratives of the mission of George Bogle to Tibet

and of the Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa. London: Trubner and Co.

Ludgate Hill, 1876.

138

4.3 Missions towards Nepal

By the late eighteenth century, the Gurkha paramountcy over the Kathmandu Valley

was complete under the King Prithivi Narayan Shah. After his consolidation, he tried

to restore trade to its former structure with an objective to channel the Himalayan

trade through Nepal as a strategy to contain foreign aggression. He was aware of the

growth of the English East India Company, and knew the saying, which was current in

the Indian plains then ‘with the merchants came the musket and with the Bile comes

the bayonet’.95

Thus, he was very exclusive in his dealing with foreigners. Throughout

the period from 1760-1880, the Anglo Nepalese relation went through a chapters of

systole and diastole. It is true that the British effort to be a partner in the trans-

Himalayan trade was rewarded with little success yet the effort was always continuous

and persistent.

4.3.1 Kinloch Expedition to Nepal in 1767

The British made their presence felt right from 1767, with the expedition of Captain

Kinloch to invade Nepal and restore the usurped King Jaya Prakash Malla. This

resulted in an engagement on 26th August 1767, where the British army was defeated

and as a result of this expedition the Nepalese then onwards took the Company

Government as their enemy ultimately leading to the Anglo Nepalese War of 1814-

1816. The failure of the Kinloch Expedition proved to be a great disaster to the British

traders and Christian Missionaries. King Prithivi Narayan Shah became a harsh enemy

of the British and was not in favour of any commercial linkages with them. He even

95

Narrotam Prasad Bansakot. Indo Nepal Trade and Economic Relations. New Delhi: B.R. Publishing

Corporation, 1981. p. 13.

139

wrote a letter to the Dalai Lama to decline all relations with the British and refuse

them access to his country.96

The demands from British manufactures for newer market became a serious concern

when pressures from home metropolis became strong, compelled by this urgency the

East India Company to try to re-establish its affiliation with Nepal. According to the

wishes of the Court of Directors, the Company once again tried to open dealings with

Nepal. Thus, James Logan was sent to Nepal to achieve this aim.

4.3.2 James Logan Mission to Nepal in 1769

In 1769, James Logan was deputed to Nepal to revive the old trade relations but the

mission was abandoned with the fall of Nepal Valley to the Gurkhas.97

His mission

was the best example of conciliatory policy adopted by the British. Logan was

instructed to try and establish a good faith among the two powers so issues on further

development of the trans-Himalayan trade could be taken up. Logan and all the

authorities were sure that the present rulers disapproved their mission but nonetheless

they made an effort.98

The memorandum which he submitted reveals that, the chief

exports to Nepal from Patna were coarse woollen clothes, coral, salt, betel nut, cotton

clothes, Patna chintzes, gold dust, borax, musk, cow tails etc.99

He further suggested

that the Company Government should help Jaya Prakash Malla the Newar King of

Kathmandu, to regain his power so they may benefit commercially. Apart from this,

96

Saphalya Amatya. ‘British Diplomacy and its various Missions in Nepal from 1767 to 1799.’ Ancient

Nepal. Vol. No.6(1-5 Jan), Kathmandu: The Department of Archaeology. p. 3. 97

Julie G Marshall. Britain and Tibet 1765-1947: A Select Annotated Bibliography of British relations

with Tibet and the Himalayan States including Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan. London: Routledge,

2010.p.39. 98

Saphalya Amatya op. cit. p. 3. 99

Bansakot. op. cit. p. 13.

140

we do not have much detail of this mission. Thus, it is quite clear that the first attempt

of the British to establish friendship with the Nepalese became unsuccessful.

4.3.3 George Foxcroft Mission to Nepal in 1783

Warren Hasting made every possible attempt to open trade with Tibet; while he was

sending commercial Missions to Tibet, he was also simultaneously trying to open

Nepal for British access into Tibet. He was very much keen on reviving the trade

relations between Bengal and Nepal, he sent a mission to Nepal to fulfil this purpose

under Mr. Foxcroft on 1st January 1783.

100 He sent a letter to the Nepalese Durbar

where he recalled the ancient commercial link that Bengal had with Nepal and how it

was stopped. He lamented for the fact that how unfortunately the relationship had

ended and expressed his deep desire to revive the friendship once again. However, this

mission never reached Kathmandu and the Governor General’s desire could not be

fulfilled.101

In the subsequent years Gurka incursions over the frontiers increased and in 1788,

they invaded Sikkim; the expeditionary forces were led by Subah/Subba of Morang

and only retreated after the Tibetan Government had ceded a piece of territory at the

head of the Kuti pass. But, in the same year, the Nepal Regency decided to invade

Tibet tempted by the stories of great riches stored at the palace of the Panchen Lama.

The pretext of the war was the unresolved issue of debased coins from Nepal102

that

the Tibetans resisted any attempt to recall these coins or to establish fair rate of

100

Marshall. op. cit. p. 39. 101

Saphalya Amatya. op. cit. p. 2- 3. 102

The circulation of the debased coins by the Mallas in Tibet had a loss of confidence of the Tibetans.

By the Treaty of 1645 with Tibet, Nepal had promised to import silver from Tibet and mint coins

from it. Tibet would pay in bullions in return and the Nepalese Government would profit 8% on

such transaction, and the Tibet’s trade with India needed to be channelled through Kathmandu

Valley. For more see Chapter II.

141

exchange based on silver content. The Gurkha army 18,000 strong marched over with

great rapidity and reached Tashi lhunpo, looted and ransacked the palace without any

resistance. The Regent fled with the infant Panchen Lama to Lhasa, where appeals for

help were dispatched to Peking. The Chinese government at once prepared an

expeditionary force and sent an envoy to Kathmandu demanding restitution of all the

plunder. However, on the defiance of the Nepalese court, the Chinese army 70,000

strong commenced its march under General Sund Fo. In the battle, which followed the

Gurkhas were completely routed. General Sund laid siege to Kuti and then marched

towards the heartland by the way of Kerong. Although, the General suffered a great

loss of men while crossing the snowy mountains, still the numerical strength was far

higher than the Gurkhas. The final stand took place on the banks of river Tadi, which

was about twenty miles away from Kathmandu. The Chinese were victorious in the

battle of September 1792, and the Nepalese had to sign a humiliating treaty by which

the Gurkhas agreed to restore all their plunder, pay annual tribute to the Emperor of

China and also send an embassy to Peking once every five years.103

In August 1792,

Lord Cornwallis the then Governor General of India received a letter from the Dalai

Lama, it stated that the Chinese army had defeated the Gurkhas and was asked not to

interfere on behalf of the Nepalese. When the Gurkha Regent sought help from the

British, the Governor General wrote to him on 15th

September 1792, refusing to give

him assistance on the pretext that the British had extensive commercial relation with

the Chinese and it was pertinent upon the Company to maintain a good relationship

with the Chinese.

103

Markham. op. cit. pp. lxxvi - lxxvii.

142

Earlier, in the same year March 1792, Nepal had also entered into a Commercial

Treaty with East India Company to protect its commerce with India; Jonathan Duncan

the Resident at Benares negotiated it. The treaty provided a foundation for the Indo-

Nepalese trade relation. It stipulated:

1. There would be 2-1/2% reciprocal duties on the commercial traffic between the

two countries.

2. The duties according to the treaty would be levied on the commodities valued at

the market price.

3. Punishment would be levied out in case of realization of duties above the

prescribed rate.

4. Loss due to robberies and theft would be indemnified by the Zamindars of those

areas.

5. The merchants could transport their goods to any part of the country beyond the

limits of either of the respective countries.104

However, the treaty was not applied in the truest sense, on the failure of the Company

to provide any assistance during the Chinese invasion of Nepal. Lord Cornwallis

offered to depute an officer in his confidence to mediate between China and Nepal and

to look into the position of their commercial treaty with Nepal and for this, he

appointed Colonel William Kirkpatrick.105

104

Narrotam Prasad Bansakot. op.cit. p. 14. 105

Markham. op.cit. p. lxxviii.

143

4.3.4 Colonel William Kirkpatrick Mission to in Nepal 1793

In February 1793, Col. William Kirkpatrick 106

was deputed on a mission to Nepal

along with Lieut. Samuel Scott, Lieut. WD Knox, J Gerrad and Mr. Adam Feer as

surgeon and Maulvi Abdul Kadir. He was instructed to establish a residency in

Kathmandu and to pursue the signed Anglo-Nepalese Commercial Treaty of 1792.

This was the first actual diplomatic mission sent to establish a relation with Nepalese

court. On his arrival at Noakote, he discovered that the Chinese had settled their

affairs with Nepal.107

On the delay of response from the British to the Nepalese

appeal, Kirkpatrick was distantly treated and his objective was not fulfilled. He wrote

in his account, “I had now ascertained with sufficient certainty that my residence at

this court was not to be hoped for,”108

and there was no willingness upon the Nepalese

court parry with this either. He did not remain in Nepal for long and on 24th

of March,

the same year returned.109

The defeat of Nepal in the Sino –Nepalese War affected the British interests in a way

they had not anticipated, this led to a loss in its credibility. The failure of Kirkpatrick

Mission was indirectly the failure of the British diplomacy in the trans-Himalayan

affairs. The Mission of 1793 was sent in response to the Gurkha appeal for protection

against attack from the Chinese through Tibet, but the mission failed to offer any

106

William Kirkpatrick was born in 1754. He was a British army officer and a diplomat in India. He

was resident with Mahadji Scindia at Gwalior and had also served on Lord Cornwallis’s staff as

Persian interpreter in the Third Anglo Mysore War of 1790-91. After the Nepal Tibet dispute in

1793, Cornwallis sent Kirkpatrick to meet Nepal’s envoy at Patna. For more See. Sidney Lee, ed.

William Kirkpatrick (1754-1812) Dictionary of National Biography. London: Smith, Elder and

Company, 1892; William Dalrymple. White Mughals: Love and Betrayal in the eighteenth century

India. New Delhi: Penguin India, 2003. 107

John Rowland. A history of Sino Indian Relation: Hostile Co-Existence. Princeton: D. Van Nostrand

Company,1967. p. 23. 108

William Kirkpatrick. An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal. London: W Blummer and Co, 1811.

110. 109

Saphalya Amatya. op. cit. p. 4.

144

military aid, rather it was a fact-finding mission and purely a diplomatic one. This

further estranged the relations between the two powers making it more difficult for

commercial ventures.

Markham, points out that the British policy towards the Eastern Himalayan states was

not prudent during this juncture. The British could have checked the Gurkha

aggression towards Sikkim and Tibet, such action would have ensured the favour of

the Lamas, curb the relentless aggression and also secured the respect of Gurkha

Regency prevented the march of the Chinese army and prevented the sealing up of the

passes. The actual policy adopted by Cornwallis was unfortunately of waiting and

drifting.110

The indecision of the British Government during the entire episode of the

Gurkha incursion had lost the British, the respect of both victors and vanquished.

Neither side appreciated his neutrality and then offering to mediate when the war was

already over.111

On the other hand, the supremacy of the Machus/Qing over Tibet was now complete.

The status of Tibet vis-a vis China was now condensed to a dependent position. After

the consolidation of the Chinese authority in Tibet its prestige and influence in the

trans- Himalayan region increased while the prospect of Indo–Tibetan trade

diminished. The Chinese suspicion of secret British encouragement to the Gurkhas

was an important factor why Lord Macartney’s commercial mission to China in 1793

failed.112

The Chinese general who invaded Nepal gave a very un-favourable report of

the conduct of the British and even suspected that some British troops were in the

Gurkha army. The immediate consequence was that the Chinese closed all the passes

110

Markham. op. cit. pp. lxxvi - lxxvii. 111

Cammann. op. cit. p. 134. 112

Ravuri Dhanalaxmi. British attitude to Nepal’s Relation with Tibet and China (1814-1914). New

Delhi: Bahri Publications, 1981. p. 22.

145

into Tibet. The Pharijong and other frontier stations were occupied and the Chinese

established a strong post at the Jonkajong commanding the Kirong pass.113

Kirkpatrick’s Mission was important in a sense that it helped to frame a clear picture

to the English on the Nepalese polity, society and economy. The period from 1767 to

1799 was not totally riddled with failures. These missions were not able to have any

substantial impact on the commercial ventures of the Company but at the same time, it

did not worsen the relationship between them either. Later, on the question of the

revolt of Wazir Ali of Oudh, once again these two powers came back together. 114

4.3.5 Abdul Kadir Khan’s Mission to Nepal in 1795

In 1795, Abdul Kadir Khan, a native of Bengal led a commercial mission. He was sent

to Nepal to promote trade and to renew the old commercial ties between the two

countries. He reported optimistically on the possibilities of trade. He further stated that

the Nepalese acted as a medium between the Hindustani and the Tibetan traders. He

estimated the total annual exports from the Company’s territory to Nepal at four to

five lakh rupees. He reported that broad cloth, corals, pearls, cotton cloth, conch

shells, Bengal raw silk, woollen carpets, looking glass, knives and scissors, brass

scales and weights, nut meg, cardamom, sandal wood, goddal, allum, chohara, Bengal

Kut, silk and cotton piece goods, cotton staples, shield made at Murshidabad, tobacco,

Benares sugar, diamonds, indigo were in great demand. He suggested that if the

Company would export it directly, the profits would double.115

113

Markham. op. cit.p. lxxix. 114

Marshall. op. cit. p. 80. 115

Bansakot. op. cit. p. 14.

146

Khan noted that it was mainly the Gurkha unwillingness, which inhibited trade with

Tibet116

and suggested to the Company to link up the Tibetan and Chinese trade

through Nepal. It was only feasible with shrewd mediation that the British would ever

have a chance to open Nepal. The report submitted by Khan made it apparent that the

ambition of the Company was possible only if they had a firm political influence over

the Kathmandu Court. The opportunity came when Nepal was once again embroiled in

power struggles and disagreement. The factionalism in the Kathmandu Durbar

witnessed the dismissal of Bahadur Shah from the office of the Regent in 1794, which

inevitably led to the annulment of the 1792 Treaty of Commerce between Nepal and

British India. Abdul Kadir khan laid the base for the Anglo Nepali Treaty of 1801,

which later became an instrument of direct British interference in the Nepal Himalaya.

This treaty was borne out of necessity, as the Nepalese court feared the resurgence of

King Ran Bahadur, who might seek British assistance.117

Lord Wellesley who had already consolidated British influence in the Princely States

in India by exploiting their political dissension now framed a strategy for Nepal. In

1801, the British concluded a Treaty with the Nepalese Durbar by exploiting the

keenness of the ruling party to gain British support. With this Captain Knox, was sent

to the court of Kathmandu.118

116

Marshall. op. cit. p. 80. 117

Colonel M N Gulati. Tibetan Wars through Sikkim, Nepal and Bhutan. New Delhi: Manas

Publications. 2003. p. 203. 118

G M Saletore. India’s Trade Delegation to Kathmandu. P.I.H.R.C, 32.02 (1956). p. 10.

147

4.3.6 Captain Knox Mission to Nepal in 1802

Captain WD Knox proceeded to establish a Resident in Kathmandu. His objective was

to gain political influence and avail every opportunity he can to fulfil his mission to

help the British obtain influence in the Nepalese Durbar.119

He set out for Nepal in 1802 along with four other Englishmen. He also had an army

escort, which gave strength to the Residency. It was contrary to the terms of the treaty

of 1801, which said that one person on the part of the British was to reside in Nepal. It

was only natural that the mission was looked with suspicion by the Nepalese court.

However, this mission of the British was frustrated by certain sections of the Nepalese

Durbar, which was opposed to any connection with the British. The Resident

experienced an offensive vigilance from the Nepalese guards under the command of

Bhimsen Thapa. Thus, the British Resident Captain Knox was compelled to leave

Kathmandu after a period of one year from April 1802 to March 1803.The Governor

General abrogated the Treaty on 24th

January 1804.

The Treaty of 1801 was signed under pressure; the Nepalese resented the

establishment of the Residency at Kathmandu and suspected it as an instrument of

subversion and intrigue. Unable to reject the treaty outright the Nepalese held that it

was concluded without the approval of the Chinese and the latter would strongly

disapprove of it. Since Lord Moira, the Governor General was heavily engaged in

wars with the Marathas and the Pindaris, sought to withdraw the Residency from

Kathmandu.120

119

Ravuri Dhanalaxmi. op. cit. p. 24. 120

Ravuri Dhanalaxmi. op. cit. p. 29.

148

The faction headed by Bhimsen Thapa restored political stability in Nepal, increased

its strength, rearmed and soon went forwards on a path of belligerence. In the course

of rapid military expansion, Nepal came into conflict with the British. The

encroachment of the Nepalese along its frontiers led to the declaration of war by

Governor General Lord Francis Rawdon Hastings on 1st of November 1814, leading to

the outbreak of the Anglo-Nepalese War. General Ochterlony with 6000 men attacked

the western frontier, General Gillespie, with 3500 men occupied Dehra Dun, General

Wood and Marley with 4500 and 8000 men advanced from the plains of Palpa and

Kathmandu and Major Latter with the local forces operated eastwards of the Kosi in

the direction of Sikkim.121

As a result, the Nepalese were defeated and were driven beyond the Kali River; they

sued for peace and accepted following conditions. They agreed to cede and restore all

the territories taken away from Sikkim and accepted to host a British agent in

Kathmandu. However, on noncompliance of the treaty Sir David Ochterlony took with

him 17,000 men and marched towards the Nepalese capital. Fearing a massacre the

Nepalese yielded, and a treaty was signed on March 3rd

1816 at Seougali/Sugali.122

A year later another covenant was signed called as the Treaty of Titaliya, it secured a

firm political control of the English over the Eastern Himalayan kingdom especially

Sikkim. The Treaty of Titaliya signed on 10th

February 1817 between Captain Barre

Latter on behalf of the Governor General Earl of Moira and Nazir Chaina Tenjin and

Macha Teinbah, Lama Ducim Langadoo who were the Deputies of the King of

Sikkim. The treaty led to the restoration of tracts of land eastwards of River Mechi and

121

Markham. op. cit. p. lxxxi. 122

Ibid

149

westwards of River Teesta, which was occupied by the Nepalese king. Article VIII of

the treaty ensured that the Sikkimese King would offer protection to the merchants and

traders from the Company’s province. The King was to ensure that no duties would be

levied on the commodities beyond the established trading marts or custom houses.123

With the defeat of the Gurkhas political stability ensued. The policy of the British

towards Nepal became a principal element of Britain’s Himalayan strategy in the

subsequent years. The establishment of a Residency at Kathmandu served as a center

for transmitting intelligence from Tibet and the adjacent Himalayan states. British

India also now shared its borders with western Tibet when the former Nepalese

territories in Kumaon and Garwhal came under the British occupation. This provided a

great vantage point to the British who now could observe events in Tibet and Chinese

activities in Lhasa and check the other imperialist advances towards its borders.

4.3.7 Brian H Hodgson Residency in Nepal from1816 to 1829

The first British Resident at Kathmandu was Edward Gardner, who held appointment

from 1816 to 1829. After his departure Brain Hodgson, who was his secretary from

1820, took over for two years from 1829 to 1830. Sir Herbert Maddock was Resident

in 1830 and from 1831-1843, Brian Hodgson once again succeeded him as a full time

Resident at Kathmandu.124

Thus, Hodgson was in Nepal since 1820, a continuous residence of twenty-three long

years. He was a Tibetologist and enthusiastically immersed himself to the study of

every branch of knowledge relating to Nepal and Tibet. His literary works in Nepal

123

R Moktan. Sikkim: Darjeeling Compendium of Documents. Darjeeling: R Moktan, 2004. pp. 8-9. 124

Markham. op. cit. p. lxxxv

150

earned him much appreciation and reached as far as Lhasa. The Dalai Lama opened a

friendly correspondence with him and a gesture of goodwill sent the English envoy the

whole of the existing literary remains of the once Christian mission at Lhasa.

Hodgson also wrote two memoirs on the military system of Nepal in which he

recommended utilizing the services of the Gurkha soldiers. Further, he made a trip to

the Kosi and the Nayakot Valley and was the only Englishmen except Dr. Joseph

Dalton Hooker, who were ever allowed to travel in Nepal beyond a circuit of twenty

miles around Kathmandu. He had an intimate knowledge of the Nepalese politics and

succeeded in establishing a friendly image of the British in a hostile environment.125

Hodgson also tried to revived and extend the erstwhile commerce, which flourished in

Nepal before the Gurkha conquest. He submitted before his Government a list of

imports and exports, routes and every kind of information to incite the natives of India

and Nepal to take up commerce. Hodgson in his official memorandum to Calcutta in

1830 painted a very suitable prospect for a market for British goods in Tibet and

Southern China. The ability of Tibet to pay its exports in gold and the need to find a

market for the English East India Company to dispose its surplus industrial produce

led to further exploration. The objective was to find a suitable trade route leading to

the Tibetan plateau. Since the two principal trade routes to Tibet cut across the borders

of Nepal, the English also started focusing on this direction. Thus, the British interest

in the Himalayan trade was further accentuated by the views and reports of their

Residents at Kathmandu.

125

Ibid. pp. lxxxv-lxxxvi.

151

In March 1835, Hodgson forwarded a treaty draft to the Bengal Government where the

Nepalese Durbar had proposed a duty on commodities at 4% ad valorem in India and

import duty in Nepal of 5% Mahendra Malli rupees ad valorem according to the

market rate of exchange in Nepal. It also proposed the establishment of seventeen

custom Houses in India and twenty-one in Nepal. However, the Board of Customs did

not agree to this as it deemed the rate of duty was low, the Government of India on the

other hand exempted all the Nepalese goods from custom duties in June 1836 and

wished Nepal would reciprocate but the Nepalese Durbar declined and continue to

levy taxes on its imports. This brought a standstill in the commercial intercourse

between India and Nepal. To break the deadlock on 6th

November 1839, an

Engagement under the red seal was sent in the form of a letter to the Resident at

Kathmandu. Here, Articles IV and V sought to impart definite legal status to the

Indian merchants doing business in Nepal. Article VI cited the list of all duties to be

levied in Nepal, which were authentic. However, unauthorized imports of

commodities, which were not mentioned in the list, were exempted from taxation.

Although the Engagement of 1839 was faulty and had many loopholes, it continued

till the second half of the nineteenth century.126

4.4. Missions towards Sikkim

The British interaction with the kingdom of Sikkim began as early as the eighteenth

century with the rise of the Gurkha expansionism and the ascension of Deb Zidar to

126

Jahar Sen. Indo- Nepal Trade in the 19th Century. Calcutta: Firma KL Mukhopadhaya, 1977. pp.

36-37.

152

the throne of Bhutan. The two forces on either side of Sikkim started putting

tremendous pressure on the peace and prosperity of Sikkim.127

On the other hand, when the English East India Company extended its dominions, it

also inherited local disputes in and around the border areas. The source of the conflict

between Sikkim and Nepal was the Terai region or the foothills. From the Ganges

eastwards, the Company’s territories in the Indian plains were separated from the

Himalayan foothills by low lying swampy areas which was abound in forest of sal,

elephant grass and teak. This fringe was called the Terai, and it extended along most

of the Nepalese border. It was known as the Morung in the extreme north east of the

borders of Sikkim and Nepal. From 1768, the Company started to show its interest in

Morung when the administration of the North-eastern territories was transferred from

the Mughals to the Company in 1765.128

The foreseeable Anglo-Nepalese conflict of 1815, had many dimensions to it. One of

the Company objectives was to isolate Nepal to prevent a possible alliance with

Bhutan against it. They knew that the territory Nepal and Bhutan were separated by

Sikkim and the fact that the warring Gurkhas had harassed the Sikkimese for the past

thirty years by cattle lifting and slave taking incursions.129

The Sikkimese King

offered his help in return of the British assistance in recovering the lands wrested from

him by the Nepalese. The ensuing conflict resulted in the defeat of the Gurkhas and

the Treaty of Seougali/ Sugali signed on 1816. Under the Article IV of the treaty, the

Raja of Nepal promised not to disturb the Chogyal130

of Sikkim in the possession of

127

Sir Thutob Namgyal and Maharani Yeshay Dolma. History of Sikkim (Denzong-gyal-rab): Gangtok:

Unpublished Typescript,1908. p. 45. 128

Amar Kaul Jasbir Singh. op. cit. p. 169. 129

H H Risley. The Gazetteer of Sikkim. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1894. p. iii. 130

Here refers to the Dharma Raja of Sikkim

153

his territories and in any event of dispute refer to the arbitration of the British

Government to which both the sides had to abide. The political significance of this

treaty meant that Sikkim by agreeing to place her foreign relation under the British

control Sikkim was now under the British protectorate. 131

Captain Barre Latter persuaded the Raja of Sikkim to negotiate a treaty with his

Government and Raja Tsugphud Namgyal gave his consent. This agreement was

incorporated in the Treaty of Titaliya of 1817. Sikkim was able to secure back

territories up to Mahanadi on the west and up to Mechi River on the east. This made

Sikkim’s territory extend from Kanka in the plains along the Singali-la range to the

top of the Mechi River in the Terai.132

However, this treaty had a disastrous consequence for Sikkim. The British for their

part had acquired valuable trading privileges and the most significant being the right to

trade up to the borders of Tibet. Sikkim now became a de facto protectorate state. It

was a great diplomatic triumph for the British, as Sikkim was able to provide ready

communication with Lhasa and through her to China and all the untapped market

along with it.

4.4.1 Captain Llyod Mission to Sikkim in 1835

In 1828 JW Grant and Captain GS Llyod were deputed to inspect the boundary dispute

between Sikkim and Nepal. During their investigation, they came across an abandoned

Gurkha outpost at Darjeeling. They thought the hill tract was very suitable for a

131

Charles Umpherston Aitchison. A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Sanads relating to India

and neighbouring countries. Vol. XIV, Pt III, No I. Calcutta: Superintendent, Government Printing

India, 1929. pp. 56-59. 132

Sir ThutobNamgyal and Maharani Yeshay Dolma. op. cit. p.56.

154

sanatorium and military outpost for the British officers. Upon the approval of Lord

William Bentnick, Captain Herbert the Deputy Surveyor General and JW Grant made

a survey of the area.

On February 1835, Captain Llyod started on a journey to Tumlong the then capital of

Sikkim. He was instructed by the Governor General to persuade the Raja to cede

Darjeeling to the British Government in return for a sum of money. The Chogyal as an

act of friendship handed over Darjeeling to the British Government. 133

The Darjeeling grant was given to the Chogyal’s officer accompanying Llyod out of

Sikkim; these officers were instructed to hand over the deed to Llyod only after the

Chogyal’s demand had been met. However, Llyod fraudulently rephrased the deed by

adding the word lease of Darjeeling to the British. According to the tradition of

Sikkim there was no concept of lease, therefore, this was an utter transgression of

diplomatic ethics, and the Chogyal seemingly did not attempt to establish whether the

Governor General had accepted his request.134

Further, the Sikkimese conjecture of

landholding dictated that all land belonged to the king even when he granted others the

right to use it. Thus, the grant of 1835 was conditional as per the Sikkimese point of

view.135

In Sikkim, technically all land belonged to the King where he stood at the

apex below the king stood the feudal lords and below him the intermediaries or the

village headman. So Sikkimese understanding of the deed was that Darjeeling was just

given for rent to the British. Such cultural confusion played a crucial part in the

subsequent conflicts.

133

R Moktan. op.cit. 113-121. 134

Singh. op. cit. p.179. 135

Hope Namgyal. ‘The Sikkimese theory of landholding and the Darjeeling Grant.’ BOT, 3.2, 1966.

pp. 46-58.

155

Accordingly, it came to be accepted that in1835, that the Chogyal of Sikkim

“presented” the hills of Darjeeling “out of friendship” to the Governor General of

India. Thus, all the lands south of the Great Rangit River were to be ceded

unconditionally. The British Government in return granted the king an allowance of

rupees 3000 as compensation which was later raised in 1846 to rupees 6000.136

Consequently, the Chogyal found that both Bhutan and Tibet had turned against him

by this event. The Tibetan authorities objected this move and made their position clear

to the Sikkimese Chogyal they held:

…that though Sikkim is a country under the direct control of Tibet, yet the

Sikkim Durbar had given a portion of their land called Wangdu-Dorji Ling to

the European powers (Ferangi Sahebs), and was taking an annual subsidy of

some thousands of rupees from them for it … if the above statement is true, it

(Tibet) will demand back the Rhenock land.137

On the other hand, the cessation of Darjeeling proved highly beneficial for the British.

Now their relations with the Himalayan states of Bhutan and Nepal were firmly

established which also projected a high possibility of trade with Tibet.

Darjeeling grew from a small hamlet of around one hundred inhabitants in 1839 to a

bustling cosmopolitan town. Each year after the takeover population increased rapidly

and by the year 1849 there were ten thousand inhabitants.138

Trading communities of

Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim poured in when opportunities of free trade and commercial

encouragement was given to the merchants from India and the other neighbouring

136

P.P Karan and William M Jenkins. The Himalayan Kingdoms: Bhutan, Nepal and Sikkim. New

Jersey: D Van Nostrand Company, 1963. pp. 58-59. 137

Amar Kaul Jasbir Singh. op. cit. pp.181. 138

Markham. op. cit. pp. xc.

156

kingdoms. Darjeeling emerged as a major trading hub, as it started encouraging

business transaction and commodity movement. Now the commodities of the

Himalayan trade flowed beyond its borderlands and found itself an outlet to the

outside world.

4.4.2 Archibald Campbell and Joseph Dalton Hooker Scientific Expedition to

Sikkim in 1854

Dr. Campbell was appointed as the Superintendent of the new settlement at Darjeeling

in 1839. He was a member of the Bengal Medical Service and previously served as a

medical officer at the Residency in Kathmandu. He was also entrusted with the charge

of handling the political relations with Sikkim. From the very beginning, Chogyal

Tsugphud Namgyal found that Campbell and he could not go along well.

In 1846, Campbell accused the Chogyal of various misdemeanours, he alleged that the

actions of the ruler were causing delays in town infrastructure and accused the

Chogyal’s administration of exacting duties upon traders passing through Sikkim to

Darjeeling which was in violation of the Treaty of Titaliya of 1817. To top it

Campbell alleged that the Chogyal delayed the demarcation of the southern borders of

Darjeeling, demanded surrender of slaves who had settled in Darjeeling, and hindered

the British Indian subjects from visiting Darjeeling for the purpose of trade and labour.

The Chogyal further refused to allow the Bhutanese subjects to pass through Sikkim

territory to Darjeeling and Tibetan merchants from visiting Darjeeling. Campbell also

157

accused the Chogyal of preventing the use of lime deposits, which were found in

abundance in Sikkim.139

Meanwhile in 1848, the English naturalist Dr. Joseph Dalton Hooker arrived in

Darjeeling for exploring the Himalayan flora, with the permission of Lord Dalhousie

the then Governor General of India. Campbell approached the Chogyal to grant

Hooker the permission to explore his kingdom but the Chogyal denied his request. In

the following year 1849, Campbell decided to go on an expedition to Sikkim and Tibet

along with Dr. Hooker. Chebu Lama the leader of the Lepcha faction in the Durbar

who was an ally of the British, accompanied them. The expedition succeeded in

reaching Chumbi but was refused an entry to Tibet. The team were arrested in the

Tolsa in the Chumbi Valley by Dewan’s men and held in detention for six weeks

(although Hooker was also arrested but was allowed to continue his scientific

expedition that indicated that Campbell and Chebu Lama was the real target of this

action). They were released on British protest and the team reached Darjeeling by

December of the same year.140

As a retaliation to this action in the year 1850, the Indian Government sent up a force

under the Darjeeling Superintendent and occupied all the Terai lands lying below

Raman in the north and the Rangeet and Teesta in the east and Nepal Sikkim frontier

in the west,141

the Chogyal’s allowance of rupees 6,000 for Darjeeling was also

139

Amar Kaul Jasbir Singh. op. cit. p. 183. Print. 140

Alex McKay. ‘A Difficult Country, a Hostile Chief, and a Still more Hostile Minister: The Anglo

Sikkim War of 1861’. BOT, 2.2 (2009). p.34 141

Sir Thutob Namgyal and Maharani Yeshay Dolma. op. cit. p. 66.

158

stopped.142

. This step was a necessity for reasons of prestige to the Company; the

British Government actually had a little sympathy for Campbell.143

This act was highly criticized in London where they saw Campbell’s operation of

entering Tibet, as a grave deed of imprudence, for which they believed Campbell

should have been seriously punished.144

The entire Campbell episode was blamed on

Dewan Namgyal (leader of the anti British faction in the Sikkim Durbar) and the

impoverished Chogyal who was forced to banish the Dewan from his court.

On 1 November 1860, Campbell once again led an attack on Sikkim under the

command of Captain Murry. He was accompanied by Chebu Lama, however his

forces were ill equipped for combat and lacked military experience. Campbell was

completely routed on November 27th

by a mixed force of Tibetan and Sikkimese

Bhutia forces. Campbell fled to Darjeeling, the loss inflicted a massive blow to the

prestige of the British in the region.145

Although the officers escaped to Darjeeling but

a large number of properties including 13-pr. Gun complete, 70 rifles, 9,000 rounds of

ammunition fell into the hands of the Sikkimese forces and a month later one havaldar

and 19 sepoys were missing.146

The Government of India found little justification for Campbell’s adventure into

Sikkim, therefore, Campbell’s reputation suffered greatly. But the situation demanded

142

LSS O’Malley. Bengal District Gazetteer, Darjeeling. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1907. pp.

24-25 143

Alex McKay. op. cit. p. 34. 144

Amar Kaul Jasbir Singh. op. cit. p. 188. 145

J C Gawler. With Hints on Mountain and Jungle Warfare: Exhibiting also the facilities of opening

commercial relations through the state of Sikkim with Central Asia, Thibet and Western China.

Calcutta: Bibhasa Gupta, 1987, (First Published 1873). p. 9. 146

Military Report on Sikkim and Bhutan 1932(Confidential) General Staff, India.Government of India

Press, Calcutta. p. 13. SSA.

159

strong imperial manifestation which forced the colonial government to intervene in the

political affairs of Sikkim to protect its prestige and interest in the frontier.

4.4.3 Gawler and Eden Mission to Sikkim in 1861

The British Government decided to send an expedition against Sikkim under the

command of Colonel Gawler, with Ashley Eden as Envoy and Special Commissioner

in Sikkim. The expedition was a showcase the British imperial strength and to make a

point that the resistance to the British Empire was not to be tolerated. Lieutenant

Colonel John Cox Gawler was given the charge to command 1,820 soldiers who were

equipped with rockets and a mountain gun. He gave orders:

[To] extract…satisfaction for insult and injuries done to British subjects,

and for violation of British territory…The discredit which we have

suffered by the ineffectual attempt at coercion, and by the retreat of the

Superintendent … must be removed, and an end must be put to the

presumption which manifestly it had engendered in the Rajah’s people.147

J C Gawler 6th

Regiment had two companies of “Sibandi Sappers” or combat

engineers (190) men who proved their worth when they bridged the 212 feet wide

Teesta River in twenty eight working hours. It was for the first time in the North East

Frontier warfare that the engineering troops were included in the order of the battle.148

The expedition was all about restoring the prestige of the British Empire, which had

freshly emerged from the reverberation of the Great Revolt of 1857. It meant that the

power of the British had to be clearly demonstrated. The Mission was to annex the

147

J C Gawler. op. cit. p. 10. 148

Colonel M N Gulati. op. cit. p. 64.

160

lands adjoining the British territories which included Great Rangit river as the

boundary to the east and the mountains of Nepal as the boundary in the west, both of

which was the most valuable and accessible part of the Chogyal’s territory. Chebu

Lama recommended the route to be taken and also supplied the expedition with

coolies which were mainly his own peasants.

A letter containing their demands was dispatched to the Chogyal. After waiting for

five days on 1 February 1861, the British soldiers marched out of Darjeeling towards

Tumlong. The Sikkimese forces surrendered their base at Namchi and Temi and on

17th

February, Dewan Namgyal fled to Tibet. By the 26th

of February, the hostilities

were over with very few casualties on both sides. Ashley Eden received a passive

letter from Chogyal Tsugphud Namgyal who had ordered his Vakil (Minister) to

comply with his wishes.149

Accordingly, Eden drafted a Treaty to end all hostilities, the Chogyal who was still in

Chumbi abdicated in favour of his son. The new Raja, the eighth Chogyal Sidkeong

Namgyal negotiated the terms of treaty and signed it on 28th

March 1861 in a

monastery near Tumlong palace.150

The treaty consisted of 23 Articles and cancelled

all the previous treaties between Sikkim and the British Government. A war indemnity

of rupees 7,000 was imposed to reimburse the loss it suffered from Campbell’s first

invasion in 1860.

The Treaty of Tumlong of 1861, highlighted extradition agreement, free trade and un-

restricted travel permission between the two powers. Sikkim also consented to

maintain the road constructed by the British.

149

Alex McKay. op. cit. p. 41. 150

J C Gawler. op. cit. p. 73.

161

The Treaty of 1861 confirmed Sikkim’s political identity as British protectorate.151

Provisions relating to trade were cited from Article VIII to XIII of the Treaty. Trade

monopolies and travel restrictions were lifted. Sikkim was now made to offer

protection to the travellers and merchants of all countries whether residing in or

passing through Sikkim. The British were able to secure many trade privileges

including duty free trade and the right to open British custom houses within Sikkim

territory. The most important being the right to intervene in Sikkim’s relations with

neighbouring kingdoms, and most particularly in the case of Tibet.152

Eden was very

optimistic that Sikkim would soon see the advantage of becoming the high road for

trade between India and Tibet. He mentioned:

I anticipate, that in few years, a very considerable trade, will spring up

between Lhasa, Jigutishur (Shigatse) and Darjeeling. The Tibetans will only

be too glad to exchange gold dust, musk, borax, wool and salt, for English

cloth, tobacco, drill etc. the people of Sikkim will gain as carriers of this trade,

and their Government will raise considerable revenue from the transit

duties.153

4.4.4 J W Edgar Mission to Sikkim in 1873

The Treaty of 1861 renewed the British interest of trade with Tibet. It was a reminder

to the benefits to be gained from Sikkim as a trade route to Tibet. Both Brian Hodgson

in Nepal and Dr. Campbell had long been advocating the development of a road

through Sikkim to Tibet. The tea industry of Darjeeling, Assam and Kumaon required

an outlet and a ready market was available among the traditional tea drinkers of Tibet.

151

PP Karan and William M Jenkins.op. cit. p. 59. 152

Moktan. op. cit. pp. 12-16. 153

Singh. op. cit. p. 195.

162

The position of Britain vis a vis China had also improved and even the English

Chamber of Commerce was started putting pressure on the Indian Government to give

a serious thought to a mission to open up Tibet.

By the year 1873, the Tibetan authorities had stopped all commercial transaction at

Phari, the reason for it was political. The relationship between Nepal and Tibet was

rapidly deteriorating and the Tibetans had harboured a deep resentment against the

terms of the Tibet-Nepal Treaty of 1856, which had stationed a Nepalese

representative in Lhasa and had forced the Tibetan authorities to pay an annual tribute.

The British friendship with Nepal and the apprehension that the Chinese along with

the Nepalese and the Bhutanese were trying to reinforce their hold on Lhasa created

this fear psychosis, which resulted in the sealing of all the borders, including the

Sikkim-Tibetan frontier.154

The Bengal Government decided to investigate the actual cause for the sealing of the

borders, the opportunity came in 1873 when the Sir George Campbell, the Lieutenant

Governor of Bengal met the Chogyal of Sikkim. During this meeting certain agendas

were discussed which also included the increase of the annual subsidy of the Chogyal

to rupees 12,000. The British proposed that the increase could be done provided the

Chogyal agrees to assist Bengal in opening up trade with Tibet. In order to do so the

Chogyal must facilitate J W Edgar the Deputy Commissioner at Darjeeling visit to

Tibetan frontier.

Edgar left Darjeeling on 23rd

October 1873 and after a few days journey arrived at the

foot of Jelep-la. His instructions were to find a prospect of opening up Tibet and

154

Ibid. p. 200.

163

develop trade with Central Asia and to secure accurate knowledge of the present

situation. There Dewan Namgyal (the ex-Minister who had imprisoned Campbell and

Hooker) and the Dewan Changzed the Jongpen (Tibetan Governor) received him.

When Edgar expressed his desire to enter Chumbi valley and to meet with Chogyal

Sidekeong Namgyal, his request was denied on grounds that an arrangement between

Tibet and China prohibited the passage to any foreigners and that the administration of

the Tibetan frontiers was in the hands of the Chinese Ambans (Chinese political

agents). He was suggested by Dewan Changzed and Dewan Namgyal of getting

declaration from the Government of Peking, which would help, in free interaction in

near future. Edgar took the opportunity to explain them the policy and the wishes the

British Government and their sole objective was the encouragement of trade and the

maintenance of a strong and friendly relation along the British frontier.155

Edgar met the Chogyal on the morning of 4th

November 1873, who was in much

distress owing to the ill health of his sister. He informed the Chogyal that his

allowances have been increased to 12,000 rupees a year. Edgar thus had to return back

without much success and on his arrival made many suggestions to improve relations

with Tibet. In his report, Edgar in his report gave an extensive account of the existing

trade and also suggested the continuance of the trade linkages.

Edgar noticed that significant profits could be made if this network of trade was

institutionalized. With proper communication arrangement and organized trade

structure, large volumes of trade could be conducted. This comprehensive account of

1873 by Edgar on the possibility of trade attracted the notice of the Indian

Government. Furthermore, the Report of the Administration of Bengal 1874-75 also

155

C R Markham. op. cit. p. cv.

164

suggested the opening of the trade links with Tibet through Sikkim, which made this

venture even stronger.

To improve international relations, he further recommended that the British Minister

in Peking should approach the Tsungli Yamen (Office in General Charge of Affairs

concerning all Foreign Nations) and get them to agree to remove the obstacle placed in

the way of British Indian traders visiting the frontiers.

Thus in spite of such antagonisms from Tibet the British were unwilling to forfeit their

plans and were determined to turn Bengal into the next Himalayan commercial hub.

Sir Thomas Wade, was asked to approach the Tsungli Yamen, which he did through

his Chinese Secretary. However, this attempt failed to generate a favourable response

from the Chinese authorities who merely made excuses. The opening up of Tibet in

1874 without the Chinese consent also meant eminent conflict between Britain and

China, so through Sikkim itself the Bengal Government decided to press ahead with

its plan despite of the opposition from the Sikkimese Durbar.156

4.4.5 Coleman Macaulay’s Mission to Sikkim in 1884

After Edgar’s visit the influence of the British in Sikkim increased to a great extent.

The Sikkimese Durbar was suspicious towards this development and tried to contain

it. However, the Bengal Government insisted that the Treaty of 1861 allowed them to

introduce measures for the development of trade and by doing so started to connect the

region with the mainland. By the year 1879, the construction of roads had begun, a

cart road up to Jelep-la and from there into Chumbi was completed and by 1881 a

156

Singh. op. cit. pp. 202-203.

165

narrow gauge branch of the eastern Bengal Railway was brought up to Darjeeling

from the main line at Siliguri.

Colman Macaulay, the Finance Secretary to Bengal Government was deputed on a

mission to Sikkim to assess the difficulties in establishment of trade and to revive the

Tibetan policy of Warren Hastings. He was instructed to meet with the Chogyal

Thutob Namgyal and discuss with him the possibility of developing trade through

Lachen Valley in North Sikkim, which would connect Sikkim with Tsang province in

Tibet. Macaulay was further instructed to set up pleasant relations with the authorities

in the Chumbi valley.

On 23rd

October 1884, Colman Macaulay arrived at Tumlong, the capital of Sikkim,

after this Macaulay proceeded towards the Sikkim–Tibet border. On his return,

Macaulay reported that close ties with Tibet could be profitable, he was confident that

the Tibetans would welcome the import of Indian tea and British broadcloth. He

suggested that the existing Darjeeling route would also serve two fold purposes, as it

would make it possible to sell goods at a lower price than the Nepalese and at the same

time remove the Nepalese monopoly. In return, Tibet would export musk, wool, gold

and silver. Macaulay found that the stoppage of trade through Phari was due to the

Tibetans who were averse to the general increase in trade.

As for the Lachen route, the Sikkimese Durbar was apprehensive to influx and

sickness spread by the travellers but on assurance that the British would finance the

construction there was a consensus. Macaulay saw no reason why the Chinese should

not give permission for a mission into Tibet and once Chogyal Thutob Namgyal gave

166

his promise to extend his help in the construction of roads, he envisaged there was no

obstacle standing in the way of a flourishing trade route.157

However, in 1886, the Tibetans forces marched into the Sikkimese territory after

crossing the Jelep-la and fortified the town Lingtu on the Darjeeling road. The

Chogyal in his statement maintained that the land that the Tibetans had occupied had

traditionally been theirs and were merely reasserting their rights. They were doing so

to reprimand Sikkim for allowing the British the access and the right to build roads.

The act was also to punish the Chogyal for allowing the Macaulay Mission to advance

towards the Tibetan frontier as the Tibetans were convinced that the Mission was a

precursor to a British invasion. The British in regard to Tibetan susceptibility held

back the Mission and the Tibetans assuming British faint-heartedness launched attack

on a trivial reason of the right of pasturage.158

Now the Bengal Government took it as

a matter of prestige and was not prepared to ignore the presence of Tibetan troops in

the Chumbi Valley.

4.4.6 The Sikkim Expedition of 1888- 89

In October 1887, Lord Dufferin gave an ultimatum to the Tibetan commander to

vacate the area by 15th

March 1888 but this message was unheeded, again in 1888, the

British approached the Dalai Lama himself but met with no response. Frustrated with

all these the British decided to exert its influence in the territory; the ‘Sikkim

Expedition’ of 1888 was commissioned under the command of General Graham.159

A

W Paul was attached to the expedition as the Political Officer. This force, 1400 strong

with four mountain guns began their advance on Lingtu. On 20th

March the forces

157

Singh. op.cit. pp. 206-208. 158

Colonel M N Gulati. op. cit. pp. 66-67. 159

Ibid

167

under the immediate command of Graham consisting of 400 men and 2 guns

encountered the Tibetan forces at Juluk and drove them back, the expeditionary force

met little resistance and on 21st March and the British force was able to drive away the

Tibetan forces stationed at Lingtu.160

However, after two months the Tibetans once

again made a surprise attack on Gnatong and nearly apprehended Sir Steuart Bayley,

the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, who was visiting the frontier. The attack was

repulsed with a heavy loss of Tibetan lives. The Bengal Government held that the

Tibetan attack justified the Tibetan invasion, but the Government of India insisted that

the British forces were not to enter the Tibetan territories unless it was militarily

important. Once again, in September, the Tibetans attempted to take Gnatong, but

were once again beaten back and this time the attackers were chased into the Chumbi

Valley and for one day despite of the orders the British troops occupied the village of

Chumbi in Tibetan territory.161

As a result, the Tibetans were driven out of the Sikkimese territory the expeditionary

force only suffered five casualties. This was the first armed conflict between Tibet and

Great Britain in a region which was clearly within the sphere of influence of the both

the powers. The campaign ended in September of that year and there was no clear

settlement of the dispute. The British Indian Government appointed a permanent

British Resident in Sikkim to administer the affairs of the Kingdom in conjunction

with the local officers.162

Accordingly, John Claude White was appointed as the

Political Officer in 1889 and through his office the British Government gained almost

complete control of Sikkim.

160

Military Report on Sikkim and Bhutan 1932. op. cit. p. 15. 161

Singh. op. cit. p. 216. 162

P P Karan and William M Jenkins op. cit. p. 59.

168

By1889, talks had opened between A W Paul, who was acting as the British delegate

and James Hart who represented China. The Chinese put forward proposal to the

effect that the Sikkim-Tibet boundary was to remain as before; the British were to act

on the Sikkim side in accordance with their treaty to the Chogyal and the Chogyal was

to continue to send presents and letters, as usual, to the Ambans. China was to ensure

that the Tibetan troops did not cross the Sikkimese territory and the British were to

respect the Tibetan frontier. But the delimitation of the Sikkim–Tibet boundary was

not addressed which created problems later.

The Anglo-Chinese Convention relating to Sikkim and Tibet was signed between the

British Government and China represented by the Lhasa Amban, in 17th

March1890.163

The Convention sought to settle the problem arising from the Tibetan

occupation of Lingtu since 1885/86 and the consequent Sikkim Expedition of 1888.

This convention provided for the delimitation of the frontier between Tibet and

Sikkim, and settled the status of Sikkim as a British protectorate state. It also allowed

the Indian Government to make regulations concerning Sikkim’s internal affairs and

matters relating to her frontier. The British also obtained control of Sikkim’s foreign

affairs.

Matters relating to the trade regulations between the two countries were also agreed

upon. It allowed the Government of India to open three trade agencies in Tibet located

at Gyantse, Yatung, and at Gartok.164

Lord Lansdowne signed on behalf of the British

163

Convention between Great Britain and China relating to Sikkim and Tibet, Parliamentary Papers

1894, p. 151. 164

Alex Mc Kay. Tibet and the British Raj: The Frontier Cadre 1904-1947. New Delhi: Library of

Tibetan Works and Archives, 2009. p. xxiii.

169

while Sheng the Chinese Resident in Calcutta signed on the other side. Ironically, the

convention did not have any Sikkimese or Tibetan representation.165

The British interest in Sikkim increased due to her strategic position both from

commercial and military angle. Two important issues now gripped the British

Government. First to locate a convenient place to establish a Trade Mart where the

merchants from the Indian side and their Tibetan counterparts could conduct trade in a

regular organized manner and the question of import of Indian tea into Tibet. The

British wanted Phari, at the head of the Chumbi Valley to be recognized as the official

trade mart, which the Chinese opposed as they did not want the British to set a

foothold in Tibet. At the end, Yatung was chosen which was at the southern end of

Chumbi Valley right on the border. The second issue was somewhat resolved when

the Chinese agreed to permit the entry of Indian tea, at the rate of custom duty of 150

to 200% ad valorem.166

As a sequel to this another regulations elated to Trade, Communication and Pasturage

was signed on 1893. This agreement became a steering instrument in conducting the

trade between Tibet and India. Accordingly, a trade station or mart was established at

Yatung on the Tibetan side and was opened to all the British subjects for the purpose

of trade from May 1894. A British Trade agent was also stationed to look after the

conditions of trade at that mart. Imports and exports of articles were fixed such as

arms, ammunitions, military stores, salt, liquor and narcotic drugs etc. Other

commodities were exempted from duty for five years except tea. In case of any

disputes, the Political Officer of Sikkim and the Chinese Frontier Officer settled it. It

165

Colonel M N Gulati. op. cit. p. 71. 166

Ibid. p. 74.

170

was also agreed, that after the expiry of one year from the date of opening of Yatung,

the Tibetan herdsmen who continue to graze their cattle in Sikkim would be subjected

to regulations of the British Government.167

Although the establishment of Yatung mart witnessed a good trade between British

Indian and Tibet through Sikkim, which even included consignments of gold; by the

end of 1898, it was clear that the trade was slacking and could not compete with the

trade in North-western provinces and Punjab. The British correspondence during

1888/1889 pointed out that the trade between Tibet and only the establishment of a

mart at Phari could develop British Territory, the reason for this was transport. Yatung

was merely a rest house the real trans-shift of goods was done at Phari. While the

Tibetans and Chinese allowed the traders from Bhutan and Nepal to freely exchange

with them both at Yatung and Phari they were sceptical about the Europeans and the

native Indians. Meanwhile, there was also a strong apprehension of a war; when the

British started taking measures to prevent the export of war materials.168

The appointment of Lord Curzon as the Viceroy of India in 1899 exhibited a new

epoch on India’s northeast frontier. As a committed imperialist he acknowledged

Russian right to imperial expansion and strongly believed that, the British interest

demanded that India, ‘the jewel in the Crown’ of her empire, should be protected from

Russian influence 169

He knew he had to ensure the security of the British dominion

both commercial and political safely beyond the Indian frontier.

167

The Sikkim–Tibet Trade via Nathu-la: A Policy Study on Prospects, Opportunities and Requisite

Preparedness. Gangtok: Nathu-la Trade Study Group, 2005. pp.15-18. 168

Ibid. p. 21-23. 169

Alex Mc Kay. op. cit. p.11.

171

His predecessor Lord Elgin was passive towards the Tibetan claims over Giagong at

the extreme north of Sikkim, he protested little on the Chinese procrastination about

Sikkim-Tibet border talks. However, when Lord Curzon assumed his office he held

that the concession to Giagong can only be agreed if the British Indian have an access

to trade freely at Phari. As the century drew to a close Lord Curzon was convinced

that the Russian emissaries had access to Tibetan authorities and that the Russian

merchants freely traded in various Tibetan marts.

After Curzon the British Indian Government became deeply involved with a much

wider Anglo- Russian rivalry in Asia. While the English could not communicate with

the Dalai Lama even by letter, the Russian had a full access to Tibet. The Russian

influence over Tibet was increasing every moment especially with the presence of

people like Agvan Dorzhiev/ Dorjieff170

a monk form the Russian Buriat Mongol

region where Buddhism predominated, and Ysybikoff a Buriat Mongol and a Russian

subject who was equipped with photograph apparatus and was residing in Lhasa

during 1898-1901. He was attached as a scholar to the Dalai household.

Correspondence between Tibet and Russia was going on and even the Dalai Lama had

sent a mission to St. Petersburg under Dorzhiev, which Tibet claimed was religious in

nature, although the Chinese Foreign Board had said there was no agreement with

Russia about Tibet, this made the British were quite sceptical.171

Tibet had no common

frontier with Russia neither did it had any cultural or historical ties.

170

Avang Dorzhiev (Nawang Lopsang Dorjee) was a Buryat monk who studied at Derpung monastery

at Lhasa and had risen to be an attendant of the Dalai Lama. He became Tsanshab(debate partner)

and an Emissary of the 13th

Dalai Lama to the Russian Emperor Nicholas III. He played important

role in building contacts between Lhasa and St. Petersberg. The British had very little information

on him and suspected him of supplying Tibet with modern weapons. He was also suspected of

bringing Lhasa into the Russian sphere of influence. For more See Alex Mc Kay. op.cit. 171

Francis Younghusband. India and Tibet. New Delhi: Oriental Publishers (reprint), 1971. pp. 73- 74.

172

The Dalai Lama could write to, and receive letters from the Tsar, but when it came to

the British he was unapproachable, his refusal to accept two letters from the Viceroy

and the contemptuous manner in which that was done left behind a sense of

animosity.172

Now the British policy in Tibet started to represent a phase of the long

drawn rivalry between England and Russia in Central Asia.173

Lord Curzon was determined to let the British have the upper hand in the Great

Game.174

He now made decisions, which resolve three pertinent issues; of the Tibetan

encroachment at Giagong, the obstruction imposed on trade at Yatung and lastly the

humiliation, which the British officers had received for the Chinese and Tibetan

authorities.175

4.4.7 Francis Younghusband Mission in 1903

In May 1903, the Government of India proposed a Tibet Frontier Commission which

nominated Colonel Francis E Younghusband(C.I.E),176

who was serving as a Resident

at Lahore as the British Commissioner and John Claude White, Political Officer in

Sikkim as Joint Commissioner. The main objectives of the Commission were:

1. The delimitation and demarcation of the Sikkim–Tibet frontier.

172

Colonel M N Gulati. op. cit. p. 89. 173

Ibid. p. 78. 174

The Great Game was a political and diplomatic confrontation that existed for most part of the

nineteenth century between Great Britain and the Russia over Afghanistan and the neighbouring

territories in Central Asia and Southern Asia. Russia was fearful of the British commercial and

military inroads into Central Asia, and Britain was fearful of Russia of adding ‘the jewel in the

crown’, India to the vast empire that Russia was building in Central Asia. This resulted in the

atmosphere of distrust and constant threats of war between the two countries. 175

Singh. op. cit. pp. 235-237. 176

Francis Younghusband was born in 1863, at Muree, in the north-west frontier of India. He had

returned to Britain for schooling, and after that in Clifton College and Sandhurst. He joined the

cavalry regiment in India. Younghusband made his name in the late 19th

century, during the Great

Game Struggle. Younghusband was an ideal choice to lead a mission in Lhasa, as he was well

aware of the situation in Central Asia.

173

2. The settlement of the question of grazing rights in the neighborhood of

Giagong.

3. The establishment of effective trade mart, and the protection of Indian subjects

4. The abolition of transit dues.

5. The appointment of British Representative at Lhasa

6. The conclusion of agreement for extradition of criminals.177

On his way to Tibet, Younghusband stopped at Gangtok where J C White, Captain O

Conner, the Chogyal Sidekeong Namgyal and Rhenock Kazi joined him.178

The

Chogyal was asked to join them to negotiate on the frontier. The Denjong-Gyal-rab

mentions this incident:

That the British Government regarded the articles of trade as a why

important one, if the two governments were to fall out it would cause

much misery and woes. The fear lest the dispute between the two

Governments may assume serious aspect and end in war causes great

anxiety to us. I therefore, beg you who are come to negotiate this affair to

assume the peaceful tone and allow the trade mart at Yatung to be pushed

at least as far as Rinchengang in Tromo.179

However, the reply from the Tibetan authority was negative where they accused the

British of overrunning and intruding on Tibetan territory. This was a sign of

impending conflict and there was no hope of peaceful solution. Throughout the course

of the mission the Sikkim Dubar was compelled by the Indian Government to

177

Lama. op. cit. p.24. 178

Singh. op. cit. p. 246. 179

Sir Thutob Namgyal and Maharani Yeshay Dolma. op.cit.p. 128.

174

construct roads and lay bridges from Rangpo via Lachen and Lachung towards

Khamba Dzong, another road from Gangtok over Nathu-la pass right on to the

Chumbithang and Shashima was also constructed under the supervision of Chogyal

Sidekeong Namgyal.180

The Chogyal knew that Tibet without the Chinese help would

be unable to withstand British pressure. The reluctant support of Sikkim was a clear

indicative of its position as a protectorate after the 1890 Convention and a testimonial

to the British imperial power in peripheral kingdoms of the Eastern Himalayas.

The Tibet Frontier Commission as a first step of diplomacy sent a peace mission to the

Khamba Dzong but when the Tibetans refused to come to terms and discuss, the

mission took an aggressive stance and was transformed into a military expedition

which ended up with the British occupation of Lhasa.181

The clash between the two

forces took place at Guru in March 1904, where 2,000-3,000 Tibetans lost their lives.

King UgyenWangchuk of Bhutan who was later knighted for his services supported

the British forces.182

Despite fighting valiantly the Tibetans lost and the Dalai Lama

was forced to flee to Ugra in Mongolia. The Chogyal once again pleaded before the

Dali Lama to come to terms, he pointed out the British had no intention to deprive

Tibet of any land but insisted on having free trade and friendly interchange and

correspondence. The British held that their purpose was to negotiate an Anglo-Tibetan

treaty, but the real intention was to check the growing Russian influence on the

Tibetan Government.

The Great Britain-Tibet Convention was signed on 7th

September 1904, by Colonel

Younghusband acting as the British representative and Lopsang Gyaltsen, Tri

180

Singh. op. cit. p. 247. 181

Vibha Arora. “Routing the commodities of the Empire through Sikkim (1817-1906)”. Delhi: Indian

Institute of Technology July 2008. p. 15. 182

Singh. op. cit. p. 248.

175

Rimpochi (Dalai Lama’s Regent) and the representative of three monasteries Sera,

Drepung and Gaden, and of the ecclesiastical and lay officials on behalf of the Tibetan

government.183

The war reparation of rupees 75,00,000 was imposed it was to be paid

in annual instalments beginning form 1st January 1906. This sum was however much

higher than the actual cost incurred by the British.184

The Convention of 1904

recognized the Sikkim–Tibet frontier which was agreed in 1890, the Tibetans gave up

their claims to suzerainty over Sikkim and accepted the de jure status of Sikkim as a

protected state under the British Government. The administration of the Chumbi

Valley was placed directly under the Political Officer in Sikkim and to ensure the

continuity for the successful operations of the trading marts in the Chumbi Valley and

Gyantse the administration was placed under one single authority i.e. the Political

Officer. The responsibility of road maintenance and communication between the

British, Tibetan and the Chinese Government was entrusted upon the Tibetans. The

British now had the full authority to establish trade marts at Gyantse, Yatung and

Gartok and a British Resident was allowed to settle there. The Treaty of 1904 ensured

British free trade, which was unrestricted and the occupation of Chumbi Valley until

the indemnity was paid and the trade marts were fully operational.185

Although, the Younghusband Mission acted as an instrument to propel the imperial

engine in the Himalayas, the reaction in London was very negative and there was a

great condemnation of the war. By the turn of the century colonial wars had become

increasingly unpopular and the public and political opinion was against it. The

183

Lama. op. cit. p. 32. 184

Arora. op. cit. p. 15. 185

R Moktan. op.cit. pp. 32-35.

176

Chinese portrayed the Battle of Guru 1904, as a ‘massacre’, which greatly

embarrassed the British Government.

What followed afterwards was the Tibetan unwillingness and incapability of fulfilling

the norms of the Treaty as they lacked resources to pay for war reparations.

Nevertheless, the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1906 signed between Great Britain

and China confirmed the provisions of 1904 treaty. The war indemnity was later

reduced to rupees 25,00,000 payable in three annual instalments. On 1st April 1906,

the control of Sikkim State was formally transferred to the Government of India. The

British for a fee from the Manchu Court agreed not to interfere in the administration of

Tibet or annex it. The British were satisfied to maintain Tibet as a buffer zone between

India and Russia, while China decided not to allow any foreign state to meddle with

the internal management of Tibet.186

The foregoing explains that, the growing demands of the British industries and the

dwindling economy of Bengal was a serious concern to the Court of Directors since

1771, which now aspired to extend its colonial market towards its northern borders. It

was Warren Hastings who took initiative to renew the old Tibet-Bengal relation that

had ceased since the Islamic conquest in the tenth century. To achieve this end British

Official Missions were deployed from 1774 to ascertain the prospect of trade, to

understand the geography of the region, its internal politics and to check Russian

imperialist advancement in Central Asia.

The British mission towards Eastern Himalaya began with Bhutan in 1774 with

George Bogle, Hamilton in 1776 and 1777, Samuel Turner in 1783, Babu Kishen Kant

186

Convention between Great Britian and China Respecting Tibet (1906).For Details see Michael C

Van Walt van Praag. The Status of Tibet: History, Rights and Prospects in International Law.

London:Wisdom,1987. p. 381.

177

Bose in 1815, RB Pemberton in 1837 and Ashley Eden in 1863. Towards Tibet

Official mission began in 1774 led by George Bogle, Samuel Turner in 1783, Purangir

Gossain in 1785 and an independent mission led by Thomas Manning in 1818.

Mission towards Nepal began as early as 1767 with Kinloch Expedition, which was

military in nature. This was followed by James Logan Mission in 1769, Foxcroft

Mission in 1783, Kirkpatrick Mission in 1793, Abdul Kadir Khan Commercial

Mission in 1795, Captain Knox in 1802, and the Residencies under Edward Garner,

Herbert Maddock and Brian H Hodgson from 1816-1843.Towards Sikkim mission

began after 1815. Captain Lyod was deputed in 1828, Campbell and Dr. Hooker led

another mission which was scientific in nature in 1854, JW Edgar on an exploratory

mission in 1873, Coleman Macaulay in 1884 and finally Younghusband Mission in

1904.

These Missions provided crucial information on the Himalayan state of affairs and

also projected the British presence, resulting in the British political control of Eastern

Himalayas. The British policy of commercial expansion followed next which in turn

assisted the capital accumulation. The equation was simple commercial exploration

helped political assessment, which established British imperialism in the Himalayas.

Ironically, trade continued in this region and with British mercantilism, the goods of

the Himalayas found a much wider international market. The entire run up resulted in

the shifting of the centre of commerce in the Eastern Himalayas from Tibet to British

Bengal.

178

Chapter 5

COLONIAL TRADE AND COMMODITY MOVEMENT

The colonial trade in the Eastern Himalayan region can be divided into two parts; pre-

1875 and post 1875. As mentioned in the earlier chapters, British dispatched several

trade missions to improve its relations with Tibet, Bhutan, Nepal and Sikkim. These

missions led to the establishment of strong trade network in the region, although it

was disturbed periodically by intermittent regional wars. However, the trade

improved from 1875 onwards, as the British government had systematically

registered its trade. In this chapter an attempt has been made to examine the colonial

trade and various commodity movements in the Eastern Himalayan region.

5.1 Eastern Himalayan Trade before 1875

With the British trade missions in the Eastern Himalayan region, the trade was

strengthening in all the regions. However, one lacuna in this trade was that, it is not

registered and the items and their quantity were not recorded.

5.1.1 Bengal-Bhutan Trade

The Treaty of May 1775 convinced the Bhutanese Deb Raja to allow the continuance

of an annual trade fair at Rangpur. On the advice of Hastings, George Bogle initiated

trade communication between Bengal and Bhutan through the establishment of trade

fairs in the plain where traders from the hills and the plains could conveniently take

part in commercial interaction. The Company hoped that if the Deb Raja permitted

the merchants of Tibet to come and purchase goods in his country, then the Company

179

may also ask for his permission for the Indian merchants to bring the commodities of

Bengal up to Paro, which was the capital of Bhutan then. To encourage trade; duties

which were exacted form the Bhutanese caravans were relinquished and the goods of

trade started flowing from Bengal to Bhutan freely without any restrictions.1

Captain RB Pemberton mentioned in his account that the trade carried on by Bhutan

was entirely confined to Bengal and Tibet. Her imports were larger than her exports

and her principal commodities of imports were cotton clothes, silk, dried fish and rice

from Assam. The Bhutanese mostly engaged in entrepot trade where articles form

Bengal like broad cloth, corals, white long clothes, cambric and sometimes elephants

were taken in exchange for Chinese flowered silk, musk, rock salt, tea in packages of

about six inch square, timber, small quantity of grain, wrought iron, coloured

blankets, gold and silver which were obtained from Tibet.2

Fairs were established and encouraged by the Company authorities for the promotion

and exchange of commodities. Such trade fairs were established by 1780 at Rangpur

division (now in Bangladesh) and also at the Jalpaiguri division which catered to the

demands and supply of commodities in the region.

Trade between Bhutan with Bengal conducted predominantly through the kingdom

Cooch Bihar and the town of Rangpur. By the end of the eighteenth century, Rangpur

had emerged as a grand destination for annual caravan trade, which came from

western Bhutan. The Buxa Duar became an important entry point for the movement

of commodities and the Bhutanese largely imported clothes, which included Benaras

1 Clement Markham. Narratives of the mission of George Bogle to Tibet and of the Journey of Thomas

Manning to Lhasa. London: Trubner and Co. Ludgate Hill, 1876. pp. 183-186. 2 Political Mission to Bhootan comprising the Reports of The Hon’ble Ashley Eden 1864; Capt. RB

Pemberton 1837-1838 and the Account by Baboo Kishen Kant Bose. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat

Office, 1865. pp. 224-225.

180

silk, cotton and English flannel. Bhutan also exported Tibetan wool, Chinese silk and

Bhutanese cloth, madder, musk, lac, gold dust, ivory, silver, amber, spices, horses,

and tobacco.3

The Bhutanese caravans usually arrived at Rangpur in the month of February and

March and returned in May and June. Captain Samuel Turner in 1783 noticed while

crossing Cooch Behar on his way to Bhutan that coarse cotton clothes was a staple

commodity and the Bhutanese traders largely took with them to Bhutan.4 The

Company made tremendous effort to encourage the Bhutanese to come down to

Rangpur and trade. From 1799, it also started paying for the expenses of the caravans

and large stables and dwelling quarters were constructed for the traders and their

beasts of burden. However, this privilege was abolished in 1831-32 on the

recommendations of Nisbit, the Collector of Rungpur. He wanted to reduce the cost

incurred by the Government, which amounted to roughly 700 rupees. As a result,

trade started to decline.

The fair held at Titaliya (currently known as Tetulia Upazila in Rangpur division now

Bangladesh) was founded by Dr. Campbell, the first Superintendent of Darjeeling in

1832. Another important fair was at Phalakatta the headquarters of Western Duars

subdivision established by Colonel Haughton, the Commissioner of Cooch Behar

subdivision. Such annual trading fairs, were also held between the Bhutanese and the

Bengalis at Alipur in the Buxa Duar. The principal articles for sale were cotton, wax,

salt, ivory, rhinoceros horns, ghi (clarified butter), tobacco, betel nuts, blankets, fruits,

3Francoise Pommaret. ‘Ancient Trade Partners: Bhutan, Cooch Bihar and Assam (17

th -19

th

centuries)’.Journal of Bhutan Studies, 2.1 (2000). pp 30-53. Also see Michael Aris. “Textile Text

and Context,” From the Land of the Thunder Dragons: Textile Art of Bhutan. D Myers and S Bean,

eds. London: Peabody Museum- Ser India, 1994. 4 Captain Samuel Turner. An Account of an Embassy to the Court of Teshoo Lama in Tibet. London:

Trubner and Co. Ludgate Hill,1800

181

rice, Indian corn etc. Another important annual fair took place at Jalpesh in the

Western Duars in Jalpaiguri district. This fair was a religious trading gathering in the

month of February. Hunter cites the fair was attended by thousands of people and the

articles sold at the fair consisted of cloth goods, umbrella, hookahs, brass, utensils,

blankets, butter etc.5

Table 5.1: List of main articles for exports and imports from Bengal to Bhutan

IMPORTS EXPORTS

Name of the

Article

Quantity

(in Maunds,

seers and

Pieces)

Value

(in Rs.)

Name of the

Article

Quantity

(in Maunds,

seers and

Pieces)

Value

(in Rs.)

Cowtails

Hill Ponies

Wax

Walnuts

Musk

Lac

Manjeet

Blankets

Silver

4

100

30

50,000

50

10

500

300

0.075

160

3,500

1,000

125

100

100

1,500

600

240

Indigo

Cloves

Nutmeg

Cardamom

Nukher

Camphor

Sugar

Copper

Googool

Sandal Wood

Country

Gunpowder

Dried Fish

Tobacco

10

20

20

20

1 Md. 20

1.50

10

10

10

10

2

10

15

1,000

30

100

100

120

40

80

400

100

100

20

50

100

(In Pieces) (In Pieces)

Debang,

(China

Silks)

1

50

Borad cloth

Goat Skins etc

Endy Cloth

Coarse ditto

15

1,000

50

50

1,115

500

200

100

Total 7,375

Total 4,150

Note: 1 Maund= 40 Seers

Source: Political Mission to Bhootan comprising the Reports of The Hon’ble Ashley

Eden 1864; Capt. RB Pemberton 1837-1838 and the Account by Baboo

Kishen Kant Bose. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Office, 1865. p. 225.

5 WW Hunter. Statistical Account of Bengal Vol. X. London: Trubner& Company, 1876. p. 269-270.

182

The above list prepared by Pemberton on Bhutan’s import and export from Bengal

shows that items like hill ponies (tangun ponies), Manjeet, wax, blankets, musk, lac,

cow-tails, Chinese silk fetched a good price in the market. Amongst them tangun

ponies were a principal item. These ponies were sturdy breed of horses mainly used

as a beast of burden. The Bhutanese sold 400-500 ponies annually, which fetched

about rupees 30,000 to 40,000. Manjeet, which was highly sought came next it

fetched 70,000. The Bengal’s cotton textile industry had created a market for this

natural dye. This was followed by blankets and cow-tails whose sale was valued at

2580 and rupees 550 per annum.6

The Bengal-Tibet trade, which also passed through the valleys of Bhutan suffered

greatly due to its abrupt halt and it was primarily due to the establishment of the

Gurkha kingdom in Nepal during the mid-eighteenth century.7It was from this trade

fair at Rangpur that the entire foreign trade of Bhutan was conducted. Pemberton

stated in his Report that, this trade had great potentiality, but the trade restrictions

imposed on the admission of the Indian traders to Bhutan and Tibet, crafted by

Chinese diplomacy greatly hindered its growth.8

The reports of Pemberton, Griffiths, Ashley Eden and Rennie highlight the waning trade

and agriculture in the region, contributed to the decline both in quality and quantity of

goods sent from their country to the fairs held at Rangpur and Hajo. The indifferent

attitude of Lord Cornwallis as regard to commerce with northern states further led to its

6 Walter Kelly Firminger, ed. Bengal District Records Rangpur. Vol I. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat

Record Room, 1914.p 36 7 Political Mission to Bhootan. op cit. p. 226.

8 Ibid. p. 230

183

decline. However, the efforts to rejuvenate the trade after the Duars War (1864-65) kept

the commercial contact between the two countries open.9

5.1.2 Bengal-Nepal Trade

Being land locked with no access to the seas the trade of Nepal was confined to India

and Tibet and only few articles passed between Nepal and China via Tibet. The Indo-

Nepalese trade was conducted in duality; one at the local and the other at the national

level. While the indigenous trading communities inhabiting the fringes mostly

conducted the former, the government through indicated trading routes and market

centres conducted the latter. The border trade was based on barter system, which

consisted primarily of local production and was conducted through various points

along the Indo-Nepalese border. Here, local trading marts were set up where local

produce and articles for daily consumption were bartered. Such marts were organized

and controlled by the government where local Jagir holders collected commercial

taxes in their respective jurisdictions. On the other hand, the national trade was

conducted through a number of trade marts along the Indo Nepal borders in the terai

(foothills) known as market towns and in far eastern and western hill region trade

marts known as Golas and Mandis. As far as taxation was concerned it was collected

in as per its load, number, weight and percentage etc. The methodology was not very

scientific and it lacked uniformity and had a strong government monopoly. For this

purpose, the government established its own trading agencies in different parts in

India.

9 Suparna Sen. Indo Bhutan trade 1774-1815. (un- published Ph.D Thesis.) North Bengal University,

1999.

184

Nepal had always been at the centre of the entrepot trade up to the last quarter of the

nineteenth century. Most of the Indo-Tibet trade was, carried through Nepal where

both the Nepalese government and the Nepalese merchants acted as brokers between

the traders from India and Tibet. Maulvi Abdul Qadir was deputed to Nepal in 1795

to examine the effect of the Anglo-Nepalese Commercial Treaty of Betarwati on 1st

March 1792, which came into effect following the Sino-Nepalese War. For the very

first time the volume of the actual Indo-Nepal trade was assessed. Maulvi Abdul

Qadir Khan found the trade was worth five hundred thousand rupees per annum. He

further suggested that the Government should establish five warehouses for keeping

ready stock of manufactures on the border areas for the extension of trade.10

Brian Houghton Hodgson, Assistant Resident in Nepal in his report, which was

dispatched on 8th

March 1830 and 1st December 1831, throws a significant light on

the Indo-Nepalese trade relations, which later became a concrete base for the

Himalayan and Central Asian trade in the records of Government of India. In the

absence of any official records of the past relating to the annual exports and imports,

he consulted respectable merchants of Kathmandu and other chief trading towns. It

was an overwhelming assignment, which he completed and presented before the

Government that was published as Paper No. II of the Selections from the Records of

the Government of Bengal, Vol. XXVII. Hodgson furnished an account of the

commercial routes to Kathmandu, marts located at the Tibetan frontier and other

centres of Central Asian trade. He also reported on the mode of trade operation and

commodity movement, the value, the place and the nature of duties levied by the

Nepalese Government, the length of the route, the purchasing price in Calcutta of

10

K C Chaudhuri. Anglo-Nepalese Relations. Calcutta: Modern Book Agency Pvt. Limited, 1960. p. 6

185

numerous articles, which were on traffic their selling price in Nepal. Along with the

total import of commodities into Nepal, he also reveals the limits of Nepalese

consumption.11

Hodgson prepared elaborate statistics on the Trade of Nepal highlighting on the

Imports and Exports of goods from the plains in 1830-31. He categorized the list of

imports into seven headings, which included articles on trade, price at which the

articles whether manufactured or grown was purchased in Calcutta in 1830-31. The

estimated cost to import those commodities amounted to 16,11,000 Indian sicca

rupees, rate at which the articles were sold in Nepal amounting 30,60,500 in Nepali

rupees, amount of goods transported to Tibet 3,56,900 rupees, amount of goods

consumed in Nepal amounting 27,03,600 rupees and finally his personal remarks. He

held that the Bengal-Nepal trade has the capacity of significant expansion. However,

due to the unequal rate of exchange of the Nepalese rupees fall short of the Indian

sicca rupees whose proportion is 2 to 1. Hence, it significantly reduced the

denomination of the coins. Therefore, adding this rate of exchange and the cost on

duties and transport the real or net profit only amounted to 30%. As for export,

Hodgson showed in seven headings, which included articles on trade and its price at

Kathmandu Nepalese rupees. The estimated amount of import from the North

amounted to 7,27,400 Nepalese rupees or 6,06,166 Indian sicca rupees. The estimated

total amount of exports of Tibet, Kachar and Nepalese goods were in total 19,77,800

Nepalese rupees. The approximate amount of goods consumed in Nepal totalled to

11

W W Hunter. Life of Brian Houghton Hodgson; British Resident at the Court of Nepal. London:

John Murry, 1896. pp. 111-112.

186

3,12,700 Nepalese rupees. As his final remark, Hodgson advocated in favor of

reducing the imports and increasing the exports to ascertain more profit.12

Hodgson also mentioned that in 1831, there were fifty-two natives and thirty-four

Indian merchants engaged in foreign trade. In 1830-1831 the cross border trade of

Nepal was considered to be not less than rupees 5,018,000 with the southern borders,

and not less than rupees 2,305,000 with the northern borders and the aggregate the

total Nepalese exports and imports at over rupees 3,000,000 a year. Hodgson

indicated a growth in the Indo-Nepal trade from rupees 3,000,000 in 1831 of imports

and exports to rupees 33,000,000 in the year 1891.13

The annual amount of duties

which was exacted from the imports and exports in 1830 was 1,60,364 Nepalese

rupees. The average duty was 7 % ad valorem14

which was negotiated by Hodgson, so

the total annual value of imports and exports with India was 26,72,733 Nepalese

rupees which was equivalent to Rs. 17,81,821. Hodgson also provides an insight on

the duties levied by the Nepalese authorities. He revealed that, the duties on imports

from the plains were levied at Kathmandu and called as Bhansar, these duties were

farmed by the Government instead of being directly collected.15

The goods after

being inspected were levied with Bhansar amounting to its ad valorem duty.16

The frequent demand of the British Resident to remove superfluous duties led to the

formulation of the Nepalese policy of 1839, which was somewhat liberal and allowed

free trade that was unprecedented. Article 4, 5 and 6 of the 1839 policy allowed the

12

Selections from the Records of the Government of Bengal, Vol. XXVII, 1857. Parliamentary Papers,

Proceedings and Department Papers: UK Parliamentary Papers 1800-2000.

www.libguides.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/parliament/1800-2000. 13

WW Hunter. Life of Brian Houghton Hodgson. op cit. p.114 14

The Calcutta Review. Vol. LXIV. ed. E Lethbridge. London: Trubner& Company, 1877. p 136.. 15

File Nos. 389-400. Political A, Foreign Department, Government of India, December 1862, N.A.I. 16

KL Pradhan. Brian Hodgson at the Kathmandu Residency 1825-1843. Guwahati: Spectrum

Publications, 2001. pp. 200-201.

187

British subjects judicial relaxation in civil cases and directed the Nepalese

Government to provide an authentic statement on matters taxation where duties were

levied in Nepal to be delivered to the Resident. It also exempted the British subjects

from duties on dealing with un-authorized imposts, which were not mentioned on the

list.17

Daniel Wright, while explaining the relation between British India and the Kingdom

of Nepal had expressed in his writings that Jang Bahadur the then Prime Minister of

Nepal had imposed 12% to 14% duty on British goods.18

However, Hodgson in his

Report reveals that the duties levied on commodities passing through Sugauli to

Kathmandu were only 7%. Therefore, there seems to be an anomaly in the figures and

the rate of duties levied by Nepal on import.

The dispatch letter from the Deputy Commissioner of Darjeeling to the Under

Secretary to the Government of Bengal dated 30th

June 1864, shows the statistics of

trade between Nepal and Bengal passing though the district of Darjeeling.

Table 5.2: List of Articles Imported and Exported to Nepal in the years 1860-63

Year 1860 1861 1862 1863 Total

Name of

Articles

Qty. Price Qty. Price Qty. Price Qty. Price Qty. Price

Cows 300 2700 300 2700 300 2700 300 2700 1200 10800

Blankets 600 1800 800 2400 1300 3900 1300 3900 4000 12000

Oils 250 3750 250 3750 250 3750 250 3750 1000 15000

17

File Nos. 156-160. Secret-E, Foreign Department, Government of India, 26B December 1839,

N.A.I. 18

Daniel Wright. Sketch of the portion of the country of Nepal open to Europeans. Calcutta: Office of

the Superintendent of Government Printing, 1872. p. 28.

188

Sheep 375 1500 375 1500 375 1500 375 1500 1500 6000

Goat 250 1250 250 1250 250 1250 250 1250 1000 5000

Pigs 125 250 125 250 125 250 125 250 500 1000

Knives 500 1000 500 1000 500 1000 500 1000 2000 4000

Ghi

(Clarified

Butter)

500 6500 500 6500 500 6500 500 6500 2000 26000

Piece

clothes

measuring

16 yards

500 750 500 750 500 750 500 750 2000 3000

Iron 12 240 12 240 12 240 12 240 48 960

Copper

Plate

50 3300 50 3300 50 3300 50 3300 200 132000

Total 23040 23640 25140 25140 96960

Exported 1000 1000 1000 1000 4000

Net

Export in

Money

22040 22640 24140 24140 92960

Source: File No.95, Political -A, Foreign Department, Government of India, August

1864, NAI, New Delhi.

The Bengal-Nepal trade was unregistered for many years due to many reasons. Due to

vastness of the porous border trade was carried out through numerous channels.

Whatsoever, little information we get prior to 1875 we get it from correspondence

letters and reports of the officials. It was only after 1875, when the Finance

Department, Government of Bengal, passed a resolution to make an attempt to

register the trade that passed into Nepal via Bengal proper record keeping was

initiated. The resolution read:

189

There has hitherto been no organised attempt made to register the amount of

traffic between Bengal and Nepal. It is believed that traffic at certain seasons

of the year is considerable, and it had recently been decided that a beginning

should be made of registering this traffic.19

It was proposed to register and submit daily returns of each registering stations in

prescribed format every week by the officer in charge to the district headquarters.

This data was used for analysis and preparation of monthly returns. The officers were

also instructed to register the names of the places and districts of imports and

exports.20

5.1.3 Bengal-Tibet/ Sikkim Trade

The Indo-Tibetan trade under the premises of our observation refers to direct Bengal

trade with Tibet via Sikkim. Although India had commercial interaction with Tibet

since the ancient period, the Tibet trade with Bengal through Sikkim became

significant only during the second half of the nineteenth century. The Bengal-Tibet

trade steadily progressed after 1861, despite of the steady opposition of the Tibetan

and the Chinese officials against the British initiatives to establish trade relations. The

commercial inroads into Tibet were a result of elaborate attempts by the British India

Government and its foreign trade experts and policy makers after the late Eighteenth

century through Bhutan, Nepal and Sikkim.21

It was evident to the Tibetans that the British India was trying to reach Central Asia

through Tibet mainly to check the Russian imperialist expansion and therefore very

19

File No. 07, Revenue A, Finance Department August, 1877, Government of Bengal (Trade between

British India and Nepal, No. 13), N.A.I. 20

Ibid. 21

Sikkim–Tibet Trade via Nathu-la: A Policy Study on Prospects, Opportunities and Requisite

Preparedness. Nathu-la Trade Study Group. Gangtok: Government of Sikkim, 2005. p. xix.

190

keen to establish commercial linkages with Tibet and beyond so it may gain

commercial as well as strategic access. John Clarke writes:

Towards the end of the nineteenth century the British government, fearful of

the rapidly expanding power of Russia in Central Asia, believed that a Russo-

Tibetan alliance could lead to Russian power advancing to the very Himalayas

bordering India.22

By the year 1860, the Government of India had connected Darjeeling with the

mainland India. British mercantilism brought along extensive connectivity with new

roads connecting Bengal with Sikkim and beyond. Grant recommended to “open

traffic not only between themselves and the inhabitants of Darjeeling but also

between Bengal and Chinese territory.”23

Again by this time the British was also

focused towards construction of road to Lhasa through Sikkim. Ashley Eden wrote in

1861:

A considerable trade will spring up between Lhasa and Darjeeling. The

Tibetans will be too glad to exchange gold dust, musk, borax, wool and salt

for English cloth, tobacco, etc.; and the people of Sikkim will gain as carriers

of this trade, and their government will raise considerable revenue from the

transit duties.24

Apprehension of profit led to the opening of Bengal-Tibet trade through Sikkim. It

was reported by the Deputy Commissioner of Darjeeling, Ashley Eden that in the

year 1860-61 there was steady annual increase of trade both with Sikkim and Tibet.

22

John Clarke. Tibet: Caught in Time. Garnet Publication, 1997. p 17 23

A Lamb. Britain and Chinese Central Asia; The Road to Lhasa 1767 to 1905. London 1960. p. 88. 24

Ibid.

191

Table 5.3: Bengal’s Trade with Sikkim and Tibet 1860-1864

Trade Trade with Sikkim

(In Rupees)

Trade with Tibet

(In Rupees)

Imports 89,535 64,005

Exports 19,450 43,600

Source: Letter dated 25th

January 1875, from Secretary to the Government of Bengal

to the Secretary Government of India. NAI, New Delhi.

The Anglo-Sikkimese Treaty or the Treaty of Tumlong in 1861 initiated this trade

network between Sikkim and the British India. Hence, free trade was established

between the two countries. Article 8 and Article 10 of the Treaty mentioned:

The Government of Sikkim from this date abolishes all restrictions on

travellers and monopolies in trade between the British territories and Sikkim.

There shall henceforth be a free reciprocal intercourse and full liberty of

commerce between the subjects of both countries; it shall be lawful for British

subjects to go into any part of Sikkim for the purpose of travel or trade, all the

subjects of all countries shall permitted to reside in and pass through Sikkim,

and to expose their goods for sale ant any place and in any manner that may

best suit their purpose, without any interference, whatever, except as in

hereafter provided.

No duties of fee of any sort shall be demanded by the Sikkim Government of

any person or persons on account of goods exported into the British territories

from Sikkim, or imported into Sikkim from British territories.25

25

R Moktan. Sikkim: Darjeeling Compendium of Documents. Darjeeling: R Moktan, 2004. pp. 12-16

192

The Bengal Government on 20th

May 1864, ordered the Superintendent of Darjeeling

to prepare a report on the trade between Darjeeling, Sikkim and Tibet. Chebu Lama

or Tseepa Adan26

gave the details of this trade report. The list of commodities

imported from Sikkim to Darjeeling, included horses, cattle (sheep and goats), millet,

rice, wax, salt, blankets, musk, orange, millet, ghee rice, copper and lime. The report

reflected that imports in 1863 were nearly double of those of 1860. The trade value

for four years amounted to rupees 89,535. The articles of export included tobacco,

metal, cloth utensils and coral. The Report was optimistic which indicated great

export of tea to Sikkim and Tibet in future replacing the traditional brick tea imported

from Lhasa and China.27

By 1870’s the Government of India was very much driven with the idea of expanding

its commercial activities. For this, it started to visit the Kingdom of Sikkim and its

frontier towards Tibet. The Governor General in Council Sir George Campbell in this

regard met with the Maharaja of Sikkim at Darjeeling in 1873. He was able the

support and cooperation of Sikkim in furthering his Government’s wishes for the

development of trade with Central Asia.28

As a result, of the meeting JW Edgar was

26

Chebu Lama was the leader of the faction who favoured the British in Sikkim’s foreign relation and

was opposed to Dewan Namgay who was the leader of the Tibetan faction during the mid

nineteenth century. Such factions in the Sikkim Durbar later led to the arrest of Dr. Campbell and

Dr. Hooker in 1849, leading to the Anglo-Sikkimese War of 1861---For Details see WW Hunter.

Statistical Account of Bengal. Vol X (Darjeeling). London: Trubner& Company, 1876. p 104. Also

see--Alex McKay. ‘A Difficult Country, a Hostile Chief, and a still more Hostile Minister: The

Anglo Sikkim War of 1861’. BOT, 2.2 (2009). pp. 33-35. 27

File No.748, Correspondence Vol.28, 11th

June 1861, Darjeeling District Records, Government of

Bengal, Darjeeling. 28

J Ware Edgar. Report on a visit to Sikhim and the Thibetan Frontier(1874). New Delhi: Manjushri

Publishing House, Bibliotheca HimalayicaVol.1, 2. HH Kuloy, ed. 1969. p. 15-17.

193

sent to examine the conditions and prospect of trade with Tibet. The intention was to

strengthen connectivity by making a road through Sikkim to the Tibetan frontier.29

The Report of Administration of Bengal 1874-75, added another justifiable cause and

was extremely crucial in supporting the policy of opening of trade link with Tibet

through Sikkim.

Edgar provided a full detail of the extent and character of the then existing trade and

highlighted the possibility of furthering trade linkages. He mentioned that there was a

great scope for the English broadcloth, salt, ghee, rice, indigo, silk goods and ponies.

He further mentioned that there was a remarkable circulation of Indian rupees from

Assam via Tibet to Kashmir. 30

People from both sides Sikkim including Kalimpong

and Darjeeling and Tibet were engaged in trade. While the majority of the British

Indian subjects were not allowed to enter Tibet for the purpose of trade, a huge

number of Tibetan merchants crossed the border and poured in the bazaars of British

India. He mentioned:

There was scarce a day during my stay in East Sikkim that I did not meet

people either coming from, or on their way to Darjeeling with goods, the

value of which at first sight seemed quite disproportionate to the labour that

had to be undergone in taking them to the market; but I have no doubt that

find the market pays them. These murwa (fermented local beverage) sellers

expect to get six rupees for their murwa at Chhombi, and with this sum to be

29

Sunita Kharel .Gangtok: Metamorphosis of a Stereotype Sikkim Urban Conglomerate into a

Colonial hill station 1889-1950 (Unpublished PhD Thesis) North Bengal University, 2005. 30

Ibid.

194

able to buy at Phari four maunds of salt, which they could sell in Darjeeling

for Rs 32, while the value of their murwa at Guntuck (Gangtok) was Rs 4-8.31

Trade was profitable as Edgar cites:

…he met a trader form Sikkim (Tumlong) who was in Tibet for four months

conducting his business. The trader mentioned that he had borrowed Rs 400 at

the Darjeeling Bazaar at the rate of 24 percent per annum. This money he had

invested in buying broadcloth, which he had exchanged in Tibet for a pony

and 250 sheep. He was expecting to get Rs 50 for the pony and an average of

Rs 3 for the sheep when he reached Darjeeling. So such trade was profitable

even if that meant the trader might lose 9-10 sheep while crossing the Teesta

and Rangit River.32

Report on the Administration of Bengal 1874-75, provides us with a list of items that

was exported to or imported by Tibet through Sikkim. The items of exports were

mainly millets, rice, oranges and madder. The items of imports were mainly ponies,

blankets, salt, jewellery, yak tails, China caps, musk, silks, tea and sheep. It is

obvious from the previous list that while Sikkim exported only a limited number of

articles she imported a good variety of goods. This suggests that Sikkim had an

adverse balance of trade with Tibet.

Trade between Sikkim and Bengal for the year 1876-77 shows that Timber was the

main item of export followed by cattle and miscellaneous crops while indigo was a

major item of import. The statistics gives us following picture.

31

Ibid. p 32. 32

Ibid. p 56.

195

Table 5.4: Sikkim’s Trade with Bengal in 1876-77

Exports to Bengal Rs Imports From Bengal Rs

Timber 7,08,708 Indigo 66,000

Cattle 19,710 Cattle 23,200

Miscellaneous Rain

Crops

14,457 Brass and Copper 14,520

Source: Report on the Internal Trade of Bengal for the Year 1876-77. Government of

Bengal. p. 270.

5.2 Registration of Trade Traffic from 1875

The Bengal Government in Finance Department passed a resolution on 23rd

August

1875 sanctioned certain arrangements for the registration of traffic between Bengal

and the eastern Himalayan kingdom. The Government of Bengal began registering

the trade traffic between Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan from the month of September

1875. This structure of traffic registration was however, modified to suit the orders of

the Government of India and a general structure of traffic registration were adopted in

Bengal and the North-Western Provinces with effect from 1st June 1879.

33

Accordingly, the Government of Bengal started assimilating statistics and published

them with the title of Report on the External Trade of Bengal with Nepal, Sikkim

(Tibet) and Bhutan.

5.2.1 Trade of Bengal with Nepal

The official registration of trade between Bengal and Nepal was for the first time

taken in the year 1875. A total of 27 primary trading routes carried the trade during

1881-81.34

Along these trading routes were trading stations where commodities of

trade were registered and Reports were duly prepared. The Report on the External

33

RETB for the year 1881-1882. p 1 34

Ibid

196

Trade of Bengal with Nepal, Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan, gives a detailed account of the

transaction in commodities between Bengal and Nepal from 1897-80 to 1893-94.

Table 5.5: Total Value of trade Registered between Bengal and Nepal in Rupees

Years Imports from Nepal (in Rs) Exports to Nepal (in Rs) Total (in Rs)

1879-80 9563394 5592335 15155729

1880-81 10317915 5615443 15933358

1881-82 7542743 5536668 13079411

1884-85 7216819 6818097 14034916

1885-86 9318431 5227817 14546248

1886-87 10277226 5290285 15567511

1887-88 11234228 7351720 18585948

1888-89 9397491 7430836 16828327

1889-90 10924413 8901832 19826245

1890-91 12124716 9424926 21549642

1891-92 9712501 9380186 19092687

1892-93 8894812 8135281 17030093

1893-94 10903664 8251194 19154858

Note: Figures for the years 1882-83 and 1883-84 are not available.

Sources: RETB for the year 1881-82, 1886-87 to1888-89, 1890-91,and 1893-94.

The figures shown above represent the net trade between Bengal and Nepal; it

excludes the figures of trade between other provinces and Nepal which also passed

through Bengal. There was a decrease in the imports from Nepal in 1888-89

particularly food grain into the Indian districts the reason being food crisis due to crop

197

failure on both sides. The Collector of Champaran in his report makes an assessment

on the decline of the grain traffic due to crop failure:

Food grains were not imported on a usual scale in consequence of the short

harvest in Nepal. Crops were bad in Nepal as in our territory, and for some

time the Durbar laid embargo on export of such articles. When this was

removed a large quantity of Indian corn was taken to the affected tract in the

district. It is considered unlikely that any of the food grains imported from

Nepal during the year ever left the district.35

Source: Based on Table 5.5

Figure 5.1: Import and Export between Bengal and Nepal from 1879-80 to

1893-94

35

RETB for the year 1888-89. p. 4.

0

5000000

10000000

15000000

20000000

25000000

18

79

-80

18

80

-81

18

81

-82

18

84

-85

18

85

-86

18

86

-87

18

87

-88

18

88

-89

18

89

-90

18

90

-91

18

91

-92

18

92

-93

18

93

-94

in R

s. Imports from Nepal (in Rs)

Exports to Nepal (in Rs)

Total (in Rs)

198

Table 5.6: Total Value of Commodities of Bengal-Nepal Trade in Rupees

Name of the

Article

1879-80 1880-81 1881-82 1884-85 1885-86 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 1889-90 1890-91 1891-92 1892-93 1893-94

Cattle 1268500 606275 608775 788828 644252 858546 999093 1495253 1541879 1248184 1167467 977627 907369

Sheep and

Goats

151969 96381 137200 124001 126651 122532 151072 200975 261026 210261 266451 240706 204744

Cotton raw 188602 188651 157398 104071 108207 99199 108723 152448 85106 124792 124815 69711 56194

Cotton Piece

Goods

(European)

1735120 2198527 1905802 1899977 1608142 1670448 1947472 2334558 3034373 2814654 2327533 2168916 2036070

Cotton Piece

Goods(Indian)

318680 195134 236141 347482 172890 183541 324022 335844 397149 308461 362310 233044 211556

Other Fibers

Raw

115297 86668 101207 201813 183200 232115 115098 136036 34937 48471 153597 91106 35776

Fresh Fruits

and Vegetables

NA NA NA 654965 537008 538663 638598 648161 768559 834636 831597 664244 349094

Wheat NA NA NA NA 27273 90794 163555 57275 25221 78426 117396 26649 27016

Gram and

Pulses

217788 293718 182703 111956 91220 232754 27783 108612 141526 326250 244873 223121 250246

Other Spring

Crops

69086 222715 101031 57840 70813 111229 96871 68315 37114 102828 106302 30893 60137

199

Rice(Husked) 3053267 2993343 1834141 88309 1705792 2251086 2431826 889459 1805689 2488892 1228750 1360885 1987967

Rice

(unhusked)

1500528 12994416 888856 876124 1306879 1407718 1563032 771341 1334501 206010 1073051 1388452 1772545

Other Rain

Crops

488564 874646 361854 482399 503083 404120 547176 273865 503168 442387 271242 623234 327348

Hides of Cattle 167927 99566 87728 156170 168998 113957 162875 206242 234820 180242 109281 166637 245947

Skin of Sheep,

Goats and

Other animals

9870 16910 715031 75567 79539 88448 140410 63211 112494 160378 53415 147483 127868

Brass and

Copper

832990 884440 363280 525760 416870 318765 523875 582538 724463 570030 566102 393450 450766

Iron 39648 47762 58746 169975 114148 65303 111738 92058 102051 85104 201846 148745 113810

Other Metals 4800 35820 62550 NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA

Opium NA NA NA 134409 206199 274345 263450 367488 182250 351727 197450 37654 43710

Ghee 163218 130301 188512 212056 108870 111975 171397 289022 349636 195670 202660 234691 229864

All other kind

of provisions

809920 1153750 1398125 1406787 734227 614268 925175 891556 1366113 1342464 1373268 1231149 1317130

Salt 410986 331866 335842 332140 304036 314579 355910 396181 410717 436280 593852 624962 578050

Saltpetre 63570 95204 97126 88786 177651 105010 81814 109954 67286 65122 87067 69830 35404

Lin seed 790867 8256418 379677 475764 690755 779789 802948 667011 67259 65122 742323 631622 744470

200

Mustard Seed 267554 502766 312393 423540 392970 530588 449249 447952 1175846 711958 928107 820839 815472

Silk

(manufactured)

18808 16008 54481 46098 74518 23184 48242 70108 45733 117795 59674 88110 65937

Spices 109875 165434 158439 789834 344388 475291 832295 916914 1141226 1012677 1310669 677124 492642

Betel nut 18888 182264 115566 48036 59230 89350 167745 134043 152760 149310 162909 136959 115815

Sugar(refined) 109436 77181 82261 92338 59475 90432 143545 127268 105705 128881 175536 161816 88081

Sugar(un

refined)

132428 168815 156211 260148 225956 252971 218855 181991 168132 223128 175536 161816 88081

Tobacco 175936 154640 198614 246968 256425 252971 390569 730307 688573 534825 914668 358098 889059

Timber 32296 1855268 770200 1003589 743929 536358 816876 494791 305611 263804 216495 158052 130344

Wool 191615 321000 237810 187398 177627 104155 124608 134226 95026 128725 98369 180653 59106

Silver NA NA NA 117282 1172988 1208799 1160379 1099963 562510 1039879 850270 791181 1559879

All other

articles

1109210 1089273 1265080 761538 819274 899178 1347633 1363403 NA NA NA NA NA

Note: Figures for the years 1882-83 and 1883-84 are not available.

Sources: Sources: RETB for the year 1881-82, 1886-87 to 1888-89, 1890-91, and 1893-94.

201

The Report on the External Trade of Bengal with Nepal Sikkim and Bhutan shows

figures relating to the cattle trade, which was high. However, the Report also reveals

that the figures were fallacious as it was not possible to register the cattle trade

completely.36

The import trade in cattle between Bengal and Nepal was mostly

carried out through the Bengal districts of Champaran, Muzaffarpur, Purnea and other

nearby districts.37

The cattle trade was continuous and the largest exporter of cattle

was registered at the trading station of Gandharpdinga38

in the Purnea district.39

It was

reported that the cattle trade declined in 1889-9040

but recovered the very following

years.41

However, the reason for the sudden decline and then rise in cattle trade was

due to the seasonal crop failures of earlier years. This was clearly evident in the

decline of food grain trade in those years.42

With regard to the trade in raw cotton it is

cited that the Champaran district was the largest supplier of raw cotton to the

Nepalese market.43

Trade in cotton piece goods was substantial. The European Cotton

piece goods was exported to Nepal via different exporting marts such as Calcutta,

Champaran, Bhagalpur, Muzaffarpur, Purnea, Darbhanga, Saran, Darjeeling, Patna

and other places. The Report also indicated that Indian piece goods were also in great

demand in Nepal but not as popular as the European piece goods.44

However, trade in

European piece goods suffered a setback in 1886-87 where the unsold fabrics were

returned back to the British territories while there was a slight increase in the export

36

RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 5 37

RETB for the year 1886-1887. p. 4. 38

The Returns from Gandharpdinga in the Purnea district shows that the total number of import

through that route was 10,640 in the year 1888-89, and the total exported 5,349 against1,317 and

450 respectively in the previous years. For more see Report on the External Trade of Bengal with

Nepal Sikkim and Bhutan for the year 1888-1889. Government of Bengal. Calcutta: Bengal

Secretariat Press, 1889. p. 3 39

RETB for the year 1887-1888. p. 4. 40

RETB for the year 1890-1891. p.4 41

RETB for the year 1893-1894. p.4. 42

RETB for the year 1888-1889. p. 5 43

RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 5 44

RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 6

202

of Indian piece goods, which was far below the trade of 1884-85.45

The returns of

1887-88 show the increase in export trade of European piece goods along with Indian

piece goods. The largest registered supply of piece goods was through the Adapore

route in the Champaran district in 1887-88.46

The food grain traffic comprised of different types of cereals such as wheat, gram and

pulses, other spring crops, rice husked and rice un-husked and other rain crops. While

the principal districts to which the hides were traded in large quantities were Calcutta,

Muzaffarpur, Bhagalpur, Champaran, Darjeeling and Purnea. Trade in skins of sheep

and small animals were continued active and the largest trade was from the Bairagnia

frontier trade station at Muzaffarpur.

The brass and copper export trade was conducted mainly from the districts of

Calcutta, Champaran, Patna, Purnea. Similarly the same districts involved in the iron

export with Nepal. Ghee or clarified butter was exported through fifteen trading

stations Goompahar, Kurjulia in Darjeeling District, Bairagnia, Sonburan,

Majorgungob, Bela in the Muzaffarpur district, Patehpandareah, Kandowli, in the

Bhagalpur district, Pipra Ghat, Madhwapur, Joynuggur in the Darbhanga district,

Mirgunj in the Purnea district, Kuikenwa in the Champaran districts and other

stations.

Provisions other than Ghee were also exchanged in good quantity. Formerly

vegetables used to be shown under this head but under the orders of the Government

of India the classification was changed with effect from 1st of July 1881 and hence

45

RETB for the year 1886-1887. p. 4. 46

RETB for the year 1887-1888.. p. 4.

203

came to include fruits and nuts.47

Salt for export was registered at marts located at

Durbhanga, Muzaffarpur, Champaran, Purnea, Bhagalpur, Saran and other districts.48

On the other hand, imported saltpetre or potassium nitrate from Nepal was sent to

Muzaffurpur, Durbhanga, Champaran, Calcutta and other places. Saltpetre was found

in abundance in the northern part Tirhoot bordering Nepal and India; it is called

rehamuttee in Nepali language.49

It was widely used to make gunpowder and

fertilizers for agricultural use. Trade in Oilseeds mainly linseed and mustard seed

were listed. The traffic was confined largely to imports in the districts of Champaran,

Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga and Purnea.50

The statistics of the frontier post of Kutkonwa, Ruxoul and Adapore in Champaran

District shows the highest registration of the traffic on manufactured silk. The Report

mentioned betel nut trade between Bengal and Nepal was registered on the frontiers

and the bulk of the traffic came from Champaran district.51

The registering stations, where large quantities of spices were noted, were in Ruxoul,

Ghorasan, Katkenwa, Tribeni Ghat and Adapore in Champaran district, Siktee Koari,

Gandharpur, Teragach, Mirganj in Purnea and Bairagnia, in Muzaffarpur district 52

and Sukhiapukri in Darjeeling District,53

while sugar trade both drained and un-

drained centred in Champaran district and its trading stations.

47

RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 6. 48

Ibid. 49

John Stephenson. Manufacture of Saltpetre; Descriptive of the Operations and Proper Plans to be

used for the Manufacture of Culmee and Cooteah. Calcutta: CH Huttman, Military Orphan Press,

1824. pp. 12-13 50

RETB for the year 1893-1894. p. 8. 51

RETB for the year 1887-1888. p. 8. 52

RETB for the year 1886-1887. p. 8. 53

RETB for the year 1893-1894. p.9.

204

Tobacco was imported as well as exported. The largest districts to export tobacco

were Champaran, Purnea, Muzaffarpur. Champaran supplied the largest export

quantity and Purnea through its Gandharpur station registered as the highest import.

The Commissioner of Bhagalpur in this regard 1889 mentioned, “The Nepal tobacco

commands a higher price than country tobacco. The leaf of this tobacco is stated to be

very coarse and succulent, dark in colour and blunt at its apex.”54

Trade in timber was registered on different routes through which import of timber

was carried through Tribani Ghat, Kutkenwa, Ruxoul, Ghorasan in Champaran

district, Joynagar , Mirzapur, Pipra Ghat in Darbhanga district, Kalughat, Korickote,

Korhabari Hat, Mirgun in Purnea district and other routes.55

Trade in woollen goods

had always been subject to great fluctuations. The export of woollen manufactures

was carried from Calcutta and from Champaran. In Champaran district the bulk of

this traffic passed through Ruxoul, Kutkenwa, Adapur, Ghorasan.56

Calcutta, which

was the chief source of supply for manufactured woollen cloths and other items, sent

its goods through Champaran district.57

The principal registering districts for silver

trade were Champaran, Darjeeling, Bhagalpur and Muzaffarpur.58

5.2.2 Trade between Bengal and Tibet

Prior to the year 1885 trade between Bengal and Tibet and Sikkim were clubbed

together in the Report of Bengal’s External trade. It was only after 1885 the separate

figures of trade between Bengal and Tibet was recorded. Hence, after 1885 the title of

these Reports came to be noted as Report on the External Trade of Bengal with

54

RETB for the year 1888-1889. p. 9. 55

RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 9. 56

RETB for the year 1886-1887. p. 9. 57

RETB for the year 1890-1891. p. 9. 58

RETB for the year 1886-1887p. 8.

205

Nepal, Tibet and Sikkim and Bhutan. The important trading stations between Bengal

i.e. from Darjeeling district to Tibet were Kalimpong and Rhenock. They were

important points in the high roads between Darjeeling and the Tibetan frontier. Trade

from Tibet, which came down through Rhenock connected the plains through Lava

and Damdin yet this trade did not touch Kalimpong. However, some trade also went

through Kalimpong into the mart of Gangtok in Sikkim without passing Rhenock.59

Table 5.7: Total Value of trade Registered between Bengal and Tibet in Rupees

Note: Separate Statistics for Bengal trade with Tibet was recorded only after 1885

Source: Sources: RETB for the year 1881-82, 1886-87 to 1888-89, 1890-91, and

1893-94.

59

RETB for the year -1887. p.9.

Years Imports from Tibet (in Rs.) Exports to Tibet (in Rs.) Total (in Rs.)

1885-86 372735 245714 618449

1886-87 218143 340462 558605

1887-88 190427 174799 365226

1888-89 3168 4181 7349

1889-90 149275 134085 283360

1890-91 180893 199788 380681

1891-92 618146 203131 821277

1892-93 351519 229117 580636

1893-94 358799 331613 690412

206

Source: Based on Table 5.7

Figure 5.2: Imports and Exports between Bengal and Tibet from 1885-86 to 1893-94

The Report also mentioned a great deal of valuable trade between Bengal and Tibet

were transacted without any registration. There are several such cases cited in the

trade reports. As per the Report of 1886-87, Thendup Pulger an official reveal that

individual Tibetan monks greatly involved themselves in the Indo-Tibetan trade.

However, there was a blockade at Lingtu in 1886, at the Sikkim-Tibetan frontier due

to Tibetan aggression (as mentioned earlier). Higher monks affiliated with the great

Lhasa monasteries were allowed to engage in the trade through Sikkim and

Darjeeling route, while for the lay traders this route was practically closed. The report

further reveals that a monk of the Sera monastery in Lhasa arrived at Rhenock en-

route to Calcutta for trading purposes. He brought with him yak tails and musk worth

Rs. 10,000 and Rs. 3000 in cash. He was allowed access through Lingtu as he

0

100000

200000

300000

400000

500000

600000

700000

800000

900000

in R

s

Imports from Tibet (in Rs.)

Exports to Tibet (in Rs.)

Total (in Rs.)

207

represented Sera. The monk conducted his business in Calcutta and returned the same

route with articles of trade, which were not registered. 60

Another such instance is of a Kashmiri Muslim merchant who had sent musk valued

at Rs. 80,000 to Darjeeling through Kongra Lama Pass and Lachen valley. After

taking his merchandise he left for Benares, Delhi and Bombay and after three months

returned to Tibet through Nepal with Indian merchandise. Even the Deputy

Commissioner reports of meeting six Tibetan traders taking Rangpur tobacco (which

were in great demand in Tibet) to Gyantse by a circuitous and difficult route through

Nepal in order to avoid the blockade at the Jeylep-la. Similarly, another monk of the

Chai-ril monastery arrived at Darjeeling with 2 ponies for riding, 25 laden mules, 32

tolas61

of gold dust and Rs. 35,000 in silver. Then he continued to Calcutta and

Bombay and came back with broadcloth, chintzs, turquoise, corals and other valuable

commodities, which he took to Tibet without registration.62

60

RETB for the year 1886-1887. pp.12-13. 61

One tola =11.664 grams. 62

RETB for the year 1886-1887. p.13.

208

Table: 5.8. Total Value of goods imported from Tibet to Bengal in Rupees.

Years Yak

tails

Wool

raw

Horse,

ponies

and

mules

Wool

manufa

ctured

Musk Tea,

forei

gn

Silver Silk

manufac

tured

(Indian)

1885-86 70629 30058 110970 25485 36380 1734 NIL NIL

1886-87 17565 24383 33750 5375 9376 2296 NIL NIL

1887-88 58596 51154 43290 25883 6081 4592 NIL NIL

1888-89 842 358 900 707 NIL 271 NIL NIL

1889-90 37394 33978 27360 16054 5241 4383 15920 6920

1890-91 44795 61829 31590 14426 16091 3023 2790 1378

1891-92 68317 177305 17556 16621 37839 4277 NIL NIL

1892-93 48180 248930 19170 7495 18492 2849 NIL NIL

1893-94 31463 302498 12870 4698 3343 1505 NIL NIL

Note: Statistics for the trade between Bengal and Tibet are registered and cited in

separate column only after 1885.

Source: Sources: RETB for the year 1881-82, 1886-87 to 1888-89, 1890-91, and

1893-94.

The Report suggests that Bengal trade with Tibet improved after the Sikkim

Expedition of 1888 and the signing of the Anglo- Chinese Convention relating to

Sikkim and Tibet, in 17th

March1890.63

The Convention settled the status of Sikkim

which now came under the protection of the British Government, allowing the British

Political Officer to reside in Sikkim. The Convention also allowed Regulations of

trade between the two countries which led to the opening of three trade agencies

63

Convention between Great Britain and China relating to Sikkim and Tibet, Parliamentary Papers,

1894. p. 151.

209

(marts) in Tibet. These were at Gyantse, 120 miles south-west of Lhasa, at Yatung, in

the Chumbi valley just across the border from Sikkim and at Gartok, in a distant

western Tibet.64

The trade figures also show that there was a noticeable improvement

in import trade and the trade in raw wool rose significantly. The Report on the

External Trade of Bengal with Nepal, Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan for the year 1893-

1894, refers that raw wool trade alone formed 84.31% of the total imports that year

(See Table 5.8 and Figure 5.3).65

Thus we noticed a steep rise in the export of raw

wool from Tibet from 1889 onwards.

Source: Based on Table 5.8

Figure 5.3: Total value of goods imported from Tibet to Bengal 1885-86 to 1893-94

64

Alex Mc Kay. Tibet and the British Raj: The Frontier Cadre 1904-1947. New Delhi: Library of

Tibetan Works and Archives, 2009. p. xxiii. 65

RETB for the year 1893-1894. p.11.

0

50000

100000

150000

200000

250000

300000

350000

Ye

ars

Yak tails

Wool raw

Horses, ponies and mules

Wool manufactured

Musk

Tea, foreign

Silver

Silk manufactured (Indian)

210

Table 5.9: Total value of goods Exported to Tibet from Bengal in Rupees

Name of the Articles 1885-86 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 1889-90 1890-91 1891-92 1892-93 1893-94

Cotton piece goods

European

53426 103566 77772 2256 40910 69554 72077 90487 109516

Tobacco 16818 11987 21794 61 6867 5461 9986 20467 22583

Indigo 7665 25875 17388 NIL 19872 15395 16066 10446 37013

Horses, ponies and mules 49050 33030 9990 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Jewellery NIL 1600 7660 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Other kinds of dyeing

materials

NIL NIL 6927 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Wool manufactured

(European)

23818 73565 6753 1862 14817 28500 31925 40803 38702

Brass and Copper 9111 20646 5022 NIL 7500 10763 8402 12704 26639

Cotton twist and yarns

(European)

NIL 5900 3550 NIL 2114 4410 5880 5859 7142

Iron 2282 1704 2868 NIL 2427 3076 4121 3036 5915

Chinese and Japanese

wares

NIL NIL 2328 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Silk manufactured (Indian) 952 1792 1463 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Other metals NIL NIL NIL NIL 1208 2914 4371 1635 4651

Provisions other than Ghee NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 1500 3710 5278

Shell-lac NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 2961 1870 5704

Note: Statistics for the trade between Bengal and Tibet are registered and mentioned in separate column only after 1885.

Source: RETB for the year 1881-82, 1886-87 to 1888-89, 1890-91, and 1893-94.

211

5.2. 3 Trade between Bengal and Sikkim

The Report on the External Trade of Bengal with Nepal Sikkim and Bhutan for the

year 1881-1882, cites that Pedong and Rangeet were two trading stations, which

registered trade between Bengal (Darjeeling District), and Sikkim.66

The Bengal-

Tibet entrepot trade through Sikkim went through the town of Rhenock towards a

larger trading centre at Kalimpong. Here, traders from Tibet especially Khampas,

Tromwopas of the Chumbi valley brought trading goods along with the Bhutanese

traders.67

Table 5.10: Total Value of trade Registered between Bengal and Sikkim in Rupees

Years Imports from Sikkim Exports to Sikkim Total

1879-80 251491 48085 299576

1880-81 167960 80808 248858

1881-82 167533 86011 253544

1885-86 75855 78641 154496

1886-87 104959 51833 156792

1887-88 174836 76095 250750

1888-89 124636 75723 200359

1889-90 139753 110558 250311

1890-91 150580 123226 273806

1891-92 220157 126989 347146

66

RETB for the year year 1881-1882. p. 9. 67

File No. 1/14/1913. Permission granted to the Muleteers of Tibet to keep their mules at the pleasure

beyond the camping ground on their way to and from Kalimpong. General Department, Government

of Sikkim, 1913. SSA.

212

1892-93 243591 180919 424510

1893-94 283111 207068 490179

Note: Statistics for the year 1882-83, 1883-84 ,1884-85 are not available.

Source: RETB for the year 1881-82, 1886-87 to 1888-89, 1890-91, and 1893-94.

The Report further reveals that the Lieutenant- Governor expressed his dissatisfaction

towards the inaccuracy of the figures that were submitted relating to the Bengal trade

with Sikkim and Tibet. 68

Thus in order to avoid double record of the trade figures at

the station of Kalimpong and Rhenock and henceforth, the figures came to be

registered separately from the financial year 1885-86 onwards.69

The figures also

indicate that in the year 1880-81, there has not been much increase in trade despite of

the anticipation of the opening of the Darjeeling Railway and the completion of a

good road to the Jeylep Pass. The Report also mentioned that due to heavy snow on

the passes and of the fear of small- pox which had affected Pedong and Kalimpong

deterred the traders from crossing the frontier.70

68

RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 10 69

RETB for the year 1887-1888. p. 9 70

RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 10

213

Source: Based on Table 5.10

Figure 5.4: Trade between Bengal and Sikkim from 1879-80 to 1893-94

Table 5.11: Sikkim’s Trade with Bengal 1889-90

Main Exports to Bengal Rs. Main Imports from Bengal Rs.

Rain Crops 45,859 Cotton Piece Goods 33,775

Brass and Copper 15,500 Husked Rice 13,477

Grams and Pulses 13,417 Tobacco 7,271

Vegetable Oil 9,650 Intoxicating Drugs 6,480

Fruits and Vegetables 9,519 Provisions 6,301

Silver 4,300 Cattle 5,194

Cattle 2,712 Salt 4,799

Hides of Cattle 2,509 Fruits and Vegetables 2,888

Spices 2,489 Brass and Copper 2,470

Source: RETB for the year 1888-1889.

0

200000

400000

600000

800000

1000000

1200000

18

79

-80

18

80

-81

18

81

-82

18

85

-86

18

86

-87

18

87

-88

18

88

-89

18

89

-90

18

90

-91

18

91

-92

18

92

-93

18

93

-94

In R

s.

Total (in Rs.)

Exports to Sikkim (in Rs.)

Imports from Sikkim (in Rs.)

214

The aforementioned table shows that the list of Sikkim’s export consisted mainly of

agricultural, mineral and forest produce, while she imported industrial products like

cotton piece goods and agricultural products that could not be produced in Sikkim.

Towards the last decade of the nineteenth century, there was shift in the pattern of

import and export, which was primarily due to the initiation of the Indo Tibetan trade,

which passed through the kingdom of Sikkim. In the case of brass and copper, which

were initially imported from Tibet (as seen in Table 5.4), began to be exported to

Bengal, although a small quantity continued to be imported (as shown in Table 5.12).

This was because Sikkim began to import these minerals from Tibet and then began

exporting them to Bengal.

With the appointment of the first British Political Officer, JC White in 1889, the

British authority over the kingdom of Sikkim was firmly established, initiating the

trade between Sikkim and Bengal.71

Sikkim’s export during the late 19th

century was

mainly forest produce, agriculture and minerals. The import list shows mainly

industrial products like cotton piece goods and agricultural products that could not be

produced in Sikkim. However, some items like brass and copper, fruits and

vegetables, cattle were both in the import and export list.

In the year 1884, an announcement was made to the trading communities, which

informed that the trade between Bengal and Tibet would soon commence. In this, the

Government of Bengal promised to provide assistance to all merchants, British native

subjects in terms of transport and legal assistance from the frontier of Bhutan. In this

regard, a list of articles was considered for its first venture. The articles were

71

JC Debnath. Economic History and Development in Sikkim. Delhi: Abhijeet Publication, 2009. pp

87-88.

215

superfine cloths of the colors yellow, red and striped, bath coating, cheap watches,

clocks, trinkets of any kind, snuff boxes, smelting bottles, pocket knives and scissors,

chant shells, indigo 1st and 2

nd sort, corals, large imperfect pearls, amber, cloves,

kinkabs, gizzies, or coarse cotton clothes and otter skins. The return from Tibet would

consist of gold dust, talents of silver, musk, tincal, cow tails and goat wool.72

The occupation of Lingtu in the year 1886 by the Tibetan forces affected the trade,

the hostile occupation continued till the year 1887, which finally led to a full scale

war until the peace was restored in 1891-92. The Convention between Great Britain

and China relating to Sikkim and Tibet was signed in 1890, which clearly demarcated

the boundaries between Sikkim and Tibet.

Although, the Occupation of Lingtu in 1886 by the Tibetan forces and the subsequent

Sikkim expedition of 1888 led to the decrease in trade and cessation of entire traffic,

the Report mentioned that trade continued. Post 1886 trends also show that there was

an improvement in Bengal-Sikkim trade both under exports and imports. It reveals

that although trade with Tibet came to a standstill with the closure of the frontiers and

many of the traders returned from Phari in despair.73

The Deputy Commissioner of

Darjeeling reported that smuggling of commodities has been noted. He remarks, “It is

noticeable that even here tobacco is favourite article with smugglers.”74

The

restriction on trade was lifted in 1890-91, which increased the year’s trade.75

The convention of 1893 relating to trade, communication and pasturage was signed

had allowed the British to set up a trading mart at Yatung on 1st May 1894. Following

72

Sikkim–Tibet Trade via Nathu-la. op. cit. pp 14-15. 73

RETB for the year 1887-1888. pp. 10-11. 74

Ibid. 75

RETB for the year 1890-1891. p.10.

216

this, the Government of India decided to send trade agents/ officers to reside at

Yatung to watch the conditions of the British trade [Article I]. The British subjects

trading at Yatung had the liberty to travel freely for their own accommodation and the

storage of their commodities. The Chinese Government was to provide suitable

buildings for the said purpose to the British subjects and ensure suitable

accommodation to the British officer appointed by the Government of India to reside

in Yatung. That the British subjects were to provided with protection of their life and

property and also allow them to break their journey at Lang-jo and Ta- Chun where

the Tibetan authorities had built their rest houses [Article II]. In the event of any trade

dispute, the matter would be resolved by the Political Officer in Sikkim and the Chine

Frontier Officer [Article VI].76

Although the Anglo Chinese Convention was signed in 1893 to conduct trade, there

was a continuous string of resistance from the Tibetans in actual conduct of trade. It

was only during the late half of the 1890’s that the trade started showing some

progress. The Political Officer of Sikkim in his diary of 16th

January 1898 cites, “the

trade for December are very good, amounting to Rs. 3, 41,290 this included a

consignment of gold worth Rs. 16,800 the finest that had been sent in for some

years”.

76

K Gupta. Sino Indian Agreement on Tibetan Trade and Intercourse; Its Origin and Significance.

Economic and Political Weekly. 13. 16 (April 22, 1978). p. 697.

217

Table 5.12: Total Value of goods imported from Sikkim to Bengal in Rupees

Name of the Articles 1879-80 1880-81 1881-82 1885-86 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 1889-90 1890-91 1891-92 1892-93 1893-94

Horses, Ponies and mules 15975 28250 48225 270 NIL 2700 2070 1520 510 1350 1620 3870

Cattle 10450 12475 6950 8632 7728 2070 1587 2721 419 1700 6285 5676

Sheep and goats 5365 9964 15678 NIL NIL NIL 323 1302 1759 177 5326 826

Lime and limestone 1213 4938 3380 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Vegetables and other kind

of fruits

3508 6590 6486 17591 8659 52757 40215 26180 36716 66006 62342 50770

Miscellaneous rain crops 44920 20664 23047 NIL 33121 43265 41946 45859 58119 84866 68472 105772

Brass and Copper 15920 11040 17700 10079 15500 21421 6954 13560 15695 17519 10712 4367

Ghee 3392 2304 3552 22277 3316 3285 750 62 654 NIL NIL NIL

Provisions other than Ghee 4480 26830 1220 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Salt 9090 6775 7773 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Tea foreign NIL NIL 3520 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Wool manufactured 1860 16536 17294 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 947 5104 NIL

Merchandise, manufactured 121953 5176 3283 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Gram and Pulses NIL NIL NIL NIL 10410 10456 7030 13417 14831 19308 16631 33808

Spices other than betel nuts NIL NIL NIL NIL 7772 7482 4107 7463 1463 1766 2661 6769

218

Silver NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 6742 1763 4300 3835 7229 5740 2435

Hides of cattle NIL NIL NIL 3658 3258 3822 3521 2500 4505 6457 9470 18394

Cotton piece goods

(Indian)

NIL NIL NIL NIL 2347 2433 3053 1241 2740 NIL NIL NIL

Timber NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 2400 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Yak tails NIL NIL NIL 2430 780 2196 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Oils (vegetable) NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 26 7657 NIL

Cotton raw NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 56 126 1898

Note: Figures for the years 1882-83,1883-84 and 1884-85 are not available.

Source: RETB for the year 1881-82, 1886-87 to 1888-89, 1890-91, and 1893-94.

219

Table 5.13: Total value of goods exported to Sikkim from Bengal in rupees

Name of the Article 1879-80 1880-81 1881-82 1885-86 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 1889-90 1890-91 1891-92 1892-93 1893-94

Cattle 6175 11575 6650 11778 1455 2495 4301 5194 519 2575 12715 16431

Piece goods (European) 17304 23744 29121 20302 12232 30946 28020 33775 36273 38215 51718 43081

Piece goods (Indian) 75 2592 382 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 200 3251

Indigo 5775 11750 11330 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 2060 NIL NIL NIL

Rice 2910 3432 7313 NIL 6829 4910 10233 13477 25478 21420 26348 55724

Brass and Copper 1000 7680 5360 8774 2883 4061 354 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Paint and colours NIL 1400 10920 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Salt 1044 1194 760 2824 3140 3188 3782 5430 9677 11071 12088 18526

Tobacco 5805 8016 4609 5479 5009 8762 10287 7271 9369 8222 15519 16982

Horses , ponies and mules NIL NIL NIL 180 NIL 4930 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Provisions other than Ghee NIL NIL NIL NIL 1286 3581 2006 7887 7296 7128 11350 8079

Other kind of living animals NIL NIL NIL 1104 1465 2495 344 1911 3090 3790 3205 9070

Cotton twist and yarns NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 456 3975 2366

Sugar un-drained NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 285 1282 1994 1748 3319 2198

Woollen piece goods

(European)

NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 1679 1357 2875 6355 6930 3020

220

Spices other than betel nuts NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 2006 4884 4276 5252 3429 3253

Fresh fruits and vegetables NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 2789 6754 6846 6644 8195 3532

Mineral oil NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 858 1964 3389 4398 6162 10108

Note: Figures for the years 1882-83, 1883-84 and 1884-85 are not available.

Source: RETB for the year 1881-82, 1886-87 to 1888-89, 1890-91, and 1893-94.

221

5.2.3 Trade between Bengal and Bhutan.

The Report on the External Trade of Bengal with Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan for the

year 1881-1882, mentioned that the registration of traffic between Bengal and Bhutan

in the Jalpaiguri District took place in Ambari, Buxa and Hantupara trading stations

and also Pedong and Labha in the Darjeeling district of Bengal.77

Trade between

Bengal and Bhutan was conducted through trade stations located at Kalimpong in the

Darjeeling District.78

Table 5.14: Total Value of trade registered between Bengal and Bhutan in rupees

Year Imports (in Rs) Exports (in Rs) Total (in Rs)

1879-80 385406 289588 674994

1880-81 243922 196947 440869

1881-82 125448 105168 230616

1884-85 134189 143308 277497

1885-86 99164 100787 199951

1886-87 77072 154725 231797

1887-88 128913 180677 309590

1888-89 148708 153044 301752

1889-90 185441 191939 377380

1890-91 182659 184612 367271

1891-92 184892 134848 319740

77

RETB for the year 1890-1891. p. 11. 78

File No. 9/14/1927. Lac Cultivation in Sikkim. General Department, Government of Sikkim, 1927.

SSA.

222

1892-93 166194 126471 292665

1893-94 135735 143241 278976

Note: Figures for the year 1882-83, 1883-84 are not available.

Source: RETB for the year 1881-82, 1886-87 to 1888-89, 1890-91, and 1893-94.

Source: Based on Table 5.14.

Figure 5.5: Trade between Bengal and Bhutan from 1879-80 to 1893-94

The Report cites that there was a decrease in Bengal-Bhutan trade during the financial

year 1880-81 and 1885-86due to the outbreak of small pox79

and some internal

disturbances in Bhutan.80

However, this trade eventually recovered.

79

RETB for the year 1881-1882.. p. 11. 80

RETB for the year 1886-1887. 1887. p.18.

0

100000

200000

300000

400000

500000

600000

700000

800000

in R

s.

Imports (in Rs)

Exports (in Rs)

Total (in Rs)

223

Table 5.15: Total Value of goods imported from Bhutan to Bengal in rupees

Name of the Article 1879-80 1880-81 1881-82 1885-86 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 1889-90 1890-91 1891-92 1892-93 1893-94

Horses, Mules and Ponies 149250 22275 38400 18400 14310 15930 10710 12330 8910 11520 14850 12240

Cotton Piece goods (Indian) 3916 5741 1346 NIL NIL NIL 244 1634 4154 3067 2783 2650

Madder or Manjeet 25176 46344 14652 6072 3454 2748 1050 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Vegetables, fruits and nuts

except betel nuts

1176 1322 1155 35723 1351 1452 11947 8064 4206 44603 15906 6905

Shell lac NIL 17750 2535 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Ghee 17024 11424 10528 1258 2288 3912 2240 1858 4333 4932 5736 4572

Wool manufactured 108442 40417 17364 13817 20995 23117 26432 32294 31692 28214 27273 28611

All merchandise (un-

manufactured)

55445 21614 12102 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

All merchandise

(manufactured)

3530 20059 22399 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Caoutchone NIL NIL NIL 928 3604 11150 5762 1218 1163 NIL NIL NIL

Musk NIL NIL NIL 6624 8733 7741 15192 20903 18565 13118 12679 11989

Wax NIL NIL NIL 10287 13320 16720 13000 15801 22280 14794 16941 17327

Yak tails NIL NIL NIL 1293 2199 12837 10236 14792 12855 7920 3585 602

Wool raw NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 26852 45765 65733 67974 49925 59664 46583

Cattle NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 4850 2444 3125 2740 795

Note: Figures for the years 1882-83 and 1883-84 are not available.

Source: RETB for the year 1881-82, 1886-87 to 1888-89, 1890-91, and 1893-94.

224

Table 5.16: Total Value of goods exported to Bhutan from Bengal in rupees

Name of the Article 1879-80 1880-81 1881-82 1885-86 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 1889-90 1890-91 1891-92 1892-93 1893-94

Cotton Piece goods (European) 51962 27871 18817 16064 22371 24228 33062 40754 49322 37428 33994 43138

Cotton Piece Goods (Indian) 5351 546 1117 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Rice 47557 20526 6770 22112 29478 26255 19064 29504 28142 17242 13807 19505

Paddy 12418 16287 2405 3568 3964 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Iron 296 728 3894 NIL NIL NIL 75 274 4186 3566 3475 6681

Salt 293 1598 1496 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Betel nuts 54608 75984 28946 19748 37594 44182 31065 45120 38358 29304 22539 20608

Sugar un refined 2588 1712 2738 8540 7441 9374 4602 3117 2751 2520 3198 2527

Tobacco 97013 37259 17948 21870 34013 50589 45561 32876 20230 16131 20892 25444

Woollen manufactures

(European)

8600 320 4657 1747 4968 8415 9024 13824 12951 8431 9040 12901

Silk manufactures (Indian) NIL NIL NIL 1838 4089 4972 3357 3378 3745 3173 4587 2015

All other articles manufactured NIL NIL NIL 3780 8128 NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL

Brass and Copper NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 3830 1681 7456 8937 8474 6148 4179

Cotton twist and Yarn NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 835 5077 7056 3612 3568 2678

Spices other kind NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL NIL 1814 NIL 2476 NIL NIL NIL

Note : Figures for the years 1882-83 and 1883-84 and are not available.

Source: RETB for the year 1881-82, 1886-87 to 1888-89, 1890-91, and 1893-94.

225

Duties:

The Report on the External Trade of Bengal with Nepal, Tibet and Sikkim and Bhutan

mentioned that the traders involving in the Eastern Himalayan trade were liable for

duties in commodities after they left or before they entered into the British

territories.81

Duties were levied by the Nepalese authorities on commodities entering

Nepal. The Deputy Commissioner of Darjeeling mentioned in his report in 1881-82

about Sikkim and Tibet that the Sikkim officials levied no duties in the past years.

With regard to Tibet, he mentioned that the duties were levied at Phari in Tibet upon

the non-resident Tibetan traders and the rate of duty was 1 to 5 per cent.82

The Deputy Commissioner of Jalpaiguri also revealed that no duties or imposts were

levied on the traders after they leave or before they entered the British territory from

Bhutan.83

However, the taxes were later imposed on the Sikkimese traders, which

were revealed by a correspondence between David McDonald the British trade agent

in Yatung and the British Political Officer stationed in Sikkim in 1923.84

With regard to Nepal, the Report reveals that the system of taxation was in existence.

The duties were levied on all articles of trade, which were known as khurchappa, lag

and sayer whether imported into or exported from Nepal.85

Khurchappa was a duty,

which was levied on articles such as grains, imported into Nepal at nine Lohia pice

(Rs.0.81)86

per cart and four pice (Rs.0.36) per bullock. Further, some amount of

these duties was collected by the local zamindars at the place where the articles were

81

RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 2. 82

Ibid. p. 3 83

RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 4 84

File No. 23/7 (XXII) 1923.Realisation of taxes by Tibetan Government from Sikkim Subject,

residing in Chumbi Valley. General Department, Government of Sikkim, 1923. SSA. 85

Ibid.p.3 86

Lohia pice was equivalent to about one and half anna or Rs. 0.09.

226

purchased and some was taken directly by the state at the frontier. The regular traders

at contract rates could pay this tax at a single instalment for a fixed period, which was

annually at 8 annas (Rs.0.50) per cart or bullock. The other two duties lag and sayer

were also levied on articles imported into Nepal. Lag was levied on carts and bullocks

at the same rate as of khurchappa while the sayer was levied at on the amount of sale

proceed at 2 pice (Rs.0.18) per rupee. Again, the sayer on articles higher value, piece

goods and salt were levied either on cart at 8 annas (Rs.0.50) each or on their

estimated value at half anna (Rs.0.03) per rupee. Nevertheless, grains, which the

Nepalese traders themselves imported, were free from taxation87

and foreign salt

imported into the British territory from the trans-Himalayan sources were also not

subjected to duties.

The Report on External trade of Bengal suggests that there was no uniformity in the

collection of these taxes; neither there were any uniformity in the rate. The Collector

of Muzaffarpur remarked, that the British Indian traders complained of excess

realization of custom duties by the Thikadars (contractors) and the rates at which

these duties were levied along the frontier trading stations varied immensely.88

He

provided the details of the rate levied following outposts:

Table 5.17: Difference in the rates of duties levied at frontier trading stations by the

Nepalese authorities during the years 1881-82

Item Bairagnia

(in Rs.)

Majorgunj

(in Rs.)

Bela

(in Rs.)

Cart ladened with goods 0.54 0.90 0.50

Pack bullock 0.27 0.36 0.25

Cooly 0.09 0.09 0.12

Source: RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 3

87

RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 3. 88

Ibid.

227

The Collector of Champaran had furnished the following list showing the rates of

duties levied by the Nepalese authorities on different commodities imported from

Nepal and exported to Nepal during 1881-82.

Table 5.18: Duties levied on goods imported from Nepal into British territory in the

years 1881-82.

Articles Rate of duty levied

Oil seed 15 per cent on value

Paddy 6 ½ per cent on value

British corn 2 ½ per cent on value

Spices and medicinal drugs Rs 4-10 per maund

Sohaga(borax), sandal wood, Silajeet,

stonex, yellow arsenic etc,

Rs. 14 per maund

Axes and hoes 2 annas (Rs.0.12) each

Knives 1 ½ annas each

Blankets 2 annas

Oranges 12 ½ per cent on value

Ganja 25 per cent

Horse Rs. 5 to 10 per head

Timber 25 per cent royalty per tree ad valorem

Source: RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 2.

Table 5.19: Duties levied on goods exported to Nepal from British territory in the

years 1881-82

Articles Rate of duty levied

Piece goods, European and Indian,

carpets, blankets etc

3 ½ per cent ad volerem and Rs. 1-2 per

maund

228

Lace and other articles manufactured

and woven

5 per cent ad volerem and Rs. 1-2 per maund

Vessels of brass and copper 5 per cent ad volerem and Rs. 1-2 per maund

Sugar, spices, fruit and medicines 5 per cent ad volerem and Rs. 1-2 per maund

Looking glass, combs, shoes, umbrella 5 per cent ad volerem and Rs. 1-2 per maund

Indigo 15 per cent ad volerem and Rs. 1-2 per maund

Cotton 5 per cent ad volerem and Rs. 22 per maund

Ornamental jewels, pearls, gold vessels 1 ½ per cent ad volerem

Tobacco and jagerry Rs. 12 per maund

Source: RETB for the year 1881-1882. p. 2.

However, the Report of the British officers regarding custom duties were often

unclear and conflicting. Again in a report submitted by the Collector of Champaran

the rate of duty on traders who entered Nepal during the year 1888-89 was not regular

and sometimes the duties were not collected at all. The Collector of Muzaffarpur

remarked, except, duties on hides, the Nepalese authorities levied no taxes in the year

1888-89. The Collector of Bhagalpur mentioned that since September of 1888, no

duties were levied on trade.89

The Bengal Nepal cattle trade was the largest registered trade in terms of quantity. All

animals except cows, which were exported from Nepal, were liable to duty. The

Report on External trade of Bengal with Nepal Sikkim and Bhutan for the year 1881-

1882 gives the following rate of duties leviable on cattle.

89

RETB for the year 1888-1889. pp. 11-12.

229

Table 5.20: Customs duties on cattle in the year 1881-82

Name of the Cattle Duties levied

Buffaloes 8 annas (Rs.0.50) per head

Young buffaloes 1 anna (Rs.0.06) per head

Bullocks of all ages 2 annas (Rs.0.12) per head

Horses 2 annas (Rs.0.12) per head

Hogs 2 annas (Rs.0.12) per head

Goats 4 annas (Rs.0.25) per head

Source: RETB for the year 1881-1882.p.3

5.3 Colonial Overland Trade routes

The overland trading routes were vital to the commodity movement in the region as

they connected the entire Himalayas like arteries. The traders, pilgrims, poets,

philosophers and adventurers through times immemorial, frequented the traditional

trading routes across the eastern Himalayas. Prior to the British intervention, the

tracks along the trade passes were not proper routes; they were tough, with steep

ascent and descent making the routes treacherous. The Bengal-Tibet trade was

entrepot trade through the kingdom of Bhutan, Nepal and Sikkim. During the second

half of the nineteenth century, trade routes, which intersected the entire Eastern

Himalayas, were slowly institutionalized and their records were preserved in different

Government offices. During the 19th

and the 20th

centuries, the entire Eastern

Himalayan trade was conducted through these routes, which were broadened,

230

metalled and made into fair weathered roads using new construction methods and

modern technology.

5.3.1 Indo-Bhutan Trade Route

The earliest European reference on Bhutan’s commercial interaction with the plains

of Bengal and Assam and with Tibet comes from the two Jesuit missionaries Father

Cacella and Cabral. In 1626, they noted that Hajo (Ajo) in Assam was a very

important centre for trade. It was a terminus for two important trade routes through

Manas Valley and Tawang. Although, the latter in Arunachal Pradesh did not directly

pass through Bhutan, it had trade link with Tibet where the Bhutanese also

participated. They mentioned that Cooch Behar had flourishing trade marts and the

towns were very populous and thriving. Both Hajo and Cooch Behar (Bengal) were

focal point of Bhutanese trade with the plains. Cacella mentioned that in the

Bhutanese markets one could find Chinese merchandise such as silk, gold and

porcelain.90

Pemberton in his Report also reveal that the Khampas of eastern Tibet

often carried their trade through these two routes.91

The Bengal-Bhutan trade gained prominence with the patronage of the English East

India Company after the closing of the Indo-Tibet trade via Nepal in 1768. The

development of this trade was intended to widen English commercial network in

Bhutan, as it was the shortest route to Tibet. This commercial interaction greatly

boosted the exchange of commodities between Bengal and Bhutan.

90

C. Wessels. Early Jesuit Travellers in Central Asia, 1603-1721. Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1924. pp.

127-128 91

Political Mission to Bhootan comprising the Reports of The Hon’ble Ashley Eden 1864; Capt. RB

Pemberton 1837-1838, Dr. William Griffiths 1857-38 and Baboo Kishen Kant Bose 1815. Varanasi:

Pilgrims Publishing, 2005 (Reprint).

231

The Bhutan trade was primarily carried out through the eleven entry points, which

were called as the Duars. These Duars, which literally means doors in English,

extended along the Northern frontier of Bengal, between river Teesta on the west and

river Manas on the east.92

In the year 1729, two clerks for India were posted at the

frontier which suggests considerable commodity movement.93

The Jalpaiguri division

in Bengal established in 1869, comprised of the five districts and was in charge of the

five Duars during the nineteenth century, these Duars catered to the Bengal-Bhutan.

92

Ibid. 93

Francoise Pommaret. ‘Ancient Trade Partners: Bhutan, Cooch Bihar and Assam(17th

-19th

centuries)”. Journal of Bhutan Studies, 2.1. (2000). p. 31.

232

Map 5.1: Map showing trade routes in the Eastern Himalayas during late eighteenth

century

Pemberton mentioned that the Bhutanese merchants were averse towards using the

Buxa Duar route due to its steep and uneven paths. He mentioned:

It appears that the merchants who convey their goods from Tibet and Bhootan

to the town of Rungpore in the plains, all travel from the Northern Frontier of

the latter country through the district subject to the Paro Pilo; and instead of

crossing, as was generally supposed to the left bank of the Tchinchoo, near the

confluence of that river with Hatchoo, continue to travel along the right bank,

233

by a route which leads to the village called Doona, between Dalimkotta and

Cheemurchee. It is described as infinitely more easy to access than the road by

Buxa Dooar…94

The merchants from Bengal frequented the Bengal-Bhutan route alongside the

Bhutanese and the Tibetan merchants. George Bogle in a letter addressed to the

Governor General of India in 1774, revealed a huge presence of the Bengali

merchants in Bhutan and said that many Bengalis also made their way to Tibet

through Bhutan. These traders were not discouraged by the Bhutanese Deb Raja or by

the Tibetan authorities.95

After the British intervention, the Bhutan-Bengal became vibrant especially during

the winter season for the Rangpur Fair. Pemberton mentioned that the Bhutanese

caravans arrived at Rangpur in the month of February and March and returned in May

and June.96

Another important trade route was via the Kumargram Duar. It was

important route connecting the Kalikhola where an affluent trade fair took place

between Bengal-Bhutan and Assam.97

The Bengal-Bhutan trade route started from Paro, where the Bengal bound caravans

came down along the banks of river Pa-chu. These Bhutanese caravans halted at

Pakhu a small hamlet near the border. Sometimes the caravans also halted at Essana

village, which was in close proximity to the Pakhu village. These places were

important stoppages as it provided resting place to the travellers and due to its

94

Political Mission to Bhootan. op.cit. p.197. 95

Markham, Clement, ed. Narratives of the mission of George Bogle to Tibet and of the Journey of

Thomas Manning to Lhasa. London: Trubner and Co. Ludgate Hill, 1876. p. 53 96

Political Mission to Bhootan…op.cit. p. 225 97

Ratna Sarkar and Indrajit Ray. “Two Nineteenth century trade Routes in the Eastern Himalayas:

The Bhutanese Trade with Tibet and Bengal.” Journal of Bhutan Studies. Vol. 15. (2006). p. 75.

234

excellent road connectivity with Tassisudon (Thimpu). From here, the caravans

proceeded southwards towards Bengal.98

The Bhutanese caravans descended the plains through many entry points or Duars.

The first in this route was through Buxa a place in the Bhutan-Cooch Behar border. In

between Paku and Buxa there were numerous villages where the caravans halted and

spent their nights. Some of them were Chupcha, Chukha, Murichom, and Jaigugu.

These resting stations allowed necessary rest for the merchants and their pack

animals. At the commercial hubs of Buxa these merchants traded. Samuel Turner

describes it:

…a place of great natural strength, as it was located at the base of the mountain

and spacious enough to accommodate large crowds. Turner adds “being a

frontier station of these mountains, it has been rendered still stronger by the aid

of art, which has been most ingeniously employed to strike off the summit of

the hill, and to the level of extensive space capable of affording accommodation

to a body of men sufficiently numerous for the defence of this difficult pass,

against all assaults.99

Another important commercial centre in this route was at Cooch Behar which was 48

kms away from Buxa. The caravans halted at Minagoung and Chichakotta villages

that were en route. The Bhutanese caravans as well as traders preferred these villages,

as it provided safety and good accommodation for both the merchants and their beasts

of burden. Griffiths mentioned that the descent from Buxa was very steady as the

paths were good and well maintained. It was well frequented by the travellers and

98

Ibid. 99

Captain Samuel Turner. An Account of an Embassy to the Court of Teshoo Lama in Tibet. London:

Trubner and Co.Ludgate Hill,1800. pp. 39-40.

235

passed through open forest.100

Most of the Bhutanese traders after reaching Cooch

Behar exchanged their commodities and then returned. However, some merchants

pushed beyond Cooch Behar to Rangpur, which was the last leg of the journey and

covered the distance of 82kms. The merchants had plenty of choices for

accommodation on their way since Rangpur was a large settlement. Some of the

preferred places for the Bhutanese caravans were Ghiddilow, Pahargange,

Badaldanga, Mangalhaut, Saftabarry and Calamatty. Contradictory to the

mountainous Bhutan-Tibet trade route the Bhutan-Bengal trade route required less

effort as it mostly passed through the plains. Except for some stretch, with sharp

inclination the route from Paro to Rangpur was feasible and had a good traffic. 101

5.3.2 Indo-Nepal Trade Route

The Treaty of Sagauli/ Segowlee of 1816 halted the Gurkha expansion while the

Treaty of Titaliya/Titalia established strong provisions for the promotion of East India

Company’s commercial enterprise. The treaty provided protection and exemption

from the duties to merchants and traders from Company’s provinces at several trading

marts in Nepal.102

Six districts were primarily engaged in the Indo-Nepal trade in the Indian side located

primarily in Bengal and Bihar. They were Darjeeling, Purnea, Bhagalpur, Durbanga,

Muzzaffarpur and Champaran districts where as on the Nepalese side district of

Chitwan, Bara, Rautahat, Sarlahi, Mahottari, Janakpur and Morang were engaged.

The trade route, which passed though these districts were in existence since ancient

time and under the British many new routes were added. In the British records the

100

Political Mission to Bhootan…op.cit.p.302. 101

Ratna Sarkar and Indrajit Ray. op.cit. pp. 80-81. 102

R Moktan. Sikkim: Darjeeling Compendium of Documents. Darjeeling: R Moktan, 2004. pp. 8-9.

236

trade that was registered between these districts was referred to as Bengal Trade. This

trade gained prominence because of its volume of traffic as it passed through the

Kathmandu Valley and eastern Nepal and from there towards Tibet. The commodities

in transaction comprised of the products of Kathmandu valley along with the

principal items of exports from the eastern Nepalese terai. On the other hand, British

goods that was imported into Nepal from Bengal and Bihar passed through these

border districts in Nepal.103

A. Trade Routes in Darjeeling District

In 1850, the terai was annexed form Sikkim that led to the extension of Darjeeling up

to Nepalese frontier. In 1866, the Kalimpong sub division was annexed from Bhutan,

which made the district and its land large enough to be utilised for its resources.

Ritche in the census of Darjeeling mentioned “when the old hill territory was first

annexed, it was almost entirely with forest and I have seen it stated that there were

not 20 resident families”104

it was after 1857, that the residents started pouring in

from Calcutta lured in by its amiable weather and new prospects of trade. It was also

during these periods that tea cultivation was gaining momentum in Darjeeling. Thus,

by 1870’s Darjeeling grew into a bustling metropolis.

WW Hunter based on the information furnished by the Deputy Commissioner of

Darjeeling District, mentioned principal lines of roads in Darjeeling District; these

were Imperial Roads under the Management of the Public Works Department and of

Local Fund Roads whose funds for the construction and maintenance of the roads

were the responsibility of the Deputy Commissioner. He submitted a list mentioning

103

Krishna K Adhikari. op. cit. p. 191. 104

J G, Ritche. Bengal Districts: Report on the census of the District of Darjeeling, 1891. Bengal

Secretariat Press, 1891.p. 19.

237

principal lines of roads connecting the district of Darjeeling with Siliguri and the

Nepalese frontier to the Government in 1871 showing the following:

Table 5.21: Imperial Roads under the Management of Public Works Department

(Darjeeling District) in 1871

Sl. No Routes Distance Type

1. Darjeeling Hill Cart Road (Darjeeling Station to

Siliguri)

48 miles Partly Metalled

2. New Cart Road ( from the saddle to Jallapahar) 2 ½ miles Un Metalled

3. Pankhabari to Siliguri 16 miles Un Metalled

4. Cinchona plantation road from the saddle to

Rangbi

7 miles Un Metalled

Source: WW Hunter. Statistical Account of Bengal. Vol X. London: Trubner&

Company, 1876. pp. 127-128.

Table 5.22: Local Fund Roads under the supervision of Deputy Commissioner also

used for Indo-Nepal Trade (Darjeeling District)

Sl.

No

Route Distance Type

1. Little Rangit River to Gok and

Kalbang

6 miles Un Metalled

2. Balasan to Nagri 4 miles Un Metalled

3. little Rangit to the Nepal frontier 20 miles Un Metalled

4. Forest road from Tista river to

Mann’s Hut and Sivak

12 miles Un Metalled

5. Takda to Rangli 6 miles Un Metalled

6. Great Rangit to Tista bridge 8 miles Un Metalled

7. Tista to Kalimpong 6 miles Un Metalled

8. Kalimpong to Damsang 14 miles Un Metalled

238

9. Damsang to Llaba 12 miles Un Metalled

10. Llaba to DalingkotandKiranti 38 miles Un Metalled

11. Garidhara to Naxalbari 12 miles Un Metalled

12. Gaidhara to Phasideva 16 miles Un Metalled

13. Matigara to Phasideva 10 miles Un Metalled

14. Naxalbari to Karaibari Hat 6 miles Un Metalled

15. Kariabari to Phasideva 12 miles Un Metalled

16. Naxalbari to Phasideva 12 miles Un Metalled

17. Kairabari to Adhikari Hat 6 miles Un Metalled

18. Matigara to Champasari 12 miles Un Metalled

19. Gurumara to Great Tista 12 miles Un Metalled

Source: WW Hunter. Statistical Account of Bengal. Vol X. London: Trubner&

Company, 1876. pp. 127-128.

In the year 1871, the total length of Public Work Department roads was 93 miles

whereas the total length of Local Fund Roads was 234 miles. Apart from these, there

were roads under Municipality whose total length was 100 miles more or less. The

cost of maintaining the District roads ranged from Rs. 25 to Rs. 30 per annum and the

Station roads cost Rs. 150 per annum.105

In 1877, there were other roads which were categorized as Class II roads which were

Raised Roads and un-metalled.

Table 5.23: Raised un-metalled Roads used for Indo Nepal Trade (Darjeeling District)

Sl. No. Route Distance

1. Phasidewa to Kharibari 12 miles

2. Phasidewa to Matigara 12 miles

3. Naxalbari to Panihata 10 miles

4. Kharibari to Naxalbari 8 miles

Source: Darjeeling District Records. General Department, Government of Bengal,

1841-1879.

105

WW Hunter. Statistical Account of Bengal. Vol. X. London: Trubner& Company, 1876. p. 128.

239

Apart from these there were roads in progress and roads proposed: 1. From Gaidhuara

to Naxalbari -12 miles and Panighata to Mechi -5miles and 2. Panighata to Mechi- 5

miles. Roads Proposed included Lochka to Gaidhura- 8 miles, Matigara to

Champsaree- 6 miles, Kalabaree to Ballasen-5miles and Naxalbari to Matigara 12

miles. Under the District Road Committee, there were roads from Little Rangit to

Nepal- 6miles and South Nepal Frontier Road- 7 miles.106

The construction of the Nepal Road was completed by 1876 and it was completed as

far as Tongloo and extended northward along the frontier of Phalut in the Sikkim,

Darjeeling and Nepal tri-juncture. Then this road was extended southwards along the

Nepal frontier towards Singhali Tea Gardens. The Northern Nepal Road and the

Southern Nepal Road was neatly maintained and proposal where bungalows were set

up for the travellers.

JW Edgar who was the Deputy Commissioner of Darjeeling reported that in 1876

another important road that connected the Teesta suspension bridge to Darjeeling and

Siliguri maintained by the Public Works Department and another which connected

the Nepal frontier to Naxalbari to Gaidhuara were the two important roads in the

district. The Teesta Suspension Bridge road and the Naxalbari-Gaidhuara road or the

Cart road were especially constructed for trading purpose. He further reports that the

Cart Road was very successful as the roads were in good traffic with carts and pack

animals. The administration in order to facilitate the traders and their commerce also

established marts along convenient points from Siliguri to Naxalbari to Nepal

106

Darjeeling District Records, General Department, Government of Bengal, 1841-1879.

240

frontier. By the end of the nineteenth century the region developed into a prominent

commercial division with proper roads facilitating trade with Nepal and the terai.107

The Coolies were the most important means of conveyance between Darjeeling and

eastern Nepal as the routes were mostly hill paths, which were unsuitable for other

means of conveyance. Goods were transported from Bejanbari to Darjeeling by

coolies and from there via ropeway or via Palbazar by bridle path. In the terai or the

foothills, railways were used via Sanicharia in Nepal to Naxalbari. Bullock carts were

also used to transport goods. By the last quarter of the nineteenth century,

communication system was developed in response to the commercial needs.

B. Trade Routes in Purnea District

The district of Purnea in Bihar shared its border with Nepal and trade between these

bordering districts had been in existence since ancient times. This trade was

conducted via eleven trading station out of which five were situated in the Araria

subdivision.108

The chief trading routes were:

Table 5.24: Trading Routes between Purnea District in Bihar and Nepal

Sl.

No

In Purnea In Nepal

1. Nawabganj to Dewanganj

2. Amona (via Sahibganj) to Dewanganj

3. Mirganj to Sahibganj

4. Kusambha to Pattardewa

107

File No 120, Sl. No.2, Miscellaneous, General Department, August 1876, Government of Bengal,

NAI, New Delhi. 108

LSS O’ Malley. Bengal District Gazetteer, Purnea. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1911. p

123.

241

5. Rajola( via Dhobi) to Gogra

6. Megha (via Harecha) to Jhontiaki

7. Kursakata to Rangeli

8. Sikti to Rangeli

9. Dhubeli (via Kochaha) to Chailghazi

10. Phulwari (via Teragach) to Chailghazi

11. Khanibad to Athmauza/Athgaon

12. Bairai to Ultabari

13. Karabari (via Pulsa) to Mohabari and Beniant

14. Dighal bank (via Tanganduba) to Jhilmilya

15. Gandharbdanga (via

Khudabhita)

to Pautapara

16. Tatpos Market to Lodhabari

17. Simalbari (via Ambari) to Khatamani

18. Bhawanganj (via Changhati) to Khaniabhita

19. Bhatgaon (via Dhobagachi to

Bolabari)

to Dohnagiri

20. Kalughat to Panthamari

Source: LSS O’ Malley. Bengal District Gazetteer, Purnea. Calcutta: Bengal

Secretariat Press, 1911. p. 123.

These routes consisted mainly of cart roads; the roads were convenient for

transportation and could be travelled with ease during the dry seasons. Apart from

these routes where the Indo-Nepal trade was carried, Hunter also reveals about three

other routes: (a) Sahibganj to Bhopla-Tajpur route. This was a 78 mile long road and

acted as a main line of communication for the northwest of the Purnea district to the

eastern division, this route was primarily used by the Nepalese traders to attend the

annual trade fair in the Rajshahi Division. (b) Araria to Sikti route, this route was 16

242

miles long and was frequented by travellers and traders alike to communicate and

trade across the border and (c) The third was the Araria to Kursakata route, which

was 15 mile long road. This route also connected the headquarters of the Araria sub-

division to the police outpost on the Nepalese frontier.109

C. Trade Routes in Bhagalpur District

The river Ganges was for a long time the main route for trade where ferryboats were

the main mode of transport. The first steamer came up from Calcutta in 1828 and

ferried commodities of Indo-Nepal trade. The Kosi Bridge between Katarea and

Kursela which consisted of 15 spans with a waterway of 1,100 yards were used for

trading purpose. An attempt was made in 1902-03 to open up a steamer route on the

Ghagri to the Kosi Bridge but did not succeed. However, there existed a considerable

boat traffic that flowed into these rivers. Bhagalpur had an exceptional railway

network, which began its operation from1860. The East India Railway was extended

alongside the river. A branch line on the meter gauge was constructed by the Bengal

and North Western Railway Company from Bhagalpur town, which connected it with

the whole of Bengal and North Western Railway Company’s system north of the

Ganges.110

The overland trade was carried out from Bhagalpur district in Bihar to the Nepalese

frontier primarily through the North Emigration Road. This road entered the

Bhagalpur District from Darbhanga, which were only a few miles away from the

Nepalese frontier. This road ran eastwards via Pratabganj to Nathpura on the bank of

river Kosi. From this point one route turned to Supul and another via Pipra and

109

WW Hunter. Statistical Account of Bengal. Vol XV. London: Trubner& Company, 1877.p. 351 110

J Byrne. Bengal District Gazetteer, Bhagalpur. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1911.p. 131.

243

Pratapganj to Birpur on the Nepalese frontier. The South Emigration Road near

Sukhpur through Supul, Chandpipra and Dagmara also existed. This road ended at

Kaundauli on the Nepalese frontier. There also existed another route from Inampati to

Birpur, which was 18 miles long, connecting the North Emigration Road with the

Nepalese frontier.111

According to Gridlestone new roads were constructed in Khandauli and Birpur in the

Bhagalpur District. This road was also used for trading purpose and it passed through

Khandauli to Hanumannagar and Birpur to Ameerpur. Although the two routes of

Hanumannagar and Ammerpur in the sub-terai area of Nepal were no more than

small tracks unsuitable for carts nonetheless they were used for trading purpose

mainly by local communities.112

D. Trade Routes in Darbhanga District

A considerable portion of the Indo-Nepalese trade passed though the Darbhanga

district and the volume of trade was significant. Roads radiated from the Darbhanga

town and the sub divisional headquarters to the most important places in the interior

to Sakri, Jhanjharpur and Nirmali railway station to the Nepalese frontier.113

Trade

conveyance was though carts, bullocks, and by coolies. There were two kinds of cart

that was used for transportation of goods chaghus and sagyar. Both were two

wheeled carts drawn by bullocks the former is a large cart while the latter is lighter

and rougher kind of cart usually used for carrying country produce. For passengers

used ekka, manjholi and champani. The ekka was a two wheeled light trap drawn by a

111

WW Hunter. Statistical Account of Bengal. Vol XIV. London: Trubner& Company, 1877.p. 177 112

File No 22, Revenue A, Foreign Department, Government of India, August 1877, NAI. New Delhi 113

LSS O’ Malley. Bengal District Gazetteer, Darbhanga. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1907.p.

110.

244

single pony while the manjholi and champani are both drawn by two bullocks.114

The

condition of the roads was good on the Indian side but gradually deteriorated into

small hilly tracts upon entering the Nepalese border.

Table 5.25: Important routes in Dharbanga district

Sl.No. In Darbhanga In Nepal

1. Darbhanga to Sitamari

2. Darbhanga to to Narah and Jain nagar

3. Basuputtee to Janakpore

4. Two Roads from Darbhanga

(via Jain nagar)

to Siraha

5. Madhubani (via Jainnangar) to Siraha

6. Darbhanga (via Lawkhola to Hanhumannagar

Source: WW Hunter. Statistical Account of Bengal. Vol XIII. London: Trubner&

Company 1877.

E. Trade Routes in Muzaffarpur District

Trade routes from Muzaffarpur district in Bihar to the Nepalese district of Bara,

Rotahut, Sirlahi and Mihtari were connected by six important roads. Between these

roads numerous village tracts also intervened.

114

Ibid. p.111.

245

Table 5.26: Important routes in Muzaffarpur District

Sl.No. In Muzaffarpur In Nepal (Bara, Rotahut, Sirlahi and Mihtari)

1. Bairagnai to Semrounghur

2. Majorganj to Sangrampur

3. Sonbursa to Adamara

4. BelaMuchpakauni to Mugurthana

5. Sursand to Jaleshwar

6. Mudwapore to Janakpur

Source: File No.22, Revenue A, Foreign Department, Government of India, August

1877, NAI.

F. Trade Routes in Champaran District

Trade between Champaran District in Bihar and the Chitwan district in Nepal was

carried through Bettiah via Tribeni, Thori and Raxual. Prior to 1800’s, the district had

no proper road except in Saran. It was only after the Anglo Nepalese War in 1814-16,

construction for roads began in great speed, to keep the line of communication open

along the frontier. The trading routes, which passed through Champaran were second

to those routes at Muzaffarpur in terms of its volume of trade. The trading routes of

Champaran led directly to Kathmandu and were chosen for direct traffic with Calcutta

and Patna.115

Table 5.27: Important routes of Champaran connecting Nepal

Sl.No In Champaran In Nepal

1. Bettiah (via Tribeni) to Chitawan

2. Bettiah (via Toree) to Chitawan

115

LSS O Malley. Bengal District Gazetteers, Champaran. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1907.

pp. 120- 121.

246

3. Bettiah (via Raxual) to Semrabasa

4. Segowlee (via Raxual) to Semrabasa

5. Motihari (via Kutkenwa) to Bereywah

6. Motihari (via Ghorasan) to Semrounghur

Source: LSS O Malley. Bengal District Gazetteers, Champaran. Calcutta: Bengal

Secretariat Press, 1907. p. 120- 121. Also See...WW Hunter. Statistical

Account of Bengal. Vol XIII. London: Trubner& Company 1877.p 288

5.3.3 Indo Tibet/ Sikkim Trade Route

As mentioned previously, the Government of India was equally focused on the

construction and maintenance of road to Lhasa through Sikkim. Following the Anglo-

Sikkimese War/Treaty of Tumlong in 1861, Sikkim was compelled to offer aid for

constructing a new trade route between Bengal and Tibet.

The Report prepared by W.B. Jackson of the Bengal Civil Service on 1854, argued

that Bengal-Tibet trade from Darjeeling was considerable despite of duties imposed

in Sikkim and Tibet. He mentioned that in the year 1854, the total value of trade on

this road amounted to Rs 50,000 per annum and it could further increase if the trade

was free of any restrictions. The road from Darjeeling to the Tibetan frontier through

the Chola pass at 14,000 feet was open throughout the year was feasible for pack

animals like ponies 116

The Deputy Commissioner of Darjeeling presented a report which was submitted to

Ashley Eden, the then Secretary to the Government of Bengal in 1864. It reveals that

Tibet-Sikkim trade was conducted primarily through four routes:

116

W B Jackson. Report on Darjeeling. Selections from the Records of Bengal Government, No.

XVII, Vol. IV Calcutta 1854.

247

two via Namchee and Chadam to the Great Rangeet and two via Zeeme to

Goke and Tramduc to Colbong.... the Tibetan merchants entered Darjeeling

via Chola, Yekla, Nathey, Cumra and Dangsa. All these met in Sikkim

through which they entered Darjeeling via Gangtok and Deekling.117

Similarly, Edgars Report shows how trade was conducted via these routes in Sikkim.

His Report was thoroughly examined by the Bengal Government and accordingly the

Deputy Commissioner was instructed to oversee the road to the Great Rungeet and

Teesta, which was made by the British Forces in 1861.

On 25th

April 1873, a delegation comprising of TT Cooper, Dr. Campbell, Lt.-Col

Gawler, Dr. Joseph Hooker and BH Hodgson from the Society of Arts, London met

with the Duke of Argyll, the Secretary of State for India for opening of trade with

Chinese Turkestan and Tibet. They argued for an active British commercial policy in

Central Asia and the urgency to establish a sound communication network. The

Memorial stated that new routes through Nepal and Bhutan should be established and

the existing routes in Sikkim should be extended to the Tibetan frontier along with

completion of railways between Darjeeling and Calcutta. The Memorial also stressed

that the best commercial approach to Tibet was through Sikkim through the Chumbi

valley, which was about three hours from Gangtok. The town of Chumbi was a large

market town with bazaars and good roads leading to Lhasa, this was the shortest and

the most direct route between British territory and Lhasa.118

117

Letter from Ashley Eden, Secretary to the Government of Bengal to the Deputy Commissioner of

Darjeeling., General, Proceedings of Bengal Government, July 1864. NAI, New Delhi. 118

Journal of the Society of Arts, Vol. XXI. London: George Bell and Sons, York Street, Covent

Garden, 1873. pp. 433-434.

248

The Report submitted by JW Edgar 1874, also recommended, that a road with good

bridges should be constructed from the Teesta Valley up to the Jelep-la.119

A cart road

to Jelep-la linking the plains of India was completed by 1879 after the signing of the

Chefoo Convention in 1876. By 1881, the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway a branch of

the Eastern Bengal Railway opened a narrow gauge to traffic up to Darjeeling. It now

took less than a week from Calcutta to reach to the Tibetan frontier.120

The Sikkim-Tibet Convention of 1890 and its supplementary Trade Regulation of

1893, was more of a settlement of a situation arising from the Tibetan advance to

Lingtu made between British and China, the suzerain power in Tibet as discussed

earlier. With the 1890 Convention the Sikkim-Tibetan frontier was regulated and by

1893 Regulation the British trade across the frontier commenced. A trading mart was

opened at Yatung, at the Chumbi Valley on May 1894.121

The Jelep-la at the altitude of 13,999 feet linked Sikkim with the Tibetan frontier. The

Gangtok and Kalimpong route were of outmost importance. The Gangtok route

assimilated the towns of Singtam, Rangpo where as the Kalimpong route connected

the business hamlets of Kupup, Rhenock, Pedong.

The foregoing clearly explains the trade pattern and commodity movement in the

Eastern Himalayan region. The East India Company was able to intervene and

influence the Eastern Himalayan market by means of war and colonialism from the

beginning of the eighteenth century. The Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan, Nepal, and

Sikkim were either with direct contact with the British territories or under the British

119

J W Edgar. Report on a visit to Sikhim and the Thibetan Frontier (1874). New Delhi: Manjushri

Publishing House, 1969. pp 79-80. 120

RETB for the year 1882-1883. 121

Alastair Lamb. op.cit. pp. 205-208

249

sphere of influence. Improvements in communication and road network in the

Himalayas meant opportunities for the Company to sell more British manufactured

goods in the region. The growing awareness of the tea industry rapidly developing in

Darjeeling, British Bhutan and Assam also created a fine possibility of a market

among the tea drinkers of Tibet in competition with the brick tea of Szechuan.122

The

twentieth century saw the British development a strong colonial pattern of trade

replacing the erstwhile network of trade and commerce in the Eastern Himalayas. The

economy of the Himalayas underwent change when British mercantilism pumped

European manufactured goods in great volumes.

Bengal now became the epicentre for the Himalayan trade and the self-assertion of

the British through political conquest saw the resources of the Himalayas exported to

the west though its ports in Calcutta. Trade however increased. Due to the inaccuracy

of trade statistics of the foregoing years the Finance Department of the Government

of Bengal passed a resolution to register trade traffic between Bengal and the Eastern

Himalayan Kingdom form 1875. As mentioned earlier these statistics were registered

in the Reports of the External Trade of Bengal with Nepal, Sikkim and Tibet, Bhutan

and Nepal. The Reports accounted the value of imports and exports, commodities on

trade, custom duties levied, registering stations and also important trade routes and

the trade roads.

By the end of the nineteenth century, the pattern of trade and the nature of the Eastern

Himalayan market were completely transformed and by early twentieth century it was

122

LSS O’ Malley. Bengal District Gazetteer, Darjeeling. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1907.p.

28.

250

internationally connected. World politics now became a crucial factor in determining

the regions market.

251

CHAPTER 6

CONCLUSION

The pre-colonial Eastern Himalayan trade was vital to the region’s economy. Here

Bengal, Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim developed close commercial link with Tibet since

antiquity. The resources of the region were highly famed particularly its mineral

wealth hence, explorations began as early as fourteenth centuries by Jesuit

missionaries and western merchant adventurers. The intermediaries of this Himalayan

trade were the indigenous trading communities who created a successful trade

network, which extended up to Calcutta and beyond. The British necessity for an

outlet to their manufactures and their desire to enter Chinese and Central Asian trade

led to the commissioning of official missions towards the Eastern Himalayan

kingdom. The information collected through the official reports from these Missions

greatly helped propel colonial trade in the region. Consequently, trade increased

enormously as highlighted in the official records from 1875 onwards.

The categorization of the Himalayas was a British concept borne out of need for

formulating its foreign policies towards Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim as Eastern

Himalayan kingdom. In this region, due to its ruggedness and topographical

constrains trade became an important instrument for its economic growth.

Geographical proximity along with porous border provided a huge advantage in

commodity exchange and a widespread Lamaistic Buddhism and its entrepreneurship

created a diaspora of trade network in the region.

252

The Eastern Himalayan trade during the pre-colonial period had its epicentre in Tibet,

which had significantly risen to power particularly during the seventh and the eighth

centuries. Historically, North India, Bhutan, Nepal and Sikkim had always maintained

a close commercial link with Tibet since time immemorial. The reason for this was

Tibet’s vast mineral resources especially it’s gold and salt deposits, that were

important commodities in this trade during pre-British period and on the other hand,

Tibet was a gateway to Central Asian trade.

In regarding the commercial links between Tibet and India, the trade was existed

since ancient period as mentioned in the Vedic texts. The presence of cowries shells

in Kham region in eastern Tibet suggests ancient trade with cultures around Bay of

Bengal. This interaction continued up to the tenth and the eleventh century.

Commodities such as conch shells, sandalwood, rice etc. were highly sought after in

Tibet as it had certain religious value. Traders and pilgrim merchants moved in and

out of Tibet without any restrictions.

Similarly, the trade between Tibet and Nepal continued since ancient period. This

trade relation became even imperative after the introduction of Banepa-Kuti trade

route during the reign of King Amsuvarma (595-621 AD). Trade between them was

conducted at local and national level along the eighteen passes under the different

smaller sovereignties within Nepal. The salt-grain trade between Tibet and Nepal was

very vital as it supplemented the basic requirement of its inhabitants. The Nepal-Tibet

commercial treaty of 1640 made the Kuti and Kerong routes to Lhasa very important

due to its large volume of transaction and of the duties collected from these two

routes. Nepal was commissioned to mint coins for Tibet but issues of debasement

often led to confrontations between them.

253

The state, monasteries and merchants conducted the Tibet-Bhutan trade. Here

merchant caravans traversed through its mountain passes through its four primary

trading routes. Trade between Tibet and Sikkim developed along with its political

relations since the mid seventeenth century. This trade was carried through the Nathu-

la, Jelep-la, Cho la, Lachung, Lachen, Donkia and six other minor passes.

European adventurers and Jesuit missionaries since the fourteenth century explored

the region and by the early eighteenth century, Tibetan resources and trade were well

known to the western world. As the explorers gathered information on the geography,

polity, trade and customs of the Eastern Himalayan region its commercial reputation

also grew.

In this trade, the trading communities played an important role in the regional

economy. They influenced not only the economy but also the society and polity as

they had little prospect for extensive agriculture and therefore, engaged in trade for

sustenance. Trade was practiced by almost all sections of the community and was

important source of earning livelihood. In Tibet, the Newari merchants from Nepal,

Chinese merchants and pilgrim merchants from India had conveniently settled and

engaged in trade free from any restrictions. While there was no restriction on

commercial interaction and the trade was duty free.

The cross border trade was mainly conducted by the communities residing on the

fringes; most of them were pastoralist and agriculturist who engaged in salt-grain

trade. Domestic trade transaction was conducted using hand gestures, which ensured

fair and clear physical communication to overcome language and dialect barriers. The

principles of Buddhism were entrenched in every aspect of life and even trade. The

254

official trade was carried by the state executives and High Ranking Lamas. This

suggest ecclesiastical involvement where the monasteries influenced trade flows,

organized trade fairs and sometimes even led to formation of towns. Monasteries as

entrepreneurs employed peddlers who were serfs and tied to monasteries who led the

caravans on the behalf of the monasteries. The trading community of the Kham region

in western Tibet emerged as a powerful force in influencing the polity and economy

in the region.

In Nepal, the most significant trading communities were the Newars of the

Kathmandu Valley who were mostly engaged in Nepal-Tibet trade at an institutional

level along with the Marwaris and the Tibetans. Trade from Kathmandu to Lhasa was

exclusively under the Newars who even influenced the Kathmandu court; since they

were Buddhist the Newars had influence among the Lhasa elites and even

intermarried with the Tibet women. They even had banking facilities in Calcutta.

There were also indigenous traders from the Karnali province who carries the Nepal-

Tibet cross border trade. They specialised in the salt-grain trade and used caravans for

transportation. Similarly, the traders of the Dhaulagiri region operated in Mustang and

through the valley of Kali and Gandaki Rivers. The Thakalais were a renowned

trading community of this region along with the Tarangpurians who were specialist in

impression management, which was crucial for conducting business. There were also

trading communities from the Gandaki region who were primarily Nyishangbas or the

Manangis who in the Twentieth century had shifted their trading network towards

India, Burma and Malay Peninsula. In region of Kuti and Kerong the Lamas of

Helambu conducted trade with Tibet and were exempted from payment of taxes.

255

There were also Khumbu Sherpas of Olangchung along with the Tibetan trading

communities in Nepal of who mostly belonged to the Kham region.

In Bhutan, institutional trade was mostly carried by the government officials and high

ranking Lamas. In Bhutan there existed a custom where a particular community

monopolised a given stretch of trade route such as the merchants of Bumthang and the

merchant of Punakha who pushed commodities from one point to another. The

Bhutanese Caravans employed yaks and ponies as beasts of burden. Their external

trade was mostly conducted with the kingdom of Cooch Behar, Assam and even

Arunachal Pradesh. The Brokpas who were a community of pastoralist developed an

ingenious way of having Nepos or village hosts, which helped the community trade in

adjacent villages. In Bhutan, too the Khampa Tibetan traders conducted most of trade

with Assam through the Duars in the terai or the foothills.

The Sikkim trade was mostly conducted as an entrepot between India and Tibet. The

indigenous communities engaged in trade were Lepchas of the Dzongu region who

conducted cross border trade. These Lepcha also developed a ceremonial trading

relationship called ingzong, which helped them build commercial ties with people

from other communities. The Lachungpas and Lachenpas of the Bhutia community of

North Sikkim were pastoralist also conducted cross border trade with the inhabitants

of Khambazong in Tibet. There were also Tromopas trading community who became

active with the opening of the Indo-Tibet trade through Sikkim. The Tromopas were

specialist in transport and were very dexterous in their profession. The Newars who

had settled in Sikkim as early as 1868 were also an important trading community of

Sikkim. These Newars were primarily engaged as mining activities and were later

allowed to mint coins for the Sikkimese kingdom. Apart from this, there were also

256

Marwari trading community who came from the plains of India and were engaged in

usury and trade.

These trading communities had an enormous role in the Himalayan trade once the

trade became extensive by the involvement of the British. The British in the beginning

sent several missions to various kingdoms of the Eastern Himalayas.

British contemplations over establishing commercial relations with the Eastern

Himalayan Kingdom began as early as 1771. It sought to renew the ancient Tibet-

Bengal commercial relations, as the epicentre of the pre-colonial trade lied in Lhasa

and in addition offered a possibility of entering the Chinese market through Tibet. The

Company envisioned that the financial dereliction and exploitation of Bengal, which

had run its economy dry, could be replenished only with a new commercial venture.

To secure information on the socio-economic and political conditions of the region,

British official missions were deployed starting from 1774 to 1904.

George Bogle led the first Eastern Himalayan official mission. This mission was

intended to reach Tibet but its actual official journey started from Bhutan. Bogle was

able to collect valuable information during his stay and had a cordial relation with the

Deb Raja of Bhutan. His visit initiated commercial interaction with Bhutan through

numerous trade fairs. In another mission, Alexander Hamilton resolved some frontier

disputes with Bhutan and followed by it Samuel Turner commandeered another

mission to Bhutan to renew the friendship between the two powers. Babu Kishen Kant

Bose and Captain RB Pemberton’s mission further improved trade activities between

Bhutan and Bengal. However, the missions could not convince Bhutan in accepting

the British trade policies. This failure marked a departure from the policy of

257

appeasement and replaced it with a more coercive measure, which guaranteed

confrontation. Here onwards, the Bhutanese relation with British gradually declined.

After Ashley Eden mission, Anglo-Bhutanese War in 1865 broke out and led to the

Treaty of Sinchula, which was beneficial for British trade.

Some of the British missions to Bhutan continued to Tibet. George Bogle established

a good relation with the Panchen Lama of Tashi lhungpo Monastery. The Report

submitted by Bogle set in motion waves of Company’s policies in the coming years.

His report describes the nature of trade, its pattern and suggested possibility of

introducing western manufactures. However, it also highlighted that the political

influence of China over Tibet was strong and the Tibetans were apprehensive on

British commercial inroads. Following this mission, Samuel Turner tried to develop

commercial links between Bengal and Tibet, despite of the obstacles put by the

Chinese. However, the Tibetans realised the benefits of the trade with Bengal.

Purangir Gossain and Thomas Manning also visited Tibet to improve trade relations.

With regard to the Kingdom of Nepal, the nature of the British Official missions was

more political and military than commercial. After the Kinloch Expedition, which

hampered the trade flow, the British sent several mission under James Logan, George

Foxcroft to establish friendly relations with Nepal. However, this British intention

failed when Gurkha incursions increased over the frontiers. Later on, William

Kirkpatrick’s mission pursued the Anglo-Nepalese Commercial Agreement of 1792.

Two more missions were commissioned under Abdul Kadir Khan and Captain Knox.

The Nepalese were averse to improve trade relation with the British since they were

closely following the colonial ambition of the British in India. That is why many

258

missions failed. Finally, a strong and stable trade relation was ensured only after the

defeat of the Gurkhas in the Anglo-Nepalese War of 1814.

After this War, the British missions began towards Sikkim. Captain Loyd was sent to

Sikkim to settle some boundary disputes, which eventually led to the appropriation of

Darjeeling. Later a scientific expedition was led by Campbell and Dr. Hooker leading

to their detention; it was followed by two military expeditions. Consequently, the

Treaty of Tumlong was signed in 1861, which allowed free trade and maintenance of

road by Sikkim, which was constructed by the British. JW Edgar visited next to

ascertain the prospect of trade and recommended institutionalizing the Tibet trade

though Sikkim. Later, Colman Macaulay in his report further suggested that Indian tea

and British broadcloth could have great potentiality in this trade. However, the Sikkim

military expedition in 1888-89 led to the Anglo-Chinese Convention in 1890, which

opened three trading marts at Gyantse, Yatung and Gartok. These trading marts

greatly boosted the trade, especially the Tibetan wool trade. The Tibetan

encroachment at Giangong and the obstruction on Yatung trade led to the

commissioning of Younghusband Mission. The Treaty of 1904 ensured free trade and

the establishment of a Residency in Chumbi Valley for the successful operations of

the trading marts. Tibetan Government was made responsible of maintaining the

roads, which eventually increased the trade.

The above commercial missions helped to build a storehouse of information, which

later helped to enhance the trade in the region. The commercial interaction with

Bhutan began as early as 1775. It is clear that the Bhutanese trade was confined to

Bengal and Tibet and her imports outweighed her exports. The Bengal-Bhutan trade

became active through annual trade fairs promoted by the Company officials for the

259

encouragement and exchange of merchandise. Some of them were the Rangpur fair,

Titaliya fair, the Alipur fair, Phalakatta fair, and the Jalpesh fair. Duties that were

earlier exacted from the Bhutanese caravans were abolished to encourage commercial

interaction and the promotion of these trade fairs, making the trade free of any

restrictions. Such trade fairs were seasonal and usually organized from February to

March. From 1799, the British authorities in order to promote the Rangpur fair

provided incentives by arranging accommodation to the Bhutanese merchants,

providing stables for their caravans and paying for their expenses, however, this

benefit was discontinued in 1831-32. As per the reports of British officials, the

Bengal-Bhutan trade had great potentiality, but the restrictions on Indian traders to

enter Bhutan and Tibet obstructed its growth.

Nepal with no access to the sea also confined its commercial relation mostly with

Tibet in the north and India in the south, while some of its commodities found its way

to China through Tibet. However, it had always been an important centre for the

Eastern Himalayan trade and its importance grew even more after the Treaty of

Betarwati. Bengal-Nepal trade was conducted through numerous trade marts located

at the foothills known as Terai, which were dotted along the Indo-Nepal border

locally known as Golas and Mandis. In 1795, a British official informed that the trade

was worthy to the British and therefore, the Company should increase the number of

warehouses for the extension of trade.

As for Bengal trade with Tibet is concerned commercial interaction began by 1860.

However, the volume of trade was very less. Notwithstanding of the opposition of the

Tibetan and Chinese officials, the British were persistent to continue this trade and the

260

reason for this was to reach Central Asia through Tibet as they feared a plausible

Russo-Tibetan alliance and subsequent Russian advancement towards the Himalayas.

Commercial inroads for Bengal-Sikkim trade gained momentum after 1860 when the

Government of India had connected Darjeeling with mainland India. Again, after the

Treaty of Tumlong in 1861 and its favourable agreements encouraged the British to

focus their attention towards the construction of roads between Lhasa and Darjeeling.

By 1870, the British realised that the existing trade with Sikkim was profitable with

the strong possibility of trade extension and that could link Tibet effectively through

Sikkim. As Darjeeling district became a trading hub the Bengal–Sikkim trade was

mainly conducted through it.

However, generally most of the trade was unregistered because the frontier lines were

widespread and trade found its way through abundant outlets. Statistical information

on trade prior to 1875 was recorded only in correspondence letters and Reports of the

British officials and there were no specific trade reports in this regard. This led to

many inaccuracies of trade statistics. From 1875, the government tried to record the

data more accurately through the Registration of trade.

Similarly, the trade of Bengal with Nepal after 1875 was carried out through different

marts located in Calcutta, and the districts of Champaran, Bhagalpur, Purnea,

Dharbanga, Muzaffarpur, Saran, Darjeeling and other places. It mentioned that there

were a total of 27 trading routes through which traffic registration was carried out.

The statistics shown in Chapter 5 for the years 1879-80 to 1893-94 highlights growth

in trade. However, there was a decrease in import trade during the years 1888-89 due

261

to crop failure. Among various commodities in the trade of this region, the cattle trade

marked the highest.

Trade between Bengal and Tibet were registered at Kalimpong and Rhenock trade

stations. There were also instances of unregistered trade, despite of the trade blockade

in 1866 and 1888 commercial exchange continued through different routes. Sikkim

became an important entrepot in the Bengal-Tibet trade, which was conducted mostly

through the district of Darjeeling. Whenever, there was a standstill in trade due to the

skirmishes between British and Tibetan forces, smuggling of various commodities

particularly tobacco was noticed which indicates that trade did not cease entirely.

The Bengal-Bhutan trade was registered at Buxa, Hantupara and Ambari stations at

Jalpaiguri District and Pedong and Labha stations at Darjeeling district. There was a

decrease in trade during 1880-81 due to the outbreak of small pox and again in 1885-

86 by some internal disturbances in Bhutan but eventually the trade was restored.

Duties were not levied upon imports or exports in Sikkim or Bhutan. However, one to

five percent duties were levied at Phari upon non-resident Tibetans traders. In case of

Nepal the authorities levied duties in the form of khurchappa, lag and sayer in all

commodities at certain rates per cart, per bullock or at ad valorem. These duties were

collected either by contractors (Thikadars) or by the State directly at the frontier.

These duties lacked uniformity in collection and in rates and the British Indian traders

often complained of excess realization. Conversely, the information provided by the

British officers in the frontier district regarding custom duties levied by the Nepalese

authorities was vague and contradictory.

262

The British intervention in the Eastern Himalayan trade necessitated change in

communication network. Traditional trade routes were now registered, broadened,

metalled and made into fair weathered roads. The Bengal-Bhutan trade was carried

through Buxa, Lakhimpur, Balla, Chamurchi and Kumargram Duars located in the

Jalpaiguri district. Trade between Nepal and Bengal was primarily conducted via, six

districts namely Darjeeling, Purnea, Bhagalpur, Durbanga, Muzzaffarpur and

Champaran districts and its corresponding routes. The Bengal-Sikkim trade was

conducted through Namchi, Sadam, Zeeme to Goke, Tramduc. The Tibetan merchants

entered Darjeeling via Chola, Yekla, Nathey, Cumra and Dangsa. All these met in

Sikkim through which they entered Darjeeling via Gangtok and Dikling. After 1861

trade was conducted via two main routes, one ran through Gangtok and the other

through Kalimpong.

The preceding text highlights, that the Eastern Himalayan trade that existed prior to

British intervention was the lifeline to its economy and its prosperity was well known

to the Europeans. This trade not only had an economic aspect but cultural and

political too and the protagonists of this catenation were the trading communities. The

British were aware of this trade network in its northern borders and deployed

Missions to explore commercial possibilities by mid-eighteenth century. These

Missions produced vital information, which helped them set colonial trade and

register commodity movement. As a result, trade increased dramatically and the

resources of the region found a wider outlet.

263

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280

APPENDIX – I

Appointment of Mr. George Bogle

Fort William, 13th May 1774.

SIR,--Having appointed you my deputy to Teshu Lama, the sovereign of Bhutan,123

I

desire you will proceed to Lhasa, his capital, and deliver to him the letter and presents

which I have given you in charge.

The design of your mission is to open a mutual and equal communication of trade

between inhabitants of Bhutan and Bengal, and you will be guided by your own

judgment in using such means of negotiation as you may be most likely to affect this

purpose.

You will take with you samples of a trail of such articles of commerce as may be sent

from this country according to the accompanying list, marking as accurately as

possible the charge of transporting them.

‘You will inquire what other commodities may be successfully employed in that

trade. And you will diligently inform yourself of the manufacturers, productions,

goods introduced by the intercourse with other countries, which are to be procured in

Bhutan, especially are of great value and easy transportation, such as gold, precious

stones, musk, rhubark, (Rawend), munjit (a madder used as dye and also for medical

purposes).

The following will be also proper object of your enquiry the nature of the road

between the borders of Bengal and Lhasa, and of the countries lying between; the

communication between Lhasa and the neighboring countries, their government

revenue and manners.

Whatever observation you may make on these or any other subjects, whether of

useful knowledge or curiosity, I desire you will communicate to me from time to

time, reporting the success of your negotiations.

123 The word Bhutan is here, used by Warren Hastings for Bhot, the native name of Tibet.

281

The period of your stay must be left to your discretion. I wish you to remain a

sufficient time to fulfil the purpose of your deputation, and obtain a complete

knowledge of the country and the points referred to your enquiry. If you shall judge

that a residence may be usefully established at Lhasa without putting the Company to

any expense, but as such may be repaid by the advantage which may be there after

derived from it, you will take the earliest opportunity to advise me of it ; and if you

should find it necessary to come away before you receive my orders upon it, you may

leave such persons as you shall think fit to remain as your agents till a proper resident

can be appointed, and you will apply to the Lama for his permission and the

necessary passports for the person whom may be here after deputed in this character.

You will draw on me for your charges, and your drafts shall be regularly answered.

To these I can fix no limitation, but empower you to act according to your discretion,

knowing that I need not recommend to you to observe strict frugality and economy

where the good of the service on which you are commissioned shall not require a

deviation from these rules.

I am Sir,

Your most Obedient Servant,

Mr. GEORGE BOGLE Mr. WARREN HASTINGS

P.S.- I have appointed Mr. Alexander Hamilton, assistant surgeon, to attend you on

this deputation.

Source: Clement Markham, ed. Narratives of the mission of George Bogle to Tibet

and of the Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa. London: Trubner and Co. Ludgate

Hill, 1876. Print.

282

APPENDIX – II

Convention between Great Britain and Tibet, 1904

Lhasa, 7th September 1904

Whereas doubts and difficulties have arisen as to the meaning and validity of the

Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1890, and the Trade Regulations of 1893, and as to the

liabilities of the Tibetan Government under these agreements; and whereas recent

occurrences have tended towards a disturbance of the relations of friendship and good

understanding which have existed between the British Government and the

Government of Tibet; and whereas it is desirable to restore peace and amicable

relations, and to resolve and determine the doubts and difficulties as aforesaid, the

said Governments have resolved to conclude a Convention with these objects, and the

following articles have been agreed upon by Colonel FE. Younghusband, C.I.E., in

virtue of full powers vested in him by His Britannic Majesty's Government and on

behalf of that said Government, and Lo -Sang Gyal-Tsen, the Ga-den Tri - Rimpoche,

and the representatives of the Council, of the three monasteries Se-ra, Dre-pung and

Ga- den, and of the ecclesiastical and lay officials of the National Assembly on behalf

of the Government of Tibet:-

I. The Government of Tibet engages to respect the Anglo-Chinese Convention of

1890 and to recognize the frontier between Sikkim and Tibet, as defined in Article I

of the said Convention, and to erect boundary pillars accordingly.

II The Tibetan government undertakes to open forthwith trade marts to which all

British and Tibetan subjects shall have free right of access at Gyantse and Gartok, as

well as at Yatung. The Regulations applicable to the trade mart at Yatung, under the

Anglo-Chinese Agreement of 1893, shall, subject to such amendments as may

hereafter be agreed upon by common consent between the British and Tibetan

Governments, apply to the marts above mentioned. In addition to establishing trade

marts at the places mentioned, the Tibetan Government undertakes to place no

restrictions on the trade by existing routes, and to consider the question of

establishing fresh trade marts under similar conditions if development of trade

requires it.

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III. The question of the amendment of the Regulations of 1893 is reserved for

separate consideration, and the Tibetan Government undertakes to appoint fully

authorized delegates to negotiate with representatives of the British Government as to

the details of the amendments required.

IV. The Tibetan Government undertakes to levy no dues of any kind other than those

provided for in the tariff to be mutually agreed upon.

V. The Tibetan Government undertakes to keep the roads to Gyantse and Gartok from

the frontier clear of all obstruction and in a state of repair suited to the needs of the

trade, and to establish at Yatung, Gyantse, and Gartok, and at each of the other trade

marts that may hereafter be established, a Tibetan Agent who shall receive from the

British Agent appointed to watch over British trade at the marts in question any the

letter may desire to send to the Tibetan or to the Chinese authorities. The Tibetan

Agent shall also be responsible for the due delivery of such communications and for

the transmission of replies.

VI. As an indemnity to the British Government for the expense incurred in the

dispatch of armed troops to Lhasa, to exact reparation for breaches of treaty

obligations, and for the insults offered to attacks upon the British Commissioner and

his following and escort, the Tibetan Government engages to pay a sum of pounds

five hundred thousand, equivalent to rupees seventy-five lakhs to the British

Government. The indemnity shall be payable at such place as the British Government

may from time to time, after due notice, indicate whether in Tibet or in the British

districts of Darjeeling or Jalpaiguri, in seventy-five annual installments of rupees one

lakh each on the 1st January in each year, beginning from the 1st January, 1906.

VII. As security for the payment of the above -mentioned indemnity, and for the

fulfillment of the provisions relative to trade marts specified in Articles II, III, IV, and

V. the British Government shall continue to occupy the Chumbi Valley until the

indemnity has been paid and until the trade marts have been effectively opened for

three years, whichever date may be the later.

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VIII. The Tibetan Government agrees to raze all forts and fortifications and remove

all armaments which might impede the course of free communications between the

British frontier and the towns of Gyantse and Lhasa.

IX. The Government of Tibet engages that, without the previous consent of the

British Government—

(a) No portion of Tibetan territory shall be ceded, sold, leased, mortgaged or

otherwise given for occupation, to any Foreign Power;

(b) No such Power shall be permitted to intervene in Tibetan affairs;

(c) No Representatives or Agents of any Foreign Power shall be admitted to Tibet;

(d) No concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, mining or other rights, shall be

granted to any Foreign Power, or the subject of any Foreign Power. In the event of

consent to such concessions being granted, similar or equivalent concessions shall be

granted to the British Government;

(e) No Tibetan revenues, whether in kind or in cash, shall be pledged or assigned to

any Foreign Power, or to the subject of any Foreign Power.

X. In witness whereof the negotiators have signed the same, and affixed hereunto the

seals of their arms. Done in quintuplicate at Lhasa, this 7th day of September in the

year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and four, corresponding with the Tibetan

date the 27th day of the seventh month of the Wood Dragon year.

Signed at Lhasa on the 7th September 1904.

Ratified at Simla on the 11th November 1904.

Source: Schuyler Cammann. Trade through the Himalayas: The Early British Attempt

to Open Tibet. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1951.Print.

285

APPENDIX – III

Great Britain-China Convention of 1906

27th

April 1906

Whereas His Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British

Dominions beyond the seas, Emperor of China Emperor of India, and His Majesty the

are sincerely desirous to maintain and perpetuate the relations of friendship and good

understanding which now exist between their respective Empires;

And whereas the refusal of Tibet to recognize the validity of or to carry into full

effect the provisions of the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 17th March 1890, and

Regulations of 5th December 1893, placed the British Government under the

necessity of taking steps to secure their rights and interests under the said Convention

and Regulations;

And whereas a Convention of ten articles was signed at Lhasa on 7th September,

1904, on behalf of Great Britain and Tibet, and was ratified by the Viceroy and

Governor-General of India on behalf of Great Britain on 11th November, 1904, a

declaration on behalf of Great Britain modifying its terms under certain conditions

being appended thereto;

His Britannic Majesty and His Majesty the Emperor of China have resolved to

conclude a Convention this subject and have for this purpose named Plenipotentiaries

that is to say:-

HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND:

Sir Ernest Mason Satow, Knight Grand Cross of the Most Distinguished Order of St.

Michael and St. George , His said Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister

Plenipotentiary to His Majesty the Emperor of China;

AND HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF CHINA:

His Excellency Tong Shoa-yi, His said Majesty's High Commissioner Plenipotentiary

and a Vice -President of the Board of Foreign Affairs, who having communicated to

286

each other their respective full powers and finding them to be in good and due form

have agreed upon and concluded the following Convention in six articles:-

ARTICLE I

The Convention concluded on 7th September, 1904, by Great Britain and Tibet, the

texts of which in English and Chinese are attached to the present Convention as an

annexe, is hereby confirmed, subject to the modification stated in the declaration

appended thereto, and both of the High Contracting Parties engage to take at all times

such steps as may be necessary to secure the due fulfilment of the terms specified

therein.

ARTICLE II

The Government of Great Britain engages not to annex Tibetan territory or to

interfere in the administration of Tibet. The Government of China also undertakes not

to permit any other foreign state to interfere with the territory or internal

administration of Tibet.

ARTICLE III

The concessions which are mentioned in Article 9(d) of the Convention concluded on

7th September, 1904, by Great Britain are denied to any state or to the subject of any

state other than China, but it has been arranged with China that at the trade marts

specified in Article 2 of the aforesaid Convention Great Britain shall be entitled to lay

down telegraph lines connecting with India.

ARTICLE IV

The provisions of the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1890 and Regulations of 1893

shall, subject to the terms of this present Convention and annexed thereto, remain in

full force.

ARTICLE V

The English and Chinese texts of the present Convention have been carefully

compared and found to correspond, but in the event of there being any difference of

meaning between them the English text shall be authoritative.

287

ARTICLE VI

This Convention shall be ratified by the Sovereigns of both countries and ratifications

shall be exchanged at London within three months after the date of signature by the

Plenipotentiaries of both Powers.

In token whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed and sealed this

Convention, four copies in English and four in Chinese.

Done at Peking this twenty-seventh day of April, one thousand nine hundred and six,

being the fourth day of the fourth month of the thirty-second year of the reign of

Kuang-hsu.

Sd/- Tong Shao-Yi Sd-/ Earnest Satow

Signed at Peking on the 27th April 1906.

Ratified at London on the 23rd July 1906.

Source: R Moktan. Sikkim: Darjeeling Compendium of Documents. Darjeeling: R

Moktan, 2004. Print.

288

APPENDIX – IV

Anglo-Tibetan Trade Regulations 1914

3rd of July 1914

Whereas by Article 7 of the Convention concluded between the Governments of

Great Britain, China and Tibet on the third day of July, A.D. 1914, the Trade

Regulations of 1893 and 1908 were cancelled and the Tibetan Government engaged

to negotiate with the British Government new Trade Regulations for Outer Tibet to

give effect to Articles II, IV and V of the Convention of 1904;

His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and of the

British Dominions beyond the seas, Emperor of India, and His Holiness the Dalai

Lama of Tibet have for this purpose named as their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say:

His Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions

beyond the seas, Emperor of India, Sir A.H. Mcmohan, G.C.V.O., K.C.I.E., C.S.I.:

His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet, Lonchen Ga-den Shatra Pal-jorDorje,

And whereas Sir A.H. Mcmohan and Lonchen Ga-den Shatra Pal-jorDorje have

communicated to each other since their respective full powers and have found them to

be in good and true form, the following Regulations have been agreed upon:—

I. The area falling within a radius of three miles from the British Trade Agency site

will be considered as the area of such Trade Mart.

It is agreed that British subjects may lease lands for the building of houses and

godowns at the Marts : This arrangement shall not be held to prejudice the right of

British subjects to rent houses and godowns outside the Marts for their own

accommodation and the storage of their goods. British subjects desiring to lease

building sites shall apply through the British Trade Agent to the Tibetan Trade Agent.

In consultation with the British Trade Agent the Tibetan Trade Agent will assign such

or other suitable building sites without unnecessary delay. They shall fix the terms of

the leases in conformity with the existing laws and rates.

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II. The administration of the Trade Marts shall remain with the Tibetan Authorities,

with the exception of the British Trade Agency sites and compounds of the rest -

houses, which will be under the exclusive control of the British Trade Agents.

The Trade Agents at the Marts and Frontier Officers shall be of suitable rank, and

shall hold personal intercourse and correspondence with one another on terms of

mutual respect and friendly treatment.

III. In the event of disputes arising at the Marts or on the routes to the Marts between

British subjects and subjects of other nationalities, they shall be enquired into and

settled in personal conference between the British and Tibetan Trade Agents at the

nearest Mart. Where there is a divergence of view, the law of the

country to which the defendant belongs shall guide.

All questions in regard to rights, whether of property or person, arising between

British subjects, shall be subject to the jurisdiction of the British Authorities.

British subjects, who may commit any crime at the Marts or on the routes to the

Marts, shall be handed over by the Local Authorities to the British Trade Agent at the

Mart nearest to the scene of the offence, to be tried and punished according to the

laws of India, but such British subjects shall not be subjected by the Local Authorities

to any ill-usage in excess of necessary restraint.

Tibetan subjects, who may be guilty of any criminal act towards British subjects,

shall be arrested and punished by the Tibetan Authorities according to law. Should it

happen that a Tibetan subject or subjects bring a criminal complaint against a British

subject or subjects before the British Trade Agent, the Tibetan authorities shall have

the right to send a representative or representatives of suitable rank to attend the trial

in the British Trade Agent's Court. Similarly in cases in which a British subject or

subjects have reason to complain against a Tibetan subject or subjects, the British

Trade Agent shall have the right to send a representative or representatives to the

Tibetan Trade Agent's Court to attend the trial.

IV. The Government of India shall retain the right to maintain the telegraph lines

from the Indian frontier to the Marts. Tibetan messages will be duly received and

290

transmitted by these lines. The Tibetan Authorities shall be responsible for the due

protection of the telegraph lines from the Marts to the Indian frontier, and it is agreed

that all persons damaging the lines or interfering with them in any way or with the

officials engaged in the inspection or maintenance thereof shall at once be severely

punished.

V. The British Trade Agents at the various Trade Marts now or hereafter to be

established in Tibet may make arrangements for the carriage and transport of their

posts to and from the frontier of India. The couriers employed in conveying these

posts shall receive all possible assistance from the Local Authorities whose districts

they traverse, and shall be accorded the same protection and facilities as the persons

employed in carrying the dispatches of the Tibetan government.

No restrictions whatever shall be placed on the employment by British officers and

traders of Tibetan subjects in any lawful capacity. The persons so employed shall not

be exposed to any kind of molestation or suffer any loss of civil rights, to which they

may be entitled as Tibetan subjects, but they shall not be exempted from lawful

taxation. If they be guilty of any criminal act, they shall be dealt with by the Local

Authorities according to law without any attempt on the part of their employer to

screen them.

VI. No rights of monopoly as regards commerce or industry shall be granted to any

official or private company, institution, or individual in Tibet. It is of course

understood that companies and individuals, who have already received such

monopolies from the Tibetan Government previous to the conclusions of this

agreement, shall retain their rights and privileges until the expiry of the period fixed.

VII. British subjects shall be at liberty to deal in kind or in money, to sell their goods

to whomsoever they please, to hire transport of any kind, and to conduct in general

their business transactions in conformity with local usage and without any vexations,

restrictions or oppressive exactions whatever. The Tibetan Authorities will not hinder

the British Trade subjects holding Agents or other British from personal intercourse

or correspondence with the inhabitants of the country. It being the duty of the Police

and the Local Authorities to afford efficient protection at all times to the persons and

property of the British subjects at the Marts and along the routes to the Marts, Tibet

291

engages to arrange effective Police measures at the Marts and along the routes to the

Marts.

VIII. Imports and export in the following articles:-

Arms, ammunition military stores, liquors and intoxicating or narcotic drug.

May at the option of either Government be entirely prohibited, or permitted only on

such conditions as either Government on their own side may think fit to impose.

IX. The present Regulations shall be in force for a period of ten years reckoned from

the date of signature by the two Plenipotentiaries; but, if no demand for revision be

made on either side within six months after the end of the first ten years the

Regulations shall remain in force for another ten years from the end of the first ten

years; and so it shall be at the end of each successive ten years.

X. The English and Tibetan texts of the present Regulations have been carefully

compared, but in the event of there being any difference of meaning between them,

the English text shall be authoritative.

XI. The present Regulation shall come into force from the date of signature. Done at

Simla this third day of July, A.D. one thousand nine hundred and fourteen,

corresponding with the Tibetan date, the tenth day of the fifth month of the Wood-

Tiger year.

A. Henry Mcmohan, British Plenipotentiary, Seal of the British Plenipotentiary. Seal

of the Dalai Lama. Signature of the LonchenShatra. Seal of the Lonchen Shatra. Seal

of the Drepung Monastery. Seal of the Sera Monastery. Seal of the Gaden Monastery.

Seal of the National Assembly.

Source: International Commission of Jurist, The Question of Tibet and the Rule of

Law. Geneva, 1959.

292

APPENDIX – V

Treaty of Thapathali between Tibet and Nepal, 1856

18th

February 1856

The under mentioned gentlemen, monks and laymen, of the Gurkha and Tibetan

Governments held a conference and mutually agreed and concluded a Treaty of ten

Articles, and invoked the Supreme Being as their witness, and affixed their seals to it.

They have agreed to regard the Chinese Emperor as heretofore with respect, in

accordance with what has been written, and to keep both the States in agreement and

to treat each other like brothers. If either of them violate the Treaty, may the Precious

Ones not allow that State to prosper. Should either State violate the terms of the

Treaty, the other State shall be exempt from all sin in making war upon it.

List of Articles of the Treaty

1. The Tibetan government shall pay the sum of ten thousand rupees annually as a

present to the Gurkha movement.

2. Gurkha and Tibet have been regarding the Great Emperor with respect. Tibet being

the country of monasteries, hermits and celibates, devoted to religion, the Gurkha

Government have agreed henceforth to afford help and protection to it as far as they

can, if any foreign country attacks it.

3. Henceforth Tibet shall not levy taxes on trade or taxes on roads and taxes of any

other kind on the merchants or other subjects of the Gurkha Government.

4. The Government of Tibet agrees to return to the Gurkha Government the Sikh

soldiers captured by Tibet, and all the Gurkha soldiers, officers, servants, women, and

cannon captured

in the war. The Gurkha Government agrees to return to the Tibetan Government the

Tibetan troops, weapons, yaks, and whatever articles may have been left behind by

the subjects residing Tibetan at Kyi-rong, Nya-nanisi), Dzong-ga, Pu-rang, and Rong-

shar. And on the completion of the Treaty all the Gurkha troops in Pu-rang, Rong-

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shar, Kyi-rong, Dzong-ga, Nya-nang, Tar-ling, and La-tse will be withdrawn and the

country evacuated.

5. Henceforth the Gurkha Government will keep a high officer, and not a Newar, to

hold charge at Lhasa.

6. The Gurkha Government will open shops at Lhasa where they can freely trade in

gems, jewellery, clothing, food, and different articles.

7. The Gurkha officer is not allowed to try any case arising from quarrels amongst

Lhasa subjects and merchants, and the Tibetan Government is not allowed to try any

case arising from quarrels amongst the Gurkha subjects and traders and the

Mahomedans of Khatmandu who may be residing in the jurisdiction of Lhasa. In the

event of quarrels between Tibetan and Gurkha subjects the high officials of the two

Governments will sit together and will jointly try the cases; the fines imposed upon

the Tibetan subjects as punishments will be taken by the Tibetan official, and the

fines imposed upon Gurkha subjects, merchants, and Mahomedans as punishments

will be taken by the Gurkha official.

8. Should any Gurkha subject, after committing a murder, go to country of Tibet, he

shall be surrendered by Tibet to Gurkha to Tibet.

9. If the property of a Gurkha merchant or other subject be plundered by a Tibetan

subject, the Tibetan officials after inquiry will compel the restoration of such property

to the owner. Should the plunderer not be able to restore such property, he shall be

compelled by the Tibetan official to draw up an agreement to make good such

property within an extended time. lithe property of a Tibetan merchant or other

subject be plundered by a Gurkha subject, the Gurkha official after inquiry will

compel the restoration of such property to the owner. Should the plunderer not be

able to restore such property, he shall be compelled by the Gurkha official to draw up

an agreement to make good such property within an extended time.

294

10. After the completion of the Treaty neither Government will take vengeance on the

persons or property of Gurkha subjects who may have so joined the Tibetan

government.

Dated the 18th day of the 2nd month of the Fire-Dragon Year (1856).

Source: KL Pradhan. Brian Hodgson at the Kathmandu Residency 1825-1843.

Guwahati: Spectrum Publications, 2001. Print

295

APPENDIX – VI

Treaty Of Commerce With Nepal 1792

1 March 1792

"Treaty authenticated under the seal of Maharajah Run Behaudar Shah

BehauderShumshere Jung; being according to the Treaty transmitted by Mr. Jonathan

Duncan, the Resident at Benaras, on the part of Right Hon-ourable Charles, Earl

Corwallis, K.G., Governor General-in-Council, and empowered by the said authority

to conclude a Treaty of commerce with the said Maharajah, and to settle and fix the

duties payable by the subjects of the respective states of the Honourable English

Company and those of Nepaul, the said gentleman charging himself with whatever

relates to the duties thus to the Company; in the like manner as hath the aforesaid

Maharajah, with what-ever regards the duties thus to be payable by the subjects of the

Company's Government to that of Nepaul; and the said Treaty having been delivered

to me (the said Maharajah) by Mowlavy Abdul Kadir Khan, the aforesaid gentle-

man's vakkel, or agent, this counterpart thereof having been by the Nepaul

Government, hath been committed to the said Khan, as hereunder detailed:

ARTICLE - I

In as much as an attention to the general to the general welfare, and to ease and

satisfaction on the merchants and traders, tends equally to the reputation of the

administrations of both Governments of the Company and of Nepaul; it is therefore

agreed and stipulated, that 21/2 percent shall reciprocally be taken, as duty, on the

imports from both countries; such duties to be levied on the amount of the invoices of

the goods which the merchants shall have along with them; and to deter the said

traders from exhibiting false invoices, the seal of the said customs houses of both

countries shall be impressed on the back of the said in-voices, and copy thereof being

kept, the original shall be restored to the merchants; and in cases where the merchants

shall not have along with him his original invoices, the custom house officers shall

not in such instance lay down the duty of 21/2 percent on a valuation according to the

market price.

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ARTICLE - II

The opposite stations hereunder specified, within the frontiers of each country, are

fixed for the duties to be levied, at which place the traders are to pay the same; and

after having once paid duties thereon,' on other of further duty shall be payable

through-out each country of dominion respectively.

ARTICLE - III

Whoever among the officer on either side shall exceed in his demands for, or exaction

of duty, the rate here specified, shall be exemplarily punished by the Government to

which he belongs, so as effectually to deter other from like offences.

ARTICLE - IV

In the case of theft or robberies happening on the goods of the merchants, the

foujedar, or officer of the po-lice, shall, advising his superiors or Government thereof

speedily, cause the zamindars and proprietors of the spot of make the value, which is

in all cases, without fail, to be so made good to the merchants.

ARTICLE - V

In cases where in either country any oppression or violence be committed on any

merchants, the officers of country wherein this may happen shall without delay, hear

and inquire into the complaints of the persons thus ag-grieved, and doing them

justice, bring the offenders to punishment.

ARTICLE - VI

When the merchants of either country, having paid the established duty, shall have

transported their goods into the dominions of one or other state if such goods be sold

within such state, it is well; but if such goods not meeting with sale, and that the said

merchants be desirous to trans-port their said goods to any other country beyond the

limits of either of the respective States included in the treaty, the subjects and officers

of these latter shall not take thereon any other or further duty that the fixed one levied

297

at the first entry; and are not to exact double duties, but are to allow such goods to

deport in all safety without opposition.

ARTICLE - VII

This Treaty shall be of full force and validity in respect of the present and future

rulers of both Governments, and, being considered on both sides as a Commercial

Treaty and a basis of concord between the two states, is to be, at all times, observed

and acted upon in times to come, for the public advantage and the increase of

friendship.

Source: Originally in Nepali and translated by Devi Prasad Sharma, See Trade and

Trade industry of Nepal during the Rana Period. Kathmandu: Ratna Book

Publisher, 2008. Appendix. Print.

298

APPENDIX – VII

Convention between Great Britain and China relating to Sikkim and Tibet, 1890

17th

of March 1890

Whereas Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland,

Empress of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of China, are sincerely desirous to

maintain and perpetuate the relations of friendship and good understanding which

now exist between their respective Empires; and whereas recent occurrences have

tended towards a disturbance of the said relations, and it is desirable to clearly define

and permanently settle certain matters connected with the boundary between Sikkim

and Tibet, Her Britannic Majesty and His Majesty the Emperor of China have

resolved to conclude a Convention on this subject, and have, for this purpose, named

Plenipotentiaries, that is to say:

Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, His Excellency the most

Honourable Henry Charles Keith Petty Fitzmaurice, G.M.S.I., G.C.M.G., G.M.I.E.,

Marquess of Lansdowne, Viceroy and Governor-General of India,

And His Majesty the Emperor of China, His Excellency Sheng Tai, Imperial

Associate Resident in Tibet, Military Deputy Lieutenant -Governor;

Who, having met and communicated to each other their full powers, and finding these

to be in proper form, have agreed upon the following Convention in eight Articles:—

ARTICLE I

The boundary of Sikkim and Tibet shall be the crest of the mountain range separating

the waters flowing into the Sikkim Teesta and its affluents from the waters flowing

into the % Tibetan Mochu and northwards into other rivers of Tibet. The line

commences at Mount Gipmochi on the Bhutan frontier, and follows the above-

mentioned water -parting to the point where it meets Nepal territory.

299

ARTICLE II

It is admitted that the British Government, whose Protectorate over the Sikkim State

is hereby recognized, has direct and exclusive control over the internal administration

and foreign relations of that State, and except through and with the permission of the

British Government, neither the Ruler of the State nor any of its officers shall have

official relations of any kind, formal or informal, with any other country.

ARTICLE III

The Government of Great Britain and Ireland and the Government of China engage

reciprocally to respect the boundary as defined in Article I, and to prevent acts of

aggression from their respective sides of the frontier.

ARTICLE IV

The question of providing increased facilities for trade across the Sikkim -Tibet

frontier will hereafter be discussed with a view to a mutually satisfactory arrangement

by the High Contracting Powers.

ARTICLE V

The question of pasturage on the Sikkim side of the frontier is reserved for further

examination and future adjustment.

ARTICLE VI

The High Contracting Powers reserve for discussion and arrangement the method in

which official communications between the British authorities in India and the

authorities in Tibet shall be conducted.

ARTICLE VII

Two joint Commissioners shall, within six months from the ratification of this

Convention, be appointed, one by the British Government in India and the other by

300

the Chinese Resident in Tibet. The said Commissioners shall meet and discuss the

questions which by the last three preceding Articles, have been reserved.

ARTICLE VIII

The present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in

London as soon as possible after the date of the signature thereof. In witness whereof

the respective negotiators have signed the same, and affixed thereunto the seals of

their arms.

Sd/- Sheng Taj Sd/-

Lansdowne

Chinese seal and signature Viceroy and Governor General

Signed at Calcutta on the 17th March 1890.

Ratified at London on the 27th August, 1890.

Source: Charles Umpherston Aitchison. A Collection of treaties, engagements and

Sanads relating to India and neighbouring countries. Vol. XIII. Calcutta:

Superintendent Government Printing India, 1931. Print.

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APPENDIX – VIII

Regulations of 1893 regarding Trade, Communication, and Pasturage to be

appended to the Sikkim -Tibet Convention of 1890

5th

December 1893

I. A trade -mart shall be established at Yatung on the Tibetan side of the frontier, and

shall be open to all British subjects for purposes of trade from the first day of May

1894. The Government of India shall be free to send officers to reside at Yatung to

watch the conditions of British trade at that mart.

II. British subjects trading at Yatung shall be at liberty to travel freely to and fro

between the frontier and Yatung, to reside at Yatung, and to rent houses and godowns

for their own accommodation and the storage of their goods. The Chinese

government undertake that suitable buildings for the above purposes shall be

provided for the officer or officers appointed by the Government of India under

Regulation I to reside at Yatung. British subjects shall be at liberty to sell their goods

to whomsoever they please, to purchase commodities in kind or in money, to hire

transport of any kind, and in general to conduct their business transactions in

conformity with local usage, and without any vexatious restrictions. Such British

subjects shall receive efficient protection for their persons and property. At Lang-jo

and Ta-chun, between the frontier and Yatung, where rest -houses have been built by

the Tibetan authorities, British subjects can break their journey in consideration of a

daily rent.

III. Import and export trade in the following articles— Arms, ammunition, military

stores, salt, liquors, and intoxicating or narcotic drugs, may at the Option of either

Government be entirely prohibited, or permitted only on such conditions as either

Government on their own side may think fit to impose.

IV. Goods, other than goods of the description enumerated in Regulation III, entering

Tibet from British India, across Sikkim -Tibet frontier, or vice- versa, whatever their

origin, shall be exempt from duty for a period of five years commencing from the

date of the opening of Yatung to trade; but after the expiration of this term, if found

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desirable, a tariff may be mutually agreed upon and enforced. Indian tea may be

imported into Tibet at a rate of duty not exceeding that at which Chinese tea is

imported into England, but trade in Indian tea shall not be engaged in during the five

years for which other commodities are exempt.

V. All goods on arrival at Yatung, whether from British India or from Tibet, must be

reported at the Customs Station there for examination, and the report must give full

particulars of the description, quantity, and value of the goods.

VI. In the event of trade disputes arising between British and Chinese or Tibetan

subjects in Tibet, they shall be enquired into and settled in personal conference by the

Political Officer for Sikkim and the Chinese Frontier Officer. The object of personal

conference being to ascertain facts and do justice, where there is a divergence of

views the law of the country to which the defendant belongs shall guide.

VII. Dispatches from the Government of India to the Chinese Imperial Resident in

Tibet shall be handed over by the Political Officer for Sikkim to the Chinese Frontier

who will forward them by special courier. Dispatches from the Chinese Imperial

Resident in Tibet to the Government of India will be handed over by the Chinese

Frontier Officer to the Political Officer for Sikkim, who will forward them as quickly

as possible.

VIII. Dispatches between the Chinese and Indian officials must be treated with due

respect, and couriers will be assisted in passing to and fro by the officers of each

Government.

IX. After the expiration of one year from the date of the opening of Yatung, such

Tibetans will be subject to such Regulations as the British Government may from

time to time enact for the general conduct of grazing in Sikkim. Due notice will be

given of such Regulations.

General Articles:

I. In the event of disagreement between the Political Officer for Sikkim and the

Chinese Frontier Officer, each official shall report the matter to his immediate

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superior, who, in turn, if a settlement is not arrived at between them, shall refer such

matter to their respective Governments for disposal.

II. After the lapse of five years from the date on which these Regulations shall come

into force, and on six months' notice given by either party, these Regulations shall be

subject to revision by

Commissioners appointed on both sides for this purpose who shall be empowered to

decide on and adopt such amendments and extensions as experience shall prove to be

desirable. •

III. It having been stipulated that Joint Commissioners should be appointed by the

British and Chinese Governments under the seventh article of the Sikkim -Tibet

Convention to meet and discuss, with a view to the final settlement of the questions

reserved under articles 4, 5 and 6 of the said Convention; and the Commissioners thus

appointed having met and discussed the questions referred to, namely, Trade,

Communication, and Pasturage, have been further appointed to sign the agreement in

nine Regulations and three General Articles now arrived at, and to declare that the

said nine regulations and the three General Articles form part of the Convention itself.

In witness whereof the respective Commissioners have hereto subscribed their names.

Done in quadruplicate at Darjeeling, this 5th day of December, in the year one

thousand eight hundred and ninety-three, corresponding with the Chinese date, the

28th day of the 10th moon of the 19th year of Kuang Hsu (Kuangshu).

Sd-/ HO Chang Jung

Sd-/ AW Hart Sd-/ AW Paul

Chinese Commissioners British Commissioner

Source: British and Foreign State Papers 1892-1893, Vol. LXXXV.