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Gender-based Violence Among Female

Sex Workers Of Kamathipura, Mumbai,India: A Contextual Analysis

Sharvari Karandikar

College of Social Work

The Ohio State [email protected]

May 27, 2010


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Presentation Outline

Location of research:

Mumbai, India

Nature of Sex-trafficking in

India Nature of Sex Work in India

Purpose of the Research

Overall Findings of the

Research

Trafficking in person study

Commission: research sub-

commission

Research Part I Research Part II

Major Findings


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Location of Study: Kamathipura

Asias largest red-light area(Menen, 2007)

Almost 200 years old

5,000 sex workers (male,female and transgendered)

90 percent sex workers havesome sexually transmittedinfection at any given pointof time (Gangoli, 2006)

70 percent are estimated tobe HIV positive (Avert,2006)


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Location of Study: Kamathipura

Kamathipura was originallysettled by construction

workers called Kamathis

In 1800s, British troops

brought European womenfor sex work to Bombay

They were provided rooms

in Kamathipura which were

later termed as brothels Gradually sex workers from

India settled in this area

(Tambe, 2004)


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Nature of sex work in Kamathipura India

Kamathipura is divided in14 lanes

7 lanes have brothels andare populated by sexworkers

Other lanes have low-income houses, shops, teastalls, small factories etc

Sex workers are both,Brothel-based and Street-

based Sex workers earnings range

from $1-$200 per day

Sex workers of all agegroups are seen in

Kamathipura


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Nature of sex trafficking in Kamathipura

India

Destination city fortrafficking victims

Majority sex workers arevictims of sex-trafficking

Average age of entry is 12years

From rural areas to Mumbai

Nepal and Bangladesh toMumbai

South India to Mumbai


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Purpose of the Study

To exploreexperiences ofgender-basedviolence amongfemale sexworkers ofKamathipura

To study the

social, economic,political and legalcontext in whichviolence occurs

Macro-context

Legislatures,

policymakers, health

ministers, etc.

Micro-context

Intimate partners,

pimps, clients, brothel-

owners

Female

Sex

Worker Mezzo-context

Police, social

workers,

health-care

workers


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Research Questions

How do sex workers of Kamathipura, India define and explaingender-based violence (GBV) in their day-to-day lives?

What are the perceptions of stakeholders on sex work ingeneral?

What are the perceptions of stakeholders on violence against sexworkers of Kamathipura?

How do sex workers individual experiences relate to thebroader social, economic, political and legal context ofKamathipura?


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Research Methods

Phase I (pilot)

[May-June, 2006]

10 Female Sex Workers

Interviews were done in

collaboration with

Prerana and the TataInstitute of Social

Sciences

Phase II

[December-February,

2008]

10 Female Sex Workers

13 Male Clients, Pimps,

Partners

5 Female Brothel-keepers

5 Social Workers

2 Police Officers


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Results

Severe forms of coercion

and violence reported from

intimate partners, pimps,

clients, and the police

Expressed anxiety over

safety and security in the

red-light area

Difficulty in condom

negotiation and HIV

prevention

Majority of sex workers

were HIV positive

Transition in the role of

male partners from

Clients to Intimate

Partners to Pimps


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Female sex workersreported partners

becoming pimps,managing their

business

Male partnersconsidered pimping to

be a way of helping

Male partnersperceived their roles asprotectors

Males followed sexworkers, controlledtheir time, number ofclients and income

Female sex workersviewed help as anuisance

Female resistance wasdealt with by actual

physical, sexualviolence

Results Continued


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Sex workers identified

themselves as victims of

violence

Male intimate partners did

not identify themselves as

perpetrators

Male partners

acknowledged use of

violence

Normal household issue

Women have to be beatenfor their mistakes

We have a right to beat if

she does not listen

Results


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The research highlighted the macro and micro-context of

sex work, particularly with reference to India

Analyses of these contexts indicated sex workerseconomic, social, political and legal vulnerabilities

At a macro-level, sex workers were victims of thecriminalization policy

At a micro-level, sex workers were physically, sexually

and financial exploited on a regular basis

The findings provide a unique and in-depth understandinginto the lives of sex workers in India and generated ideasfor research, social work practice, and policy

Overall Summary of the Research


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Developing strategies to

work with male partners on

violence prevention in

Kamathipura

Gender sensitization

workshops to break

patriarchal myths

Interventions such as

Bystander intervention

model andJohns School

Practice Implications


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AVERT. (2005).HIV/AIDS in India. Retrieved September 19, 2005 from

http://www.avert.org/aidsindia.htm

Dutton, M.A., & Goodman, L.A. (2005). Coercion in Intimate PartnerViolence: Toward a new conceptualization. Sex Roles, 52,743-756.

Gangoli, G. (2000). Silence hurt and choice: Attitudes to prostitution inIndia and the west. London School of Economics.

Lim, L. (1998). The sex sector: The economic and social bases of

prostitution in Southeast Asia. Geneva: International Labor Organization.

Menen, R. (2007).Karma Sutra, Essays from the margin. Canada: SagaBooks

References
http://www.avert.org/aidsindia.htmhttp://www.avert.org/aidsindia.htmhttp://www.avert.org/aidsindia.htm


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Graham-Kevan, N. (2006). Partner violent typologies. In J. Hamel & T.Nicholls (Eds.), Family interventions in domestic violence: A handbook ofgender-inclusive theory and treatment (pp. 145-163). New York: SpringerPublishing.

Guttman, M. C. (1997).Trafficking in men: The anthropology ofmasculinity. Annual Review of Anthropology, 26, 385-409.

Johnson, M. P. (1995). Patriarchal terrorism and common couple violence:Two forms of violence against women. Journal of Marriage and theFamily, 57, 283-294.

Johnson, M. P. (2001). Conflict and control: symmetry and asymmetry indomestic violence. In A. Booth, A. C. Crouter, & M. Clements (Eds.),Couples in conflict (pp. 95-104). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence ErlbaumAssociates.

References


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Human Trafficking in Ohio

Research Sub-commission established (July 2009) within the

Ohios State Trafficking in Persons Study Commission

Research sub-commission decided to undertake research in

two parts Part 1: Estimate the number of victims of human trafficking in

Ohio

Part 2: Understand the experiences ( problems, difficulties) of

victims of human trafficking in Ohio


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Research Part 1

Research Committee Members

Celia Williamson, Ph.D. Chair University of Toledo

Sharvari Karandikar-Chheda, Ph.D. Ohio State

Jeff Barrows, M.D. Gracehaven

Trisha Smouse, Coalition on Human trafficking

Gene Kelly, Clark County Sherriffs Office

Peter Swartz, Toledo Police Department Nadia Lucchin, Not for Sale Campaign

Mark Ballard, Immigration Customs Enforcement


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Methods

Based on reports, databases, newspaper articles, and research

articles, the team developed risk factors for foreign-born

victims that may be most prevalent in Ohio.

The framework for estimating the prevalence of human

trafficking in Ohio was taken from Clawson, Layne, and

Smalls (2006) study entitled,Estimating Human Trafficking

into the United States: Development of a Methodology.


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Ohio: Case Study

Transit, Destination and Origin State

The Presence of Markets for Human Trafficking

Demand for Sexual and Labor Services in NeighboringStates

The Presence of Sizable Populations of Foreign BornIndividuals

Weak Laws that would Attract Potential Traffickers & TheirVictims


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Factors contributing to trafficking in Ohio

include

Ohios response to trafficking is weak,

Ohios first responders to human trafficking remain

unaware and unprepared and services are insufficient

Customers who purchase youth remain protected, and

traffickers suffer minimal consequences

Ohio youth experience high rates of vulnerability


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Major Findings

Ohio Youth Ages 12 to 17 =675,922

Estimate of the Total At-Risk Ohio Youth Population= 3,016

Estimated to be Trafficked=1,078

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