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Chapter-III

SETTING AND SAMPLE

This Chapter presents a brief profile of both Assam and Arunachal Pradesh

in general and the districts under study in particular. It also includes the

socio-economic profile of the respondents.

3.1 State Profile: Assam

Assam, the easternmost part of the India, is bordered in the north by

Bhutan and in east by Arunachal Pradesh. Along the south lie Nagaland,

Manipur and Mizoram. Meghalaya lies to the southwest, Bengal and

Bangladesh lie to the west. The State is known as the gateway to the entire

Northeast India.

With the British annexation, Assam has undergone series of changes in its

physical and cultural boundaries to attain the present status, which makes

it a centre of mosaic culture. Till 1947, Assam comprised most of Northeast

India, except the tiny erstwhile kingdom of Tripura to the south, and the

British administered territory of Manipur to the east. However, modern

Assam is a minuscule form of its old structure. The Government of India,

which has the unilateral powers to change the borders of a state, divided

Assam into several states in the 1970’s with a view to satisfy national

aspirations of the tribal populations living within the then borders of

Assam. At present, the geographical entity of Assam actually consists of

three distinct natural regions:

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a) The Brahmaputra Valley, lies in north has overwhelmingly

Assamese speaking people and also having existence of

different tribes and ethnic groups. The Valley comprises 22

plain districts with a total area of 56,194 sq. km. However, four

districts such as Kokrajhar, Cirrang, Bagsha and Udalguri now

fall under Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC).

b) The Hills areas comprising Karbi Anglong district and North

Cachar Hills (presently known as Dima Hasio Raji) district with

a total area of 15,322 sq. km.

c) The Barak Valley lies in the southern part of the state having

Bengali speaking people with some immigrant labourers in the

tea plantations and some sprinkled tribal population mainly in

the foothills. The Valley covers three districts with total area of

6922 sq. km.

Thus, the State of Assam comprises 27 districts (23 as per 2001 census)

which are further subdivided into 56 subdivisions and 145 revenue circles

for the convenience of administration and revenue collection. It covers an

area of 78,438 sq. km. with population density of 340 per sq. km. Assam has

total of 26,247 revenue villages. As per the Census of 2001, the total

population of Assam was 26,655,528 of which Hindus share 17,296,455

(Male-8,951,108 and Female-8,345,347), Muslim 8,240,611 (Male-4,252,691

and Female-3,987,920), Christian 9,86,589 (Male-5,02,756 and

Female-4,83,833), Sikh 22,519 (Male-13,508 and Female-9,011), Buddhist

51,029 (Male-26,322 and Female-24,707), Jain 23,957 (Male-12,840 and

Female-11,117), Other Religious Communities 22,999 (Male-11,795 and

Female-11,204). Out of the total population 87.10 percent are rural

population and remaining 12.90 percent are urban population. The

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percentage shares of area and population of the State to that of the country

are 2.4 and 2.6 respectively. Besides, the sex ratio per thousand of male in

2001 was 932 females (as compared to 933 for the country) and the literacy

rate in the State is 63.25 percent (male 71.28% and female 54.61%). Assam

has 1.83 million Schedule Castes and 3.31 Schedule Tribe populations. The

panchayati raj administration is well entrenched with 20 Zilla Parishads at

the district level, 188 Intermediaries (Anchalik Panchayats) and 2223 Gaon

Panchayats at the village level.

In the backdrop of state profile an extensive profile of each selected

districts, viz., Cachar, Hailakandi and Karimganj are stated below.

Cachar

The district of Cachar, situated in the southern most part of Assam

(Longitude 92 Degree 24’E and 93 Degree 15’ E, Latitude 24 Degree 22’N and 25

Degree 8’ N), is one of the oldest district of Assam. The district is bounded

on the East by two districts Hailakandi and Karimganj, North by Barail and

Jayantia Hill ranges and on the South by the State of Mizoram.

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The district was first created in 1830 when the British annexed the Kachari

kngdom. In 1854, North Cachar was annexed and tagged to the district.

Subsequently, in 1874, Cachar was included in the Chief Commissionership

of Assam and the post of Superintendent was redesignated as the Deputy

Commissioner. In the post-independence period, North Cachar Sub-

division was made a separate district and taken out of Cachar in 1951.

Again, in 1983 and 1989 erstwhile Karimganj and Hailakandi Sub-division

were separated and upgraded as two districts.

A brief profile of Cachar district is presented below in a tabular form:

C1: Profile of Cachar District

Population

Total Population 14,44,921

Male Female SC ST Rural Urban

7,43,042 7,01,879 2,08,235 18,631 12,43,534 2,01,387

Area in sq. km 3786Sex ratio(female) 945 (per 1000 males)

Percentage ofliteracy (M/F) 67.82

ReligiousCompositions

Hindus Muslims Christ-ians Sikhs Buddhists Jains Oth-

ersReligion

notstated

8,86, 761 5,22, 051 31,306 628 742 1385 1175 873

No. of Villages 1047 Inhabited Uninhabited1020 27

No. of ZP, APand GP

ZP AP GP

01 15 163

Source: Census of India, 2001 (www.censusindia.com) & www.cachar.nic.in

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Karimganj

The district of Karimganj is located in the Southern tip of Assam (longitude

92 and degree 15’ and 92 and degree 35’ east, latitude 24 and degree 15’ and

25 and degree 55’ north). The district is bounded on the North by Cachar

district, on the South by Mizoram and Tripura States, on the East by

Hailakandi district and on the West by Bangladesh and Tripura. The district

is strategically very important as it shares 92 kms (51 kms is land border

and the rest 41 kms is demarcated by the river Kushiara) of International

Border with Bangladesh.

Karimganj, earlier a part of Sylhet district, was under the control of British.

However, up to 1786, the British could not establish its authority over the

entire region. During that period a local Zamindar known as Radharam

brought the region under his administrative control and he strongly

opposed the Colonial rule. Later on, British succeeded to defeat him and

thus it was with his downfall that in 1786 the British could establish their

complete authority in the region. Karimganj also occupies an important

place in the first war of Indian independence when three companies of the

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34th Native Infantry stationed at Chittagong revolted (November 1857) and

subsequently emerged in the South-east of the then Sylhet district. These

rebel soldiers encountered a Contingent of the Sylhet Light Infantry under

the command of Major Byng at Latu Village (presently under Karimganj

district). Ultimately, the soldiers were defeated. Nevertheless, they are still

adored by the people of the region.

Subsequently, Karimganj was upgraded as Sub-division of the then Sylhet

district in 1878. At the time of independence, the district of Sylhet was

transferred to East Pakistan except three-and-half thana areas such as

Ratabari, Patherkandi, Badarpur and half of Karimganj thana. These thanas

were put together under Karimganj Sub-division and incorporated in the

Cachar district of Assam as a full-fledged Sub-division. Finally, this Sub-

division was upgraded on 1st July 1983 as a full-fledged district.

A brief profile of the present Karimganj district is highlighted below in a

tabular form:

C2: Profile of Karimganj District

Population

Total Population 10,07976


5,17,680 4,90,296 1,30,957 2,901 9,34,126 73,850




Hindus Muslims Chris-tians Sikhs Buddhists Jains Others

Religionnot

stated

4,70,708 5,27,214 8,746 128 346 503 37 294

No. of Villages 940Inhabited Uninhabited

915 25No. of ZP, APand GP

ZP AP GP01 07 96

Source: Census of India, 2001 (www.censusindia.com) & www.karimganj.nic.in

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Hailakandi

The district of Hailakandi is located in plain and an apparently

mountainous region. The district is situated at the southernmost corner of

Assam (latitude 24.68’ North and latitude 92.57’ East). It is bounded by the

river Barak on the North, on the East by Cachar district, on the South by

Mizoram and on the West by Karimganj. The district has got interstate

border having a length of 76 km. with Mizoram. It has a total geographical

area of 1327 sq. km. Consisting approximately 48% as forest area typically

located mostly on the southwest, south and southeastern side bordering

Mizoram.

Till the invasion of the British rule, Hailakandi was connected only by

water ways. It was during the early period of British rule that changes in

the means of communication had developed. The district had also a

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splendid account of playing a role during the freedom struggle. It had

participated in the first war of Indian independence also when leaders from

this region (in 1857) had a gallant fight with the British rulers at a place

called ‘Ron Tila’ at Mohanpur in Hailakandi and some of the leaders laid

down their lives for the cause of the country. This region has also been

credited for taking part in the Civil Disobedience Movement and Quit India

Movement.

Hailakandi was one of the oldest Sub-Divisions in the State of Assam. It

was declared as Civil Sub-Division on 1st June, 1869. Prior to its emergence

as a full-fledged district, Hailakandi was a Civil Sub-Division under Cachar

district. It was upgraded as a district only on 29 September, 1989.

A brief profile of the present Hailakandi district is given below in a tabular

form:

C3: Profile of Hailakandi District

Population

Total Population 5,42,872Male Female SC ST Rural Urban

2,80,513 2,62,359 59,251 821 4,98,787 44,085




Hindus Muslims Christians Sikhs Budd-hists Jains Others

Religionnot

stated

2,23,191 3,12,849 5,424 09 589 82 579 149


327 04

No. of ZP, APand GP

ZP AP GP

01 05 62

Source: Census of India, 2001 (www.censusindia.com) & www.hailakandi.nic.in

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3.2 State Profile: Arunachal Pradesh

Arunachal Pradesh, land of rising sun, is situated at the eastern end of the

Himalayas. It is located in the extreme North-eastern corner of India. The

state is bordered by Myanmar on the East and South-East, Bhutan on the

West, China (Tibet) on the North and Northeast and the States of Assam

and Nagaland to its South. This speaks of the geo-strategic importance of

the State for the nation.

Arunachal Pradesh, once a part of Assam, has undergone a unique process

of political development. The state has acquired its identity for the first time

in 1914 when some tribal areas were separated from the then Darrang and

Lakhimpur district of Assam to form North East Frontier Tract (NEFT). The

NEFT was further subdivided into Balipara Frontier Tract, the Sadiya

Frontier Tract and Tirap Frontier Tract between 1914 and 1943. At the time

of independence the whole territory was under Part B of the Sixth Schedule

of the Constitution as the tribal areas of Assam. Part B includes NEFT

including Balipara Frontier Tract, the Tirap Frontier Tract, the Abor Hills

district, the Mishmi Hills district and the Naga tribal areas. All these

districts were renamed as NEFA in 1951. The NEFA was scheduled as part

of Assam during 1950-65 and its administration was carried out by the

Governor of Assam as an agent of the President of India under the Ministry

of External Affairs, Government of India. Later on, the responsibility of the

NEFA Administration was transferred to the Ministry of Home Affairs in

1965. It is pertinent to note here that the whole developmental process

actually started after the Sino-Indian war. It was this war that compelled

the Government of India to change its policies towards the region and

undertook a number of measures for its speedy politico economic

developments in order to bring the heterogeneous tribes into national

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mainstream.1 As such the region has acquired the status of Union Territory

on 20th January, 1972 and renamed as Arunachal Pradesh with the

provision of thirty member legislative assembly. Later on, it was declared

as the 25th State of India on 20th February, 1987 with the provision of sixty

member legislative assembly and the first general election to constitute the

state government was held in February 1987. However, the democratic

political process mostly at the grassroots level actually started in the state

when Panchayati Raj was introduced on the basis of the recommendations

of the Dying Ering Committee. It is worthwhile to note that the PRIs in the

state have got ethno-political origin due to the diversified and isolated

traditions of the various tribes.2

The State of Arunachal Pradesh at present comprises 16 districts having a

population of 10,97,978 (Males-5, 79,941 and Females-5, 18,027) of which

Hindus share 3,79,935 (Male-2,17,195 and Female-1,62,740), Muslim 20,675

(Male-12,756 and Female-7,949), Christian 2,05,548 (Male-1,02,606 and

Female-1,02,942), Sikh 1,865 (Male-1475 and Female-390), Buddhist 1,43,028

(Male-72,618 and Female-70,410), Jain 216 (Male-130 and Female-86), Other

Religious Communities 3,37,399 (Male-1,68,613 and Female-1,68,786). The

State has a territory of 83,743 sq. km., which is about 2.55 per cent of India’s

land area and a third of the area of North-East India. The largest state in

North-East India, Arunachal’s area is slightly more than that of Assam, but

its population is 0.11 per cent of India’s population and only 2.85 per cent of

the population of North-East India. The density of population in the state is

13 people per sq. km. This stands in sharp contrast to the population

density of 324 per sq. km. in the country.3 The State has all together 4065

villages, out of which 3863 are inhabited and the rest are uninhabited.

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In the backdrop of state profile the extensive features of the three selected

districts, viz., Papum Pare, Lower Subansiri and West Kameng are stated

below.

Papum Pare district

The district of Papum Pare is located in the North Eastern part of the

country (lies between longitude 93 13’ to 94 and latitude 270 15’ and 2 in the

south, 7 in the west and 12 in the east). The district is divided into two

administrative sub-divisions (Sagalee and Itanagar) and nine administrative

circles. The district is bounded by Kurung Valley district on the north,

Lower Subansiri district on the east, East Kameng district on the west and

Assam on the south. The district is inhabited mainly by the Nishis who are

known in history for their valour. Besides, the Mikir also form a major part

of the population.

The district was once an important part of the Ahom kingdom. The entire

region was brought under the Ahom administration during sixteenth

century. However, due to the revolt of the Nishis the Ahom expedition in

this region came to an end. With the fall of Ahom rule and the signing of

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Yandabo Treaty (1826) British rule over Assam was established. The British

followed the policy of non-interference in the matter of the tribes. In 1914

the area became a part of the administrative unit called Western Section of

NEFT. By 1919, the area was renamed as Balipara Frontier Tract, which was

again divided in 1946 into – Se LA Sub-Agency and Subansiri Area.

Further, in 1954, this Tract was bifurcated into two administrative units –

Kameng Frontier Division and Subansiri Frontier Division. In post-

independence period (1965) the latter was renamed as Subansiri district and

in 1987 it was further bifurcated into – Lower Subansiri and Upper

Subansiri districts. The Papumpare district was emerged out of the Lower

Subansiri district only in 1993. A brief profile of the present Papmpare

district is highlighted below in a tabular form:

C4: Profile of Papumpare District

PopulationTotal Population 1,22,003

Male Female SC ST Rural Urban64,104 57,819 1,397 69,007 59,961 62,042


Percentage ofliteracy (M/F) 69


Hindus Muslims Christi-ans Sikhs Budd-

hists Jains OthersReligion

notstated

51,026 5,318 36,574 263 3,330 65 25,395 32


267 16

No. of ZP, APand GP

ZP AP GP

01 10 76

Source: Census of India, 2001 (www.censusindia.com) & www.papumpare.nic.in

http://www.censusindia.com/

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Lower Subansiri district

The Lower Subansiri district is mostly mountainous terrain and a greater

part of it falls within the higher mountain zone consisting of tangled peaks

and villages. The name of the district is actually derived from the Subansiri

River that flows through Raga Circles of this district. The district is

bounded on the north by China and Upper Subansiri district, on the south

by Assam and Papumpare district, on the east by West Siang and some part

of Upper Subansiri, on the west by East Kameng district.

During the British period the district was a part of Lakhimpur Frontier

Tract which was renamed as Balipara Frontier Tract in 1919. But in 1946, the

district was carved out of the Balipara Frontier Tract and named as

‘Subansiri Area’ with it’s headquarter at North Lakhimpur. Later on,

Subansiri Area was again renamed as ‘Subansiri Frontier Division’ (1954)

and the head quarter was transferred to Ziro. It was at a time when the

Ministry of Home Affairs took over the administrative charge of NEFA in

September 1965; the area was further renamed as ‘Subansiri’ district. The

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district was bifurcated in May 1980 into Upper Subansiri and Lower

Subansiri districts. Again, in September 1992, the Lower Subansiri district

was bifurcated and a separate Papumpare district carved out of it. At

present Lower Subansiri district has six administrative circles and Ziro is

the head quarter. The district is mainly composed of three major tribes such

as Apatani, Nishis and Hill Miri. A brief profile of the present Papmpare

district is highlighted below in a tabular form:

C5: Profile of Lower Subansiri District

Population

Total Population 98,244


49,542 48,702 197 88,512 85,860 12,384

Area in sq. km 10,135

Sex ratio (female) 957 (per 1000 males)



Hindus Muslims Christi-ans Sikhs Buddhi-

sts Jains OthersReligion notstated

10,493 830 24,078 52 284 06 62,481 20

No. of Villages 704 Inhabited Uninhabited652 52

No. of ZP, APand GP

ZP AP GP

01 14 195

Source: Census of India, 2001 (www.censusindia.com) & www.lowersubansiri.nic.in

West Kameng district

The district of West Kameng is also mostly mountainous and a greater part

of it falls within the higher mountain zone, consisting of tangled peaks and

valleys. The district is named after the Kameng River, a tributary of

Brahmaputra, which flows through this district. The district shares an

international border with Tibet region in the north, Bhutan in the west,

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Tawang district in the northwest and East Kameng district in the east. The

southern boundary adjoins Sonitpur and Darrang districts of Assam.

Historically, the area around Kameng River has come under the control of

the Mon Kingdom, Tibet and the Ahom Kingdom. During the British

period this area became a part of the ‘Western Section’ of the North East

Frontier Tract’. It was renamed as the ‘Balipara Frontier Tract’ in 1919, with

its headquarter at Charduar in Assam. Just before independence of the

country this area was curved out of the Balipara (1946) with the name of

‘Sela Sub-Agency’ but its headquarter remained the same. Following the

independence of the country, Sela Sub-Agency was renamed as the

‘Kameng Frontier Division’ in 1954 with Bomdila as its headquarter.

Subsequently, this Division again was renamed as the Kameng district,

which was further bifurcated into East Kameng and West Kameng in June

1980. At present, West Kameng district is divided into three administrative

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Sub-divisions such as Bomdila, Thrizino and Rupa. The district is now

mainly inhabited by the tribes like Monpa, Miji, Sherdukpen, Aka and

Bugun. The Monpas (Tibeto-Mongoloid stock) are the largest tribe of the

district. A brief profile of the present West Kameng district is as under:

C6: Profile of West Kameng District

PopulationTotal Population 74,599

Male Female SC ST Rural Urban42,542 32,057 372 36,951 67,906 6,693

Area in sq. km 7,422Sex ratio(female) 954 (per 1000 males)



Hindus Muslims Christi-ans Sikhs Budd-

hists Jains OthersReligion

notstated

32,125 1,159 2,462 426 33,104 16 4,750 557


213 07

No. of ZP, APand GP

ZP AP GP

01 09 97

Source: Census of India, 2001 (www.censusindia.com) & www.westkameng.nic.in

3.3 Socio-Economic Profile of the respondents

In pursuance of the Seventy-third Constitutional Amendment Act both the

Government of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh passed their respective

Panchayat Acts i.e. the Assam Panchayati Raj Act 1994 and the Arunachal

Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1997. Under these Acts two Panchayat elections

have so far been held. In Assam, the first election was held in 2001 and the

second in 2007, while in Arunachal Pradesh it was held in 2003 and 2008.

This ushered in a social change focusing on the basic issues and problems

relating to communities at the grassroots level. The compulsory reservation

of SC (except Arunachal Pradesh), ST and Women candidates is expected to

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change the socio-economic dynamics at the grassroots level. It is in this

setting an understanding of socio-economic status of the Panchayat

representatives would enable us to determine the effectiveness of PRIs in

realizing as well as executing the scheme of democratic decentralization at

the grassroots level. In the following table we present an analysis of the

socio economic profiles of the elected leaders (respondents) of the

panchayats.

Table C 7: Distribution of the respondents by SexAssam Arunachal Praadesh

PositionSex

Total PositionSex

TotalM F M F

President 14(58.3)

10(41.7)

24(100.0) Chairperson 13

(68.4)6

(31.6)19.0

(100.0)

Vice-President

18(75.0)

6(25.0)

24(100.0)

Vice-Chairperson -- -- No

Provision

Members 39(54.2)

33(45.8)

72(100.0) Members 34

(58.6)24

(41.4)58 .0

(100.0)

Totalrepresentative

71(59.2)

49(40.8)

120(100.0)

Totalrepresentative

47(61.0)

30(38.9)

77(100.0)

Source: Field Data. The figures in parentheses indicate percentage to total.

The table indicates that 59.2 per cent of the GP representative in Assam is

male and 40.8 per cent is female. Among the GP President Male constitutes

58.3 per cent and female 41.7 per cent. Interestingly, only 25 per cent of the

female representative in Assam holds the office of the Vice-President of GP

and male holds 75 per cent. The difference as regard to male and female GP

member in Assam is not significant. On the other hand, in Arunachal

Pradesh, 61 per cent of the Panchayat representatives (GP) are male and

38.9 per cent are female. But as regard female Chairperson is concerned

only 31.6 per cent holds the Office, which is less than that of Assam. The

table reveals that in Arunachal Pradesh there is no provision for the office

of the Vice-Chairperson and hence the question of male and female

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representation does not arise. Compared to Assam, the gap between male

and female representation as GP member is more in Arunachal Pradesh.

Table C 8: Distribution of the respondents by AgeAssam Arunachal Pradesh

Age Group M F Total M F Total

21-30 14(19.7)

13(26.5)

27(22.5)

05(10.6)

04(13.3)

09(11.7)

31-40 31(43.7)

23(46.9)

54(45.0)

19(40.4)

13(43.3)

32(41.6)

41-50 16(22.5)

10(20.4)

26(21.7)

14(29.8)

08(26.7)

22(28.6)

51 & above 10(14.1)

3(6.1)

13(10.8)

09(19.1)

05(16.7)

14(18.2)

Total 71(100)

49(100)

120(100)

47(100)

30(100)

77(100)

Source: Field Data

Age is a significant component as it represents maturity as well as

experience, which affects the activities of various bodies. The Seventy-third

Amendment Act has made a uniform age structure round the country by

fixing the lower age limit to 21 year so that youths could take active part at

grassroots politics. In Assam 22.5 per cent and in Arunachal Pradesh 11.7

per cent belong to the age group of 21-30 years, which shows less interest of

the youths at grassroots politics. This reveals that representation of youths

at grassroots politics in both the states is minimal. Reasons for such low

level of participation of the youths lie in their careerist attitude. That is to

say, in the longing for settlement in life youths are attracted towards

income and jobs and thereby having less attraction towards grassroots

politics. While being settled their attitude gets change. It is observed that

relatively higher per cent of GP representatives (45 per cent in Assam and

41.6 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh) is in the age group of 31-40 years.

Another significant number of the respondents constituting 21.7 per cent in

Assam and 28.6 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh belonged to the age group of

146

41-50 years followed by 10.8 per cent (Assam) and 18.2 (Arunachal Pradesh)

belonging to the age group of 51 and above. This shows that a majority of

members at grassroots politics belong to middle age group. From the

analysis of age data of male and female members it is observed that most of

them belong to 31-40 age groups. At this age both male and female are

generally settled and they become active in the political sphere. However,

in case of women it is the reservation facility which prompts them more to

participate at the grassroots politics.

Table C 9: Distribution of the respondents by Marital StatusAssam Arunachal Pradesh

Marital Status M F Total M F Total

Married 48(67.6)

32(65.3)

80(66.7)

35(74.5)

22(73.3)

57(74.0)

Unmarried 20(28.2)

12(24.5)

32(26.7)

10(21.3)

7(23.3)

17(22.1)

Divorced / Widow/Widower

3(4.2)

5(10.2)

8(6.6)

2(4.2)

1(1.3)

3(3.9)

Total 71(100)

49(100)

120(100)

47(100)

30(100)

77(100)

Source: Field Data

The table reveals that married group occupies the highest percentage in

both the state. In Assam 66.7 per cent and in Arunachal Pradesh 74 per cent

of the respondents belonged to the married group, while only 26.7 and 22.1

per cent belonged to the unmarried group. The respondents belonging to

the third group (divorced/widow/widower) is negligible. Comparing to

male and female representatives in both the states it is found that male

representatives are mostly married. The analysis of the table indicates that

unmarried people have less interest in participating grassroots politics.

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Table C 10: Distribution of the respondents by caste category

Assam Arunachal PradeshCategory M F Total M F Total

General 34(47.9)

29(59.2)

63(52.5) 0 0 --

SC 14(19.7)

8(16.3)

22(18.3) 0 0 --

ST 2(2.8)

1(2.0)

3(2.5)

47(100)

30(100)

77(100)

OBC 13(18.3)

7(14.3)

20(16.7) 0 0 --

MOBC 8(11.3)

4(8.2)

12(10.0) 0 0 --

Total 71(100)

49(100)

120(100)

47(100)

30(100)

77(100)

Source: Field Data

Caste is an age old concept, which depicts the social status of the people

and it is on the basis of this caste that categories are also determined. The

caste facet in Assam occupies an important position not only at the

grassroots level but also at the upper level of state politics. On the other

hand, in Arunachal Pradesh typical caste system does not exist. The state

has a very negligible SC population because of which it has been exempted

from making SC reservation. However, differences exist among the various

ST groups in Arunachal Pradesh. As a result of this social composition, we

observe variation in terms of the representation of various caste categories

in the PRIs of both the states. In Assam, General Category constitutes the

highest percentage (52.5 per cent), followed by SC (18.3 per cent), OBC (16.7

per cent), MOBC (10 per cent) and ST (2.5 per cent). In case of male and

female respondents, male occupies significant position in all the categories.

It is also to be noted that both male and female representatives from general

category constitutes the majority of the GP representatives. Conversely, in

Arunachal Pradesh, the position is totally different. Here, all the

148

respondents (100 per cent) belong to the ST category. However, like Assam,

male also has the dominant position in Arunachal Pradesh.

Table C 11: Distribution of the respondents by Religion

Assam Arunachal Pradesh

Religion M F Total M F Total

Hindu 40(56.3)

26(53.1)

66(55.0)

27(57.4)

17(56.7)

44(57.1)

Muslim 29(40.8)

22(44.9)

51(42.5) -- -- --

Christian 2(2.8)

1(2.0)

3(2.5)

17(36.2)

12(40.0)

29(37.7)

Buddhist -- -- -- 3(6.4)

1(3.3)

4(5.2)

Any Other -- -- -- -- -- --

Total 71(100)

49(100)

120(100)

47100)

30(100)

77(100)

Source: Field Data

The table depicts that in Assam, Hindu occupies the highest percentage in

GP as they constitute 55 per cent, followed by Muslims (42.5 per cent) and

Christians (2.5 per cent). The result indicates that both Hindus and Muslims

are taking equal part in the development process at the grassroots level in

proportion to their population. As Christian population is less in the

sampled districts, their representation is also very minimal. Likewise, in

Arunachal Pradesh also, Hindu representatives constituting 57.1 per cent

exclusively control the GP activities, followed by Christians (37.7 per cent)

and Buddhist (5.2 per cent). There is no Muslim GP representative in

Arunachal Pradesh.

149

Table C 12: Distribution of the respondents by Family Pattern

Assam Arunachal Pradesh

Size of theFamily M F Total M F Total

1-5 members 34(47.9)

27(55.1)

61(50.8)

23(48.9)

13(43.3)

36(46.8)

Above 5 37(52.1)

22(44.9)

59(49.2)

02(51.1)

17(56.7)

41(53.2)

Total 71(100)

49(100)

120(100)

47(100)

30(100)

77(100)

Family Type M F Total M F Total

Nuclear 41(57.7)

30(61.2)

71(59.2)

27(57.4)

09(30.0)

36(45.5)

Joint 30(42.3)

19(38.8)

49(40.8)

20(42.6)

21(70.0)

41(55.8)

Total 71(100)

49(100)

120(100)

47(100)

30(100)

77(100)

Source: Field Data

Family pattern represents two important components – size of the family

and type of the family. The former refers to the number of members present

in the family. Commonly, if a family consists of five or less than five

members it is considered as small and above five is large. Depending on the

nature of composition the families have been categorised as joint or nuclear

for the purpose of present study. Here joint family refers to that family

which is composed of parents, children and the children’s spouses and

offspring in one household and nuclear family refers to a family composed

of parents and their children only.

Table C12 reveals that majority of the Panchayat representatives (50.8 per

cent) in Assam belong to small family group (1-5 members) and both male

and female representatives are more or less equally spread. As regard the

type of the family, 59.2 per cent of the representatives in Assam belong to

the nuclear family. This shows a decline in joint family system, which has

been a major feature of Indian rural society since time immemorial. There is

150

an escalation of individualistic attitudes which is bringing a change in the

life-style of the rural masses also. Unlike Assam, in Arunachal Pradesh,

majority of the representative (53.2 per cent) belong to the large family

group (Above 5 members). Here, the joint family system is still in existence

as 55.8 per cent of the respondents belong to this category and this put them

in advantageous position at the time of Panchayat election.

Table C 13: Distribution of the respondents by EducationAssam Arunachal Pradesh

Education M F Total M F Total

Illiterate 02(2.8)

05(10.2)

7(5.9)

06(12.8)

07(23.3)

13(16.9)

Primary 19(26.8)

27(55.1)

46(38.3) 19 (40.4) 13

(43.3)32

(41.6)

Below HSLC 29(40.8)

11(22.4)

40(33.3)

14(29.8)

06(20.0)

20(26.0)

HSLC/HS passed 13(18.3)

06(12.2)

19(15.8)

06(12.8)

02(6.7)

08(10.4)

Graduation &above

08(11.3)

00(0.0)

8(6.7)

02(4.2)

02(6.7)

04(5.2)

Total 71(100)

49(100)

120(100)

47(100)

30(100)

77(100)

Source: Field Data

Education and democracy is highly correlated. Democracy needs the ability

of taking right decision and it is education which helps to realize the needs

of democracy. Education broadens the rational outlook of a person and

there by enables him to take correct and quick decision. There is a common

notion that people with average merit take part at grassroots politics and

educated section of the people keep themselves away from village politics.

However, situation has changed considerably with the passing of Seventy-

third Amendment Act as it has expanded the activities of local bodies. PRIs

are now entrusted with multifarious functions including development

projects which can bring a sea-change in the life of the rural masses.

151

Though the Act has not prescribed for any educational qualification yet the

pattern of working of the PRIs demands educational qualification of the

representatives. Table C 13 shows that PRIs in both the states are controlled

by the representatives having education up to primary level (38.3 per cent

in Assam and 41.6 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh). This is followed by the

representatives having below HSLC qualification (33.3 per cent in Assam

and 26 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh. It is also observed from the table that

representative having HSLC/HS qualification in Assam constitutes 15.8 per

cent, which is slightly higher than that of Arunachal Pradesh (10.4 per cent).

As regard the respondents from the last category (Graduation and above) it

is observed that the difference is marginal as 6.7 per cent representing

Assam and 5.2 per cent representing Arunachal Pradesh. A minute analysis

of the table further reveals that female representatives both in Assam and

Arunachal Pradesh are comparatively less qualified than male

representatives as they constitute only 5 per cent in Assam (adding together

fourth and fifth category) and 12.2 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh (adding

together fourth and fifth category), which indicates the reality of women

empowerment in the states. It deserves mention here that the percentage of

female respondents under the first and second category (illiterate and

primary) in both the states is more than that of male respondents. From the

analysis of the table it can be inferred that though the education profile of

members of PRIs have steadily undergone change it is yet to attract highly

educated people as Panchayat members.

152

Table C 14 (a): Distribution of the respondents(President/Chairpersons) by Income

Assam

Annual IncomeChairperson

TotalM F

Below 20000 0 (0.0) 6 (60.0) 6

20001-40000 2 (14.3) 1 (10.0) 3

40001-60000 4 (28.5) 1 (10.0) 5

60001-80000 6 (42.9) 2 (20.0) 8

80001 & above 2 (14.3) 0 (0.0) 2

Total 14 (100) 10 (100) 24

Arunachal Pradesh

Annual IncomeChairperson

TotalM F

Below 20000 0 (0.0) 4 (66.6) 4

20001-40000 3 (23.0) 0 (0.0) 3

40001-60000 4 (30.8) 1 (16.7) 5

60001-80000 5 (38.5) 1 (16.7) 6

80001 & above 1 (7.7) 0 (0.0) 1

Total 13 (100) 6 (100) 19

Source: Field Data.

Table C 14 (b): Distribution of the respondents (Members)by Income

Assam

AnnualIncome

MemberTotal

Total No.(Presidents/

Chairpersons +Members)M F

Below 20000 17 (29.8) 32 (82.1) 49 6+49=55 (45.8)20001-40000 23 (40.4) 4 (10.3) 27 3 + 27=30 (25.0)

40001-60000 12 (12.1) 2 (5.1) 14 5 + 14 = 19 (15.8)

60001-80000 3 (5.2) 1 (2.5) 4 8 + 4 = 12 (10.0)

80001 & above 2 (3.5) 0 (0.0) 2 2 + 2 = 4 (3.3)

Total 57 (100) 39 (100) 96 24 + 96 = 120 (100)

153

Contd... Table C 14(b)

Arunachal Pradesh

AnnualIncome

MemberTotal Total No.

M FBelow 20000 13 (38.2) 17 (70.8) 30 4 + 30 = 34 (44.1)

20001-40000 11 (32.4) 4 (16.7) 15 3 + 12 = 18 (23.3)

40001-60000 6 (17.6) 2 (8.3) 8 5 + 8 = 13 (17.0)

60001-80000 3 (8.8) 1 (4.2) 4 4 + 6 = 10 (13)

80001 & above 1 (2.9) 0 (0.0) 1 1 + 1 = 2 (2.6)

Total 34 (100) 24 (100) 58 19 + 58 = 77 (100)

Source: Field Data.

The distribution of sampled respondents on the basis of income in Table

C 14 (a) and C 14 (b) shows that not a single male President/Chairperson in

both the states has annual income of less than Rs. 20000, while in case of

female President/Chairperson a significant percentage – 66.6 per cent in

Assam and 70.8 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh – has an annual income of

below Rs. 20000. It is also observed from the table that in case of male

President/Chairperson in both the states, income category Rs. 60001 –

80000 comprises the highest percentage, followed by Rs. 40001 – 60000 and

Rs. 20000 – 40000 category. However, a nominal percentage – 7.7 per cent

in Assam and 2.9 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh – of male

President/Chairperson have annual income of above Rs. 80001. Thus, it is

evident from the table that male Presidents/Chairpersons in both the states

are more affluent comparing to female Presidents/Chairpersons. Ironically,

not even a single female President/Chairperson is found to have annual

income of above Rs. 80001. Majority of them (70 per cent in Assam and 66.6

per cent in Arunachal Pradesh) have annual income of below Rs. 40000.

As regard the economic status of male and female GP members are

concerned, it is observed from the table that in both the states the

154

percentage of female members in the category of below Rs. 20000 is much

higher (82.1 per cent in Assam and 70.8 in Arunachal Pradesh) than that of

male members (29.8 per cent in Assam and 38.2 per cent in Arunachal

Pradesh) and this clearly indicate about the dependence syndrome of the

female representative upon their family members. Further, it is found that

the male representatives are also well heeled than that of female members

in both the states. From these observations it can be mentioned here that the

Panchayat Acts of both the states have opened up new vistas for the rural

masses having different socio-economic background to join PRIs.

Table C 15 (a): Distribution of the respondents(President / Chairpersons) by Land Holding

Assam

LandChairperson

TotalM F

0-1 acre 2 (14.3) 8 (80.0) 10

2-4 acre 5 (35.7) 2 (20.0) 7

5 acre & above 7 (50.0) 0 (0.0) 7

Total 14 (100) 10 (100) 24

Arunachal Pradesh

LandChairperson

TotalM F

0-1 acre 1 (7.7) 5 (83.3) 6

2-4 acre 7 (53.8) 1 (16.7) 8

5 acre & above 5 (38.5) 0 (0.0) 5

Total 13 (100) 6 (100) 19

Source: Field Data.

155

Table C 15 (b): Distribution of the respondents (Members)

by Land Holding

Assam

LandMember

TotalTotal No.

(Presidents/Chairpersons + Members)M F

0-1 acre 25 (43.9) 35 (89.7) 60 10 + 60=70 (58.3)

2-4 acre 21 (36.8) 4 (10.3) 25 7 + 25 = 32 (26.7)

5 acre & above 11 (19.3) 0 (0.0) 11 7 + 11=18 (15.0)

Total 57 (100) 39 (100) 96 24 + 96=120 (100)

Arunachal Pradesh

0-1 acre 16 (47.1) 19 (79.2) 35 6 + 35=41 (53.2)

2-4 acre 10 (29.4) 5 (20.8) 15 8 + 25=23 (29.9)

5 acre & above 8 (23.5) 0 (0.0) 8 5 + 8=13 (16.9)

Total 34 (100) 24 (100) 58 19 + 58=77 (100)

Source: Field Data.

In rural India, land occupies an important position as it associated with the

socio-economic status of the people. Hence, questions are asked to the

respondents about their land possession. Table C 15 (a) and C 15 (b) reveal

that in Assam and Arunachal Pradesh, male Presidents/Chairpersons have

relatively occupy larger size of land than the female

Presidents/Chairpersons as well as members. In Assam 50 per cent and in

Arunachal Pradesh 38.5 per cent of the male Presidents/Chairpersons

possess more than 5 acre of land, while not a single female

Presidents/Chairpersons fall in this category. Again, 35.7 per cent (Assam)

and 53.8 per cent (Arunachal Pradesh) of the male Presidents/Chairpersons

possess 2-4 acre of land. Surprisingly, majority of the female

Presidents/Chairpersons (80 per cent in Assam and 83.3 in Arunachal

156

Pradesh) in both the states occupy less than 1 acre of land. The main reason

for such differences between male and female respondents is the pattern of

property ownership as men possess land in their name rather than women.

This indicates a form of discrimination against women so far as land

relation is concerned.

Analysing the land holding of the male and female members it is noticed

that male members in both the states are also in a better position than

female members. The highest concentration of male members (43.9 per cent

in Assam and 47.1 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh) is in the category of 0-1

acre, followed by the second category [2-4 acre (36.8 in Assam and 29.4 in

Arunachal Pradesh)] and third category [5 and above (19.3 in Assam and

23.5 in Arunachal Pradesh]. In case of female members it is found that

majority of them (89.7 per cent in Assam and 79.2 in Arunachal Pradesh)

are having 0-1 acre of land. Even not a single female member belong to the

third category (5 acre and above). Hence, it can be concluded that women

representatives are comparatively less affluent than male representatives. It

is only by virtue of reservation facilities that they are able to participate in

the decision making process at the grassroots level. It is thus evident from

the analysis that the sampled GPs are composed of representatives from

various socio-economic backgrounds.

Further, it is required to mention that in course of interaction with the

respondents their material possessions have also been taken into account. It

is observed that in terms of material possession Presidents/Chairpersons in

both Assam and Arunachal Pradesh are in a quite better position. They

possess household appliances (TV, refrigerator etc), means of

communication (two/three wheeler) as well as agricultural tools. They also

live in pucca houses, while it is observed that majority of the members in

157

both the states live in semi-pucca houses, possess limited household goods.

Interestingly, female Presidents/Chairpersons having low level of annual

income and land holding also possess better household materials. The

reason is that they belong to a comparatively better off family (better

financial position of husband) as against other female members. Thus the

analyses of the above table indicate that there is a trend to choose the rural

elites to the posts of President/Chairperson in both the states.

Table C 16: Distribution of the respondentsby Political Parties’ affiliationAssam Arunachal Pradesh

Political Party M F Total M F Total

INC 31 25 56 (46.7) 34 17 51 (66.2)

BJP 15 09 24 (20.0) -- -- --

AUDF 05 05 10 (8.3) 02 03 05 (6.5)

IND 19 10 29 (24.2) 11 10 21 (27.3)

AGP 01 00 01 (0.8) -- -- --

Total 71 39 120 (100) 47 30 77 (100)Source: Field Data.

Political factors play a prominent role in the functioning as well as

implementation of the plan schemes under the PRIs. It is often observed

that the political rivalries between the various factions and groups influence

the smooth working of the decision-making process at the grassroots level.

Thus, to understand the political influence at the local level it is necessary to

highlight the political majority of members in both the states (46.7 per cent

in Assam and 66.2 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh) belong to the Indian

National Congress (I), followed by Independent candidates (24.2 per cent in

Assam and 27.3 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh). The strength of the GP

representatives from BJP is only 20 per cent in Assam, while in Arunachal

Pradesh none of the respondents belong to this party. The regional parties

158

like AUDF and AGP has also nominal presence in the sampled areas of

Assam. In Arunachal Pradesh, NCP has only 6.5 per cent of members at the

GP. In course of interaction with the respondents it is observed that

particularly in Assam many of the respondents contested elections as

independent candidates, while after winning election they joined the

political parties (mainly ruling party) and started working for them. The

reason for such kind of attitude lies in enjoying power by remaining close to

the political personnel. However, the existence of members from various

political parties creates differences of opinion in the functioning of the GPs

across the states. In case of Arunachal Pradesh it is quite interesting to note

that some of the GPs are composed of three/four members and among

them half of the members are from one party and the rest from other party.

This kind of division in such small body creates differences of opinion

resulting in the difficulty of selecting the beneficiaries as well as

undertaking rural development programmes. Thus, the party factions

generate problems in realizing the spirit of democracy at the grassroots

level.

Besides, it is also pertinent to know the motive of the representatives for

joining grassroots politics since the performance of the PRIs largely

depends on the commitment of the participants in bringing socio-economic

and political developments. Keeping this in view respondents have been

asked to share their opinion and in response the selected representatives

have pointed out a multiplicity of factors, which are grouped below in a

tabular form.

159

Table C 17: Factors motivated representatives to contestPanchayat election

Assam Arunachal PradeshFactors M F Total M F Total

Self-motivation 16(22.5)

05(10.2)

21(17.5)

12(25.5)

03(10.0)

15(19.5)

Family members / Friends 06(8.5)

31(63.3)

37(30.8)

05(10.6)

16(53.3)

21(27.2)

Party involvement 34(47.9)

04(8.2)

38(31.7)

23(48.9)

05(16.7)

28(36.4)

Welfare of the locality 11(15.5)

03(6.1)

14(11.7)

05(10.6)

02(6.7)

07(9.1)

Serving women 04(5.6)

06(12.2)

10(8.3)

02(4.3)

04(13.3)

06(7.8)

Total 71(100)

49(100)

120(100)

47(100)

30(100)

77(100)

Source: Field Data.

Table C 17 reveals that a significant number of the representatives in both

Assam (31.7 per cent) and Arunachal Pradesh (36.4 per cent) have joined

the PRIs largely because of party involvement, followed by family

members/friends (30.8 per cent in Assam and 27.2 per cent in Arunachal

Pradesh), self motivation (17.5 per cent in Assam and 19.5 per cent in

Arunachal Pradesh), welfare of the locality (11.7 per cent in Assam and 9.1

per cent in Arunachal Pradesh) and serving women (8.3 per cent in Assam

and 7.8 per cent in Arunachal Pradesh). Interestingly, vast majority of

female representatives in both the states (63.3 per cent in Assam and 53.3

per cent in Arunachal Pradesh) stated that they joined PRIs as they are

motivated/influenced by their family members/friends, which is not a

healthy sign for the better performance of the PRIs.

3.4 Summing up: This Chapter presents the brief profile of both the states

along with the selected districts. It also presented the socio-economic and

political profile of the respondents of both the states. The analysis of the

data reveals that there are variations in the composition of the GPs across

160

the districts mainly in the Arunachal Pradesh, while in Assam the GPs have

similar composition. But GPs in both the states are represented by the

people having different socio-economic background. The analyses of the

tables specify that Presidents/Chairpersons in both the states are better off

in comparison to the other members. Sex-wise distribution of respondents

shows that male elected representatives constitute the largest number in

GPs in comparison to female representatives and it is because of their

numerical strength as well as the social structure that male representatives

are dominating the functioning of the PRIs in both the States of Assam and

Arunachal Pradesh. However, gap between male and female representation

has been found more in Arunachal Pradesh as compared to Assam mainly

because of the existence of rigid social norms particularly the patriarchal

norms. Age data of the respondents reveal the minimal representation of

youths at the grassroots politics in both the states. Reasons for such less

participation of the youths lie in their careerist attitude. It is also observed

that a higher per cent of GP representatives (both male and female) is in the

age group of 31-40 years, which shows the domination of the middle age

group at the grassroots level. Again, marital status of the respondents

reveals that married group occupies the highest percentage in both the

states and this indicates the low level of interest of the unmarried people in

participating at the grassroots politics.

As regard the social background it is observed that in Assam, general

category constitutes the highest percentage followed by SC, OBC, MOBC

and ST. However, in comparison to female representatives male occupies

significant position in all the categories. It is observed that most of the SC

and women representatives have been contested and elected in the PRIs not

because of their passion but because of the reservation of seats for them.

Conversely, in Arunachal Pradesh, the situation is totally different. Here,

161

reservation of seats is not available for SC and all the representatives belong

to the ST category. But, differences exist among the members of various ST

groups. However, one common fact has been noticed in respect of both the

states is that male representatives have occupied the dominant position in

the PRIs activities. Religion-wise distribution of the respondents of both the

states also show the active involvement of the people irrespective of their

religion in the decision making process at the grassroots politics. Analyzing

the educational data it is observed that representatives from Assam are

more educated than that of Arunachal Pradesh. It is noticed that the

problem of literacy in both the states is grimmer among female

representatives in comparison to their male counterpart. Female

representatives both in Assam and Arunachal Pradesh are found

comparatively less qualified than male representatives, which indicate the

reality of women empowerment in the states. However, it is important to

note here that the level of participation of the representatives from illiterate

category is not significant and this proves that educated sections of the

rural people are now gradually coming forward to participate in the PRIs.

The study of Family pattern of the respondents shows that a significant

portion of the representatives in Assam are found to be a part of the nuclear

family system. This shows a decline in joint family system, which has been

a major feature of the rural society since time immemorial. There is an

escalation of individualistic attitudes which is actually bringing a change in

the life-style of the rural masses also. Unlike Assam, in Arunachal Pradesh,

it is observed that majority of the representatives belong to the large family

group (Above 5 members). Further, it is found that the joint family system

is still in existence in Arunachal Pradesh as majority of the respondents

belong to this category. The distribution of respondents on the basis of their

income reveals that male Presidents/Chairpersons in both the states are

162

more affluent comparing to female Presidents/Chairpersons. As regard to

the economic status of male and female GP members, it is observed that in

both the states a great number of female members have a nominal income

comparing to male members, which clearly indicate the dependence

syndrome of the female representatives. An overall analysis of the

economic status of the elected representatives of both the states shows that

individuals from various income levels have got an opportunity to

participate in the activities of the PRIs. Analysing the land holding of the

elected representatives of both Assam and Arunachal Pradesh, it is further

observed that male Presidents/Chairpersons are relatively in a better

position as they occupy larger size of land comparing to female

Presidents/Chairpersons and other members. It is thus clear that size of

landholding is particularly relevant in relation to the holding of the post of

President/Chairman. Again, in terms of material possession also,

Presidents/Chairpersons (both male and female) in both the states are

found in a quite better position than that of the members.

Finally, the distribution of the respondents on the basis of their political

affiliation shows that the largest number of elected representatives

including Presidents/Chairpersons, Vice-Presidents (posts of vice-

presidents is not available under APPRA) and members in both the states

belong to the Indian National Congress (I) followed by Independent

candidates. It is worth mentioning here that the presence of Independent

candidates in a large number reflects the enthusiasm of the people to

participate in the PRIs activities. However, in course of interaction it is

found that in Assam there is a tendency on the part of the independent

candidates to join in the ruling political party in the post-election phase

with a view to get advantages. This in turn provides stability in the decision

163

making process at the GP level. But where the numbers of members from

various political parties exist, political factions also prevail.

It is in this background it has become imperative to understand the

working of the PRIs in both Assam and Arunachal Pradesh and to do so a

set of questions have been prepared for the respondents and their responses

are tabulated and analysed in the next chapter.

References:

1. Pratap Chandra Swain (2008), Panchayati Raj, APH Publishing Corporation,New Delhi.

2. Ibid.

3. Government of India (2005), Arunachal Pradesh Human Development Report,Department of Planning.

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