secwepemcésk̓e: secwépemc personal names and...

Secwepemcésk̓e: Secwépemc Personal Names and Naming

by Theodore Gottfriedson

Project Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts

in the

Department of Linguistics

Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

© Theodore Gottfriedson 2019

SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY

Spring 2019

Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation.

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Approval

Name: Theodore Gottfriedson

Degree: Master of Arts

Title: Secwepemcésk̓e: Secwépemc Personal Names and Naming

Examining Committee: Chair: Nancy Hedberg Professor

Marianne Ignace Senior Supervisor Professor

Ronald Ignace Supervisor Adjunct Professor

Date Approved: April 17, 2019

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Ethics Statement

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Abstract

This research addresses the subject of Secwepemcésk̓e, Secwépemc personal names

and naming, in order to increase knowledge about our traditional names, and help to

revitalize the use of Secwepemctsín names as an important domain in the use and

knowledge of our language. It is a contribution to the overall revitalization of our

endangered language. To recover Secwépemc traditional names that our ancestors from

Skítsestn and Tk̓emlúps were given during the 19th and early 20th centuries, I worked

with archival records such as Baptisms 1867-1882 and Marriages 1873-1874 from the

Kamloops Catholic Diocese; the 1881 Canada Census (Yale Division); the 1877-1878

Joint Reserve Commission Census; and early band lists from the 1920s. In focus group

sessions and interviews, I discussed these with a group of Secwepemctsín speaking

Elders, mainly from Skítsestn, who provided translations, correct pronunciations, the

meaning and context of names, and cultural background information. The information

from these sessions, a literature review of previous ethnographic writings and analyses

of names by ethnographer James Teit, and research completed by Drs. Marianne and

Ronald Ignace all combined to provide a comprehensive examination of Secwépemc

names and practices of name-giving. In addition, these works, combined with the focus

group sessions with Elders, revealed various categories of Secwepemc names,

including ancestral names that derive from spirit-guardian quests (étsxem) but were then

passed down to keep the memory of ancestors alive, as well as nick-names that refer to

characteristics of a person, and names that directly name the guardian spirit of a person.

To enable better understanding of the linguistic structure of Secwepemcésk̓e, I provide a

linguistic morpheme gloss of names across these categories, in the hope that this will

enable new generations of Secwépemc to engage in naming practices true to the

practices and protocols of our ancestors.

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Keywords: Secwepemc, Indigenous Personal Names, anthroponymy

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Dedication Firstly, it is important to thank the Elders who have endured and held onto the things that

make us Secwépemc, I am grateful for your strength and perseverance in the face of

what were insurmountable odds. Without your indomitable spirit, we would have nothing

left to save and be truly lost.

I would also like to thank the Elders at the beginning of my language learning journey

who took the time to share our language, teach me our beautiful language, and inspire

me to continue learning our language: Lizzie Thomas, Mildred Gottfriedson, Clara

Charlie, Vivian Williams, Daniel and Loretta Seymour, kukwstsétselp.

A special thank you to the Elders who in later years continued to unselfishly pass on

their knowledge: Daniel and Leona Calhoun, Christine Simon, Amy Slater, Garlene

Dodson, Julie Antoine, Doris Gage, Bill Pete and ‘The’ Mona Jules who through her

many years of hard work and dedication to our language, is the undisputed Dr. of

Secwepemctsín, kukwstsétselp.

Thank you to my supervisor, Dr. Marianne Ignace, for all your guidance, support,

patience, and your many years of dedication to the Secwépemc, ell re xqweltén-kt. Yerí7

re skukwstsétsemc!

I would also like to thank Tk̓emlúps te Secwépemc (TteS), with special emphasis to the

Education Department, for all their support. Through their actions TteS has

demonstrated that their belief in the importance of revitalizing our language goes beyond

words.

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Thank you to my family: mom, dad, sisters, brothers, aunts, uncles, nieces and

nephews, kukwstsétselp for all your support and especially for the loud gatherings and

laughter; having a supportive extended family such as this, truly allows us to be who we

are.

Thank you to my wife Sharon, ren sxuxwyéyem – “my one” who is a true partner and

confidant; and my children: Ted, Alexis, Emma and Mackenzie, ren púp̓smen – “my

heart” kukwstsétselp for giving me the greatest joy of all, fatherhood.

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Table of Contents

Approval ............................................................................................................................ ii Ethics Statement ............................................................................................................... iii Abstract ............................................................................................................................ iv Dedication ........................................................................................................................ vi Table of Contents ............................................................................................................ viii List of Tables .................................................................................................................... ix List of Figures.................................................................................................................... x The Sounds of Secwepemctsín Written in the Practical Alphabet ................................... xi

Chapter 1. Introduction ................................................................................................ 1

Chapter 2. Literature Review ..................................................................................... 10

Chapter 3. Methodology ............................................................................................ 14

Chapter 4. Data Analysis ........................................................................................... 19

Chapter 5. Conclusion ............................................................................................... 37

References ..................................................................................................................... 38

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List of Tables

Table 1. ésq̓t suffix ................................................................................................ 23 Table 2. éscen/élst suffix ....................................................................................... 23 Table 3. qín/qen suffix ........................................................................................... 24 Table 4. étkwe suffix .............................................................................................. 25 Table 5. ín̓ek suffix ................................................................................................ 25 Table 6. íts̓e7 suffix ............................................................................................... 26 Table 7. el̓qs suffix ................................................................................................. 27 Table 8. el̓cken, l̓cken suffix .................................................................................. 27 Table 9. (s)tím̓t suffix ............................................................................................. 28 Table 10. Warrior names ......................................................................................... 32 Table 11. Adapted Christian names ........................................................................ 35

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List of Figures

Figure 1. Skítsestn Elders Group (excluding: Dr. Ignace and Ted Gottfriedson) Front Row L-R: Leona Calhoun, Amy Slater, Daniel Calhoun, Christine Simon Back Row L-R: Dr. Marianne Ignace, Julie Antoine, Ted Gottfriedson, Doris Gage Missing: Garlene Dodson ............................... 13

Figure 2. Brainstorming Session ............................................................................. 16 Figure 3. Baptisms (1867-1882) and marriages (1873-1874) from the Kamloops

Catholic Diocese ...................................................................................... 17 Figure 4. Elder Christine Simon’s explaination of the name Kekéwqen ................. 29 Figure 5. Elder Christine Simon’s explanation of the name Sentéws ..................... 30 Figure 6. The Calhoun Family Tree ........................................................................ 36

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The Sounds of Secwepemctsín Written in the Practical Alphabet

Vowels Description Usage a similar to a in father ah in Eastern Secwepemctsín é similar to a in tan a in Eastern Secwepemctsín e (schwa)

similar to a in alone or e in enough

unstressed e is deleted in Eastern Secwepemctsín in the surroundings of syllabic l, m, and n and semi-vowels w and y

i similar to ee in feet or ea in beam

retracted to ia before throat sounds (uvulars and pharyngeals)

o similar to o in rod or augh in naught

u similar to oo in noon retracted to o before throat sounds (uvulars and pharyngeal)

Consonants Plain stop Glottalized stop Fricative Plain resonant Glottalized resonant

Labial p p̓ m m ̓ Dental-lateral t t ̓ ll n, l n̓, l̓ Alveolar ts ts̓ s Palatal y y̓ Velar-plain k k̓ c r r ̓ (rare) Velar-rounded kw kw̓ cw w w̓ Uvular-plain q q̓ x Uvular-rounded qw qw̓ xw Pharyngeal-plain

g g̓ (rare)

Pharyngeal-rounded

gw gw̓

Laryngeal 7 h

Note: the diacritic ́is used to indicate syllable stress, which can be born by any syllable containing the vowels é (as opposed to the always unstressed schwa e) i, a, or u. In destressed syllables, u is reduced to ew, and e, i, and a are reduced to the unstressed e. In addition, a period is used to separate two letters that are also used in combination to represent a phoneme (e.g., t.s versus ts and c.w versus cw). And parentheses are used to indicate a variation in the spelling and pronunciation of a word, which often reflects a dialect and speech community difference or in some cases an optional affix (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p. xxii).

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Chapter 1. Introduction

Indigenous peoples have the right to revitalize, use, develop and transmit to future generations their histories, languages, oral traditions, philosophies, writing systems and literatures, and to designate and retain their own names for communities, places and persons (United Nations, 2007).

My mother (Evelyn Gottfriedson nee Thomas) and father (Theodore Gottfriedson

Sr.) were and continue to be fiercely proud of their Secwépemc roots, a quality they

handed down to their children and grandchildren. My mother’s story is one of an

incredible journey of perseverance in the face of overwhelming odds. Evelyn’s parents

were: Squwéy (Edmund Thomas) of Tk̓emlúps, and Núnxwenxw (Elizabeth Thomas nee:

Lampreau) of Simpcw. Together Squwéy and Núnxwenxw had five sons and five

daughters, my mother being the youngest child. Evelyn’s father was a man whose early

life was rich with the language and culture of our people, a fully complete life. In his

childhood, Squwéy’s parents shared with him what it meant to become a ‘human being’

within Secwépemc society, sadly, later on in his life, it was a path that became too

difficult for him to stay on. He was a fluent speaker of the language, well versed in the

culture of our people, performed the tasks to earn his name, his songs, his power – he

completed his étsxem.

By going ‘up in the mountains,’ a young person had to live in solitude for days, potentially weeks and months, often on more than one stay. Through étsxem, which included fasting and prayer in solitude, individuals found their personal seméc (spirit guardian power). They were told, ‘Me7 etsxemíncwes re7 seméc’ (‘You should train for your guardian spirit power’). Seméc is thus conceived of as a spiritual quality and essence that does not exist accidentally or automatically but instead can be obtained and channelled by training and working hard for it. While away from the distractions of community and other people, young people on the étsxem went through rigorous fasting and physical training that allowed them to communicate with the spirits of animals. Songs would come to them, given by an animal or force of nature, like fire or water, that thus showed itself to the person questing and transferred its spirit power. These acquired

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seméc, embodied as a certain animal or a force of nature, would come to people, often during their dreams or while they were in a trance state. These seméc would become part of them, giving them special powers derived from the characteristic of the animal spirit or force of nature they received (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p. 384).

By all accounts, Squwéy was set up to enjoy a successful life as a Secwépemc

man. He continued his journey and married a young Secwépemc woman from a

Tqéltkemc (Upriver People) community, the Simpcw. Núnxwenxw (Elizabeth Lampreau)

was a beautiful young lady who had come from a family of survivors, not unlike every

other Secwépemc family during this era. Her father Seymour Lampreau was the son of a

French trapper and Secwépemc wife. Seymour was a man who had lost his own wife in

an influenza epidemic and raised his surviving children as a single father in difficult

times. Being a single parent, reluctantly he was left with no choice and sent his children

to residential school. Before attending residential school, Núnxwenxw was given a name

as a child, not the formal process as set out in Secwépemc Society, but a name given to

her by her family regardless.

Children receive a name sometime after they are able to walk easily. A few children, however, are named while yet in the cradle. A child could be named from either its father’s or mother’s ancestors or people. The most honorable and satisfactory method of giving a name is that of calling the neighboring people together, giving a feast, and proclaiming before them the name by which the child is to be known (Teit, 1900, p. 290).

Núnxwenxw was the first generation in my mother’s family to attend residential

school (her husband Squwéy did not). Unlike her husband she did not have the formal

cultural training he received, as she was in residential school; she did not perform the

tasks expected of a young female to complete her étsxem. The attacks on Núnxwenxw’s

identity were swift, calculated, brutal and continued throughout the duration of her

‘education’. It was at the end of her time at residential school that her father’s mixed

heritage played a pivotal role in deciding her future as a Secwépemc woman and

eventually mother. As was the norm in residential schools, the priests and nuns

assumed and exercised absolute control over every aspect of the lives of the children,

insofar as to influence their lives after residential school. In the case of Núnxwenxw, to

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choose a marriage they deemed appropriate for her betterment (assimilation). It was in

this instance that Seymour asserted his own views on the subject, that his daughter was

autonomous and free to choose her own husband. This was unacceptable to the nuns,

and as they discussed the matter and their opinions of him in French; Seymour stood

patiently by waiting, and upon the completion of their discussion he again asserted his

view, and to their distress, in French. Seymour was like most of the First Nation’s people

in our area, he was a polyglot, he spoke: all four Interior Salish Languages, English,

French and a little Cree.

It was years later that my mother Evelyn was born. She never had the

opportunity to meet her Grandmothers, Grandfathers, nor truly to get to know her father

Squwéy. It was in the few years before my mother’s birth and the early stages of her

childhood that her father entered into a downward spiral that would end his life. Squwéy

was prepared for the expectations of a Secwépemc man, to hunt, to fish, to care for the

territory of his people, to be a contributing member of his community, to provide for his

family and make the basic decisions needed for the betterment of himself, his family and

his community. What he was not prepared for was a colonial system that would

challenge every aspect of the duties expected of a Secwépemc man.

The years took their toll, and before my mother was born it became legal for

Indians to drink alcohol. My grandmother Núnxwenxw had said, “Your grandfather was a

good man, until he drank.” It was shortly after my mother was born that Núnxwenxw

ended her marriage with Squwéy. Like so many of our people who were left without

hope, Squwéy filled the hole left in him with alcohol. Squwéy died when my mother was

nine or ten years old, he was alone, intoxicated, and defeated on a railroad track far from

home.

It was through this time that my mother grew up in residential school, the same

as all of her older siblings. In the years since my grandmother Núnxwenxw was in the

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school, the school did not evolve into an educational system with the goal to help our

people become successful. Instead it continued to work towards the ambition of the

Government of Canada, ‘to kill the Indian within the child’. As was the case with

Núnxwenxw, albeit – with a reduced vigour, the priests and nuns would settle for a

husband who wasn’t Indian. The efforts of the residential school had the opposite effect

on my mother and thoroughly entrenched in her the desire to hold on to what she could

about being Secwépemc. It was only an idea she determinedly held on to, the notion of

being Secwépemc, as by this point in our family the language was now absent as were

the cultural teachings; teachings that were only one generation away from my mom. At

one family dinner my mother succinctly put her stance into the most memorable words.

Myself and my wife, my sisters and their spouses, and all the grandchildren (no small

number) were at a family dinner when the subject came up and my mother commented

on the efforts and attempted influence of the nuns and priests, “When I left there

(residential school), and they tried to make us ashamed of who we were, I didn’t want

them to win, I chose the toughest, brownest little Indian I could find – and that was your

dad.” It is from her determination that one more piece fell into place and affirmed my

resolve; it would be my responsibility to honor her and all those who came before her,

and those who will come after us to learn and pass on our language and ways of being.

The story of my father and his parents though similar in many aspects –

especially in terms of attending residential school, differs greatly in the fact that his

parents were better able to hold onto who they were, where they came from, each other

and remain focussed on what needed to be done. My father’s father was August (Gus)

Gottfriedson, an Okanagan man who transferred to the Tk̓emlúps band before marrying

my dad’s mother, Mildred Gottfriedson (Millie) C.M. (nee: Manuel) who was from

Tk̓emlúps. Gus’ transfer from the Okanagan Indian band he was born into, to Tk̓emlúps

speaks to the type of man he was, for it was no easy task. Gus proved to be honest,

loyal, a leader, and hardworking - all traits that were essential to what the Secwépemc

considered in making a good man.

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After his successful transfer and marriage to Millie, they raised their twelve

children and numerous foster children. Gus and Millie were constant pillars of the

Tk̓emlúps community as evidenced by the number of foster children they raised;

committees and societies they organized, and established – at community, regional,

provincial, and national levels; and for us today – their legacy laid the foundation for the

Secwépemc on which we can continue to rebuild our society.

Despite being a very busy couple, Millie and Gus found the time to encourage

and support their children in their children’s pursuit of sports, especially rodeo. Gus and

the Secwépemc were avid horsemen and found great satisfaction in breaking, riding,

raising, and being around horses. This love of horses transferred to the competitive

world of rodeos where Gus and his sons enjoyed success. While Gus and his sons took

care of the livestock, ranching duties, and any work to be done outside; Millie and her

daughters were taking care of the home. Millie found the time to share the traditional

songs, dances and spirituality with her children; as she spent the majority of her time

with her daughters, they were the ones who benefited from the majority of her teachings.

Sadly, neither Gus nor Mildred taught their children Secwepemctsín (nor Nsyilxcen – the

Okanagan Language, a language belonging to the Interior Salish Language Family, Gus’

language). The story of my paternal side is a story of the strengths found between two

people and their ability to not just see their family through a dark time in Canadian

history, but to enjoy personal success and pass on knowledge of their culture to future

generations.

It is from these two sides of my family that I draw inspiration. Leading to a desire

to find answers and feeling the optimism to continue looking.

The history of my family is a shared history by the Secwépemc Nation and all

other First Nations in Canada. It is from the remnants of the destructive, violent path of

colonialism that we must pick up the pieces of our languages and cultures and put them

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back together to rebuild our societies. This will not be an easy task, for the path we face

is perforated with obstacles that have been set out for generations and are woven into a

system that is not only foreign, not fully understood by the Secwépemc, but also

designed to stop us. Once we get past these obstacles, we face others of a practical

linguistic nature. Finding fluent speakers from an ever-decreasing pool to draw from is

reaching near impossible odds. In my community we are down to two remaining fluent

speakers, both of whom are elderly. After finding the necessary fluent speakers, the

complex system of sounds found within Secwepemctsín are difficult to overcome and

master; the structure of the language (a member of the Salish Language Family, and a

language which is estimated to be approximately 6,000 years old) has been thoroughly

studied by the linguist Aert Kuipers, and with in-depth research, has demonstrated how

sophisticated the structure is; the nuances of meaning are very difficult to translate much

less understand, which leads to the difficulty inherent in the translation of the language.

Translating Secwepemctsín through an English lens drastically limits the meaning both

culturally and linguistically.

Translation, in its broadest cultural sense – but also in narrower terms – is a complex process that requires nuanced understanding of the layered cultural meanings inherent in word, not least in names (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016).

As Grenoble reminds us,

Beyond the actual number of speakers across generations, language use across domains is important. In order for a language to be vital, it needs to be used by a community of speakers in a large number of domains. One of the key signs of language shift is the use of the language in dwindling domains; in order to revitalize it, the domains need to be increased (Grenoble, 2013, p. 797).

The subject of personal names in Secwepemctsín is quickly becoming a lost

domain within the culture of the Secwépemc. Through past colonial practices of

assigning the Secwépemc with Christian names a practice initiated in the 1860s, and

which in the subsequent generation became the surname of this generation’s children.

The Secwépemc have suffered the loss of an entire system of identity, history and social

customs, save for the knowledge of some Elders who still carry or remember ancestral

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names, and save for some individuals who have carried on practices of traditional

naming of their children.

The topic of my research will be the principles of naming in Secwepemctsín, their

meanings, customs, and significance. Included will be narratives associated with the

traditional names, the origin, reasons for the names, who “owned” the names, and any

noteworthy information. Personal names in Secwépemc culture performed more than the

task of being the name of a person, they were a source of familial history, spiritual

strength, personal milestones (coming of age). Over time, through an adaptive process

to overcome the loss of naming, an informal process was created and embraced.

New names are being invented all the time, and these are often transmitted to children and grandchildren. Such names are nicknames, like ‘Struck-on-the-head,’ the name of a man who when a boy had been struck over the head by a warrior; ‘Shot-back,’ a man who had been shot in his back by an arrow; ‘Hairy-face,’ a man who had heavy whiskers (Teit, 1900, p. 291).

The use of nicknames played a significant role in Secwépemc society, a practice

that has evolved through time and continues presently. Within my family for example,

nicknames play a significant role in our interactions within our family group. A nickname

is used to form close links and offer a means in which we share in the personal history of

individuals. The nicknames used within our family can be based in Secwepemctsín, on a

significant event that the individual is known for, or a noted characteristic of the bearer of

the nickname. A significant aspect of this project will be to reclaim traditional names and

understand the processes involved in creating traditional personal names. This domain

in Secwepemctsín is under-researched and with the passing of each fluent speaker the

opportunity to understand this aspect of the Secwépemc Culture and Language

vanishes.

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To overcome the obstacles and successfully revitalize our language and culture

and rebuild a healthy society, our language and culture are vital elements; but in order to

bring back our language and culture, we need to have a healthy society.

Researching Secwepemcésk̓e is a domain in our language and culture that is

vitally important in reclaiming our identity, in many distinct aspects: literally, spiritually,

culturally and socially.

‘A rose by any other name would smell as sweet’

Or would it? The line above, as uttered by the female lead of William Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet, is often cited to convey the notion that names are merely perfunctory words that have no bearing on the quality or function of the objects they denote. This volume questions such assumptions by analysing how, more than just performing a simple labelling duty, names can represent deeper kinds of identity, act as objects of attachment and dependence, and reflect community mores and social customs, while functioning as powerful determinants of inclusion and exclusion. Importantly, the contributors to this publication examine why names are not only symbols of their referents but also manifestations of cultural, linguistic and social heritage in their own right (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016, p. 1).

We need to know what we named ourselves, the processes involved in how we

came to those names, the cultural significance, understand the nuances of the meaning

of the names and the subtleties found within the meanings of the names, cultural rules

and the rights and responsibilities associated with the names. This knowledge will help

to heal our communities and bring unity back to our people; as understood and

expressed by Teit,

This idea of the unity of the family is most strongly brought out in the hereditary names of the Indians. Each family had certain names, and no one but members of the family were permitted to use them. Thus the same names in different dialectic forms are found among the Shuswap, Okanagan, and Upper and Lower Thompsons. These names can always be traced to a common ancestor of the persons bearing them. They do not seem, however, to have been the property of families for a long time, new names being often invented. It is not known whether there are any other

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customs based on the idea of the unity of all the descendants of a remote ancestor (Teit, 1900, p. 290).

As a side note, another important aspect of naming in Secwepemctsín that needs

to be addressed is that of toponymy. The place names within our territory will explain our

relationship to our territory, the way we approached the use of resources, the laws we

applied, in general it will reveal the attitude we have towards the land. To understand our

place names and reclaim them, will be another means in which we can reduce the

impacts of colonialism and return to a healthy society; it will be our geographical map to

health.

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Chapter 2. Literature Review

Initial study, although not an official linguistic work, and research of

Secwepemcésk̓e was conducted by the Nineteenth Century ethnographer James Teit.

His research on the Thompson Indians (Nlaka’pamux) of British Columbia (1900) and

followed by The Shuswap (Secwépemc) (1909) proves to be an invaluable resource to

the Secwépemc and Nlaka’pamux or Nlleképemc, as we call our neighbours, of today.

His research covered many different aspects of these peoples ranging from: games and

pastimes, to social organization, religion, medicine, to an extensive collection of myths.

His research continues to provide valuable knowledge and insights into the Secwépemc

and Nlaka’pamux of 1900’s and is relied upon for today’s researchers. Teit dedicated

much time and effort in accurately recording the data needed for the Jesup North Pacific

Expedition publications. It can be argued that Teit’s work in the field was integral to the

success of the publication.

Teit’s field notes from 1898 housed a great deal of information on names and

naming. In his notes he wrote about the importance of names and different classes of

names. He referred to names which he described in the following,

First, those names which are hereditary or have been handed down in families for several generations. Second, those which have originated during the lifetime of the person bearing them, and recording some circumstance in connection with his birth, or some important event in his life, of descriptive of some peculiarity of his person. Third dream names, which are taken by a person because of some dream he has had. The first class are by far the most numerous, although it is evident that many of them have originated in the same way. As examples of the second class of names may be given. (1) Ncikcinkekin (Struck on head) so named because when a boy he was struck several times on the head with a tomahawk by a Shuswap warrior who formed one of a war party who attacked some of the Slaxaiux. (2) Nkaiups (Shot posterior) so named because he was shot in the posterior with an arrow by another man. (3) Wopus (Harry face) so named because endowed with quite a lot of whiskers which grew particularly thick along his cheeks, some of the hairs even growing out over his cheekbones. He did not pluck his whiskers, as was the custom. (4) Sakwae (Squash) which name was taken by a man of the Nkamtcinemux who at the time was known by the name of Hatemelst. When going through another man’s garden one day, he saw a very large squash growing, which he stopped and admired. He said to himself ‘I will name myself after this

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plant’ so he called the people near bye to a feast and announced to them his new name by which he was henceforth called.” (Teit, 1898-1910, p. 1)

As noted by Teit the names found in the first class are similar to the traditional

Secwépemc personal names and these names were passed down in families through

several generations. The second class as demonstrated by his examples highlight the

Secwépemc names that do not fall within the typical traditional structure and are based

in life events or other circumstances that would be marked by a name, such as

nicknames. The third class would fall within the category of étsxem names, dream

names. As further evidenced in Teit’s examples of dream names

(1) Tsitsiatko (Similar Lakes or Waters) which name was taken by a woman who dreamed of seeing two lakes close together of exactly similar appearance. She considered this a good omen, and changed her name accordingly. (2) Skait (Reached the Top) a boy dreamed of a strange man who approaching him addressed him by this name. In consequence of dream the boy’s parents named him Skait. (3) Oipenwelin (Able to make a blaze) a woman took this name because of a dream she had. These dream names became the property of the people adopting them, and were handed down to their children, thus becoming hereditary names. (Teit, 1898-1910, p. 2)

Teit’s dedication to not only gathering the data, but also to the people from which

he gathered the data provided the Secwépemc, Nlaka’pamux and other tribes in British

Columbia with a much-needed friend and ally. His work endeared him to the people,

through his hard work and dedication for those he worked with; he gained the trust of the

people. The legacy he left for the Secwépemc will forever be fondly remembered by the

Secwépemc.

The book “Yerí7 re Stsq̓ey̓s-kucw, Secwépemc People, Land, and Laws” by

Marianne and Ron Ignace provides further insight into the Secwépemc. Their research

into the Secwépemc covers a vast range of topics and span time back to antiquity. Initial

habitation of the territory of the Secwépemc is discussed through a Secwépemc

stsptekwll (legend/story/narrative) in which The Old One sends Sk’elép to set the world

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right for the coming of the Secwépemc; a world that was becoming larger, emerging

more and more from the waters. There are interesting similarities between the stsptekwll

(oral traditions and histories) and the climactic changes that were occurring in

Secwepemcúl̓ecw, similarities that go beyond mere coincidence and point to the

obvious, that the stsptekwll, which are thousands of years old, are based in truth.

Additionally, oral histories which have long been thought of as “less-than” written

histories, must be afforded the same legitimacy as their written counterparts. (Ignace &

Ignace, 2017, pp. 31-72) A topic relevant to this research is the chapter that discusses

Secwépemc names. Names for males and females could be recognized by the lexical

suffix endings, “-esq̓t (day), -éscen (mineral rock), and -qín/-qen (head), whereas female

names typically end in -étkwe (water), and -in̓ek (bow, derived from the bow shape of a

pregnant belly). Other suffixes like -íts̓e7 (skin or blanket), -el̓qs (robe), and -em̓t/im̓t

(skin or dress) can involve either male or female names” (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p.

354).

Names and Naming; People, Places, Perceptions and Power written by various

contributors, edited by Guy Puzey and Laura Kostanski provided excellent background

information and a general source of ideas. The book covered many aspects in names

and naming, in “Part 2: Attitudes and Attachment” Katarzyna Aleksiejuk discusses a

contemporary subject; internet personal naming practices and trends in which she

demonstrates how personal naming works online and the similarities between online and

offline personal naming. “In every culture, naming is an institutional or conventionalised

practice. There are always more or less explicit regulations related to both the act of

naming … the structure of the personal name …and in many societies names are

required for official registration” (Puzey & Kostanski, 2016, p. 1). She also discusses how

usernames “demonstrate strategies of identity construction through usernames” (Puzey

& Kostanski, 2016, p. 4). Chapter 3 titled - Introduced Personal names for Australian

Aborigines; Adaptions to an Exotic Anthroponymy reminds us that colonial practices and

effects were not just limited to the Americas, “In the earliest days of the colonisation of

Australia – from 1788 onwards in Sydney – Aboriginal people were often known solely

by their Aboriginal names. Fairly soon after colonisation, however, Aboriginal people of

the Sydney area acquired introduced personal names, which were adopted to

13

accommodate the anthroponomic conventions of setters. Thus began a pattern whereby

a person typically had a range of Aboriginal names as well as introduced names” (Puzey

& Kostanski, 2016, p. 1). Also that the process of revitalization is well underway in other

parts of the world, and faces the same problems of lost knowledge as well, “More

recently there has been a reversion to Aboriginal names and, in some instances, a

complete rejection of all introduced names. Although some Aboriginal people have

essentially discarded introduced names, the current situation does not replicate the

naming practices that we presume were in place for centuries prior to 1788” (Puzey &

Kostanski, 2016, p. 1).

Figure 1. Skítsestn Elders Group (excluding: Dr. Ignace and Ted Gottfriedson)

Front Row L-R: Leona Calhoun, Amy Slater, Daniel Calhoun, Christine Simon Back Row L-R: Dr. Marianne Ignace, Julie Antoine, Ted Gottfriedson, Doris Gage Missing: Garlene Dodson

14

Chapter 3. Methodology

The information gathered for my research involved: focus group sessions,

individual interviews, and research of archival records. The focus group sessions were

conducted with a committed group of master speakers from the neighbouring community

of Skítsestn (Skeetchestn Indian Band). The community is located about 60 kilometers

west of Tk̓emlúps. Although with a population lower than that of Tk̓emlúps, through the

efforts and determination of past Elders of that community, and in part, the isolation of

the community, they were better able to hold onto Secwepemctsín and thus have a

higher number of fluent speakers.

It is important to note that the term fluent speakers would be limited to those

speakers who are Secwepemctsín - first language speakers, who are extraordinarily

fluent and knowledgeable, who also have the ability to converse in the language as long

as the occasion warrants. They also are willing to share their language and knowledge

with others. Fluent speakers are the resource people for anyone interested in

Secwepemctsín: from language learners to language champions even to other speakers

who would themselves be recognized as proficient speakers.

Secwepemctsín is divided into two major dialects. The Eastern dialect spoken by

five bands is spoken by the bands surrounding the town of Chase, extending east to the

Rocky Mountains. The Western dialect, which is the focus of this research, is spoken by

twelve bands, further divided into smaller sub-dialects one of which is the dialect spoken

by both Tk̓emlúps and Skítsestn – a dialect that is in critical danger with one remaining

fluent speaker in Tk̓emlúps and five fluent speakers in Skítsestn. 1

1 It should be noted that the one remaining speaker in Tk̓emlúps, one who is married into the Simpcw community, and another who is married into the St̓uxtéws community were originally from Skítsestn.

15

The involvement of the Skítsestn fluent speakers was crucial to the success of

my research. With the residual effects of the residential school still reverberating

throughout our communities, the ability to find a fluent speaker of Secwepemctsín is

difficult. To compound the issue, it is difficult to find a speaker who is not only willing to

speak the language, but to share it as well. Through the routine practise of shaming our

people in residential schools, many of our people are unable to find the honour,

importance and beauty in our language and culture and regain the dignity in ourselves.

So, to find a group of able, willing and committed Elders is a treasure beyond calculation.

I was truly honored to conduct the bulk of my research with the Skítsestn Elders

focus group, a group consisting of seven steadfast Elders. As a group we met on six

occasions. The sessions were full day sessions scheduled from 9:00 in the morning to

3:00 in the afternoon with a break for lunch. These Elders embody the fundamental spirit

of what an elder is to the Secwépemc and the importance they play in our society.

Resolute, giving, kind and patient they provided me with guidance, fortitude and

welcomed me into their illustrious company without hesitation or expectation. The Elders

ranged in age from the youngest at age 77 to the oldest being 87 years of age a lady in

superb health and full of energy. True to the vitality, surviving spirit and sense of humour

which are the prevailing characteristics of the Secwépemc, our group enjoyed the hours

filled with laughter, stories and sharing – times I will cherish forever.

Our group met in the Skítsestn Natural Resources Building located on the aptly

named, Lemonade Flats (a hot dry arid field, one in which a lemonade is most welcome!

This is my own personal take on the name of the area). One session was dedicated as

an unstructured session; a dynamic amusing session of brainstorming of any and all

types of names the Elders could recollect (see figure 2 below). Some names were

traditional of ancestors of the distant past, some were of names of their parents’

generation and their grandparents’ generation. Others were names from their childhood,

names of childhood friends and relatives. All manner of names had a story associated

with it and the session provided a wealth of knowledge.

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Figure 2. Brainstorming Session

Throughout the other sessions we worked through the archival records from:

Baptisms 1867-1882 and Marriages 1873-1874 of the Catholic Church, Kamloops

Diocese. In these archival records early missionaries documented the baptisms of the

Secwépemc. In 1909, Teit commented, “at present day most Indians, beside their own

tribal names, have baptismal or other names given to them by the whites. A large

percentage of these are French” (Teit, 1909, p. 571). The priests followed a flexible

outline in which they wrote the given Christian name on the day of the baptism, typically

followed by the traditional Secwépemc name and in some cases the names of the

parents of the newly baptised.

As drawn from Ignace and Ignace,

in keeping with the adaptive nature of the Secwépemc, new Christian names were changed into a “Secwépemc” way of pronunciation and thusly claimed by the Secwépemc. Since the Oblates were French, the new Christian names were French, some examples include: Victoire became Mektwál, Fidèle became Pitél, Edouard or Edward became Etwá, Marie or Amélie became Melí, and Eugenie became Wesní. Like the hereditary Secwépemc names describe above, these baptismal names were consequently, and into the present, passed down in alternating generations to keep the memory of the previous name bearer alive (Ignace & Ignace, 2017, p. 354).

Wading through the archival documents proved to be a difficult task for four

reasons:

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1) the physical quality of the documents is inconsistent and difficult to read (the

only remaining available copies are photocopies of photocopies filled with an abundance

of ‘back-ground noise’) as demonstrated in figure 3 shown below.

Figure 3. Baptisms (1867-1882) and marriages (1873-1874) from the Kamloops Catholic Diocese

• 2) During this era, Secwepemctsín was an oral language, there was no accepted

orthography of Secwepemctsín resulting in the priests’ ad hoc philosophy when

confronted with writing sounds they were not familiar with. For example, one

Secwépemc suffix used in the names of males “-ésq̓t” was written as “-kred”, with

the writing becoming increasingly smaller and difficult to distinguish into basically

a scribble; equivalent to someone verbally answering a question and when not

fully knowing the answer, lowers their speech and reduces their words to

mumbling. A much easier suffix to identify was the female suffix “-étkwe” written

as “-atkwa” in some cases, or “-atkoa” in others.

• 3) Most of the priests were by no means fluent speakers and as such, vital

components/sounds of the names were beyond the scope of the priests hearing

and therefore, missed or altered. An example is found in the name “Ritatkwa”

with the missing sound “c” added to the beginning of the name and “t” sounds

replaced with “l” to get the name “Crelrelátkwe”.

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• 4) Combined with all of the above, and the loss of understanding of a ‘specialized

higher form of Secwepemctsín’ as described by Elders from late in the eighteenth

century who in their own right did not fully understand the higher form of the

language and could only comment on what their Elders had shared with them,

contemporary Elders found it difficult to comment on the possible nuances of

some of the names and/or their meanings. As Teit comments, an added obstacle

is found in pronunciation, “Most of the names are pronounced differently from the

ordinary word that has the same meaning as the name. They are either

contracted or amplified” (Teit, 1900, p. 292).

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Chapter 4. Data Analysis

The data and data analysis of this project focuses on what I determined to be

four different naming categories of traditional naming. Three of them are within what our

Elders/fluent speakers would refer to as Secwepemcésk̓e. The first category is traditional

names which could also be considered formal names based on structures and rules

governing these as established centuries ago, perhaps even more than a thousand

years ago. These names were and are considered hereditary and were usually passed

down from the grandparent to the grandchild generation, although sometimes, especially

in cases of chiefly succession, from father to son. The second category includes étsxem

names or spirit guardian questing names based on the process of earning a name

through the vision/guardian quest, usually conducted in one’s youth. The third category

includes nicknames, also called Secwepemcíl̓t, which were given by family or friends

based on a wide variety of circumstances; they describe in Secwepemctsín the personal

characteristics, behaviour or appearance of a person. In a small number of cases I

found, these nicknames involved puns or word-play in Secwepemctsin. The final and

forth category consists of Christian baptismal given names that were modified from the

original French given names into a Secwépemc way of pronouncing them.

Traditional Secwépemc names are formal hereditary ancestral names that were

handed down through countless generations. The origins of these names date back

thousands of years as evidenced by James Teit’s observation; “…it appears clear, from

the large number of names (from about 35 to 65 per cent in various bands) common to

the Upper Thompson Indian and the Shuswap, that these people are of common

descent. Either they were one people originally, or they have intermarried often. Even in

bands that, so far as tradition goes, have never lived close together nor had any direct

intercourse, - like the Lytton band of the Thompson tribe, and the Shuswap bands of

High Bar and Big Bar, - nearly half the names are identical” (Teit, 1909, p. 570).

At the time of Teit’s research (1890s-early 1900s) very little was known of the

time depth of Interior Salish language relationships, let alone of archaeological time

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periods and historical time depth of Secwepemc and Nlaka’pamux interrelationships. Teit

himself noticed references to the “Coyote People” as the common ancestors of the

Secwepemc and Upper Nlaka’pamux, who lived in the country of the Thompson River

east and north of Lytton, and the Nicola, Similkameen, Okanagon and southern

Shuswap regions (1898:20). They were described as living at a long-ago time of “great

winds, fires and floods” (Teit 1909 p.559; see Ignace and Ignace 2017 p.41). We know

from historical linguistics research (Elmendorf 1965; Ignace and Ignace 2017 pp. 40-41)

as it triangulates with archaeological data and oral histories, that upon the introduction of

Salish from the coast to our homeland some 5,000 years ago, the languages “dispersed”

as people moved into what became their/our homelands, beginning 4,500 to 3,500 years

ago with Okanagan and St’at’imcets. Nlaka’pamuxcin and Secwepemctsin were the last

languages to split about 2,000 years ago (Ignace and Ignace 2017 p. 40).

The close similarity in the linguistic structure of names, and of naming practices

that Teit noticed thus plausibly speaks to their origin more than 2,000 years ago! Teit

thus demonstrates the kinship of the two peoples, back to a time when the Secwepemc

and our neighbors, the Nlaka’pamux were a single people. The commonality of names,

the matching rules and structures of naming between the two people are more than

coincidence and points to common ancestry which we can now, at least roughly place in

time and space.

As Teit noted, with minor variations that account for sound shifts in

Nlaka’pamuxcin, the lexical suffixes used in personal names of both people also

correspond. The lexical suffixes used in Secwépemc names of category one are as

follows (the lexical suffixes are given in their stressed forms first, followed by the

unstressed form - which is attached to lexical roots with strong stress. (Kuipers 1974: p

23) Forms that include resonants (l, m, n) or semi-vowels in the lexical root often move

the glottalized resonant left to the root as is common with other roots) (Kuipers 1974):

1) for men specifically

a. - ésq̓t, -sq̓t day, sky

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b. -élst, -álst, -lst , -cen rock, mountain. Also refers to leadership as “solid”

c. -qín, qen head/top. In names: leader (C. Simon pers. com)

2) for women specifically

a. -étkwe, -kwe water

b. -ín̓ek, -n̓ek bow/curved surface (shape of a pregnant belly)

3) Lexical suffixes shared by both male and female names:

a. -ítse̓7, -tse̓7 skin or blanket

b. el �qs, -l �qs robe or clothing

c. -el �cken, -l �cken body, small body, having a quality (Kuipers 1983:118)

d. –(s)tím̓t, -(s)tem̓t dressing, clothing, outer shell

The above suffixes are also referenced in Teit’s field notes which reinforce my

findings and as well he provides further insights into the suffixes, their meanings, to the

person, and exemplifies the connection to the land.

A large number of men’s names have the termination “qin” or “qain,” meaning the “most prominent,” the “highest” part or head of a person, a mountain, or almost any thing. It is probably the compound form of “qom qin,” (“head” of a person). It enters into the names of mountains, as “Spe limoa in,” (“flathead”), having reference to a flat prairie land on top or head of that mountain; and again it occurs “kimna in,” (“the top most part of a tree”) or “skimpa in” (“the headwaters” or “sources of a river”). (Teit, 1898-1910, p. 3)

Teit continues to expand on the suffixes with the following.

A number of names, of women as well as of men, end in “itse,” the compound form of the words meaning “skin,” “blanket,” “robe,” and sometimes “shirt.”….Some hereditary names of the Upper Nlak a pamux are identical are identical with Shuswap names; and in a few cases at least the families in both tribes bearing these names are related, their names being traced to a common Shuswap ancestor of several generations back. Many of the Shuswap and Okanagon names, which are similar in origin and construction to Upper Nlak a pamux names, terminate in “e llst,” “kin,” and “e skit.” After due consideration, I concluded that “e lst,” “e llst,” or “a llst,” the termination of a large class of Upper Nlak a pamux names, is

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probably the same as, but older than, the compound form of “stone,” viz., “aist.” The Shuswap for “aist” is “e lst;” and in some of their words the Nlak a pamux still retain the “l,” as several word-termination have “alk” instead of “aik,” etc.” (Teit, 1898-1910, p. 4)

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Table 1. ésq̓t suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography

Name – International Phonetic Alphabet

Gloss Literal Translation Added information Attested name-bearers

Tmesésq̓t tməsɛsqʼt t-məs-ɛsqʼt on top-four-day

four days Four is a sacred number within Secwépemc beliefs

Sisyésq̓t sisyəsɛsqʼt sisyəsɛsqʼt REDplay-day

play-day Hyacinth Jules. Former Chief of Skítsestn

Tsecwmésq̓t t ͡ʃəxwmɛsqʼt

t ͡ʃəxw-m-ɛsqʼt happy-INT-day

greet, wish well+day

He greets the day

Tkw̓ellpésq̓t tkw’əɬpɛsqʼt

tkw’əɬp-ɛsqʼt under-day

underneath + day Up Under the Sky

Ts̓elcésq̓t t ͡səlxɛsqʼt

t ͡s-əlx-ɛsqʼt stand-body-day

stand-up + day Standing by Day

Basil Paul

Table 2. éscen/élst suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography



Q ̓esnéscen q’əsnɛxən q’əs-nɛxən old-mineral rock

Old Rock

Qwímtscen qwimt ͡ʃxən qwimt ͡ʃxən Qw(i)-refraction of water+m=action

1)Nels Mitchell 2)Tk̓emlúps chief buried in Skítsestn

Sqweqw̓iymélst sqwəqw’imɛlst sqwəqw’im-ɛlst REDblack-rock

Black Rock

Qyexpélst qyəχpɛlst qyəχ-p-ɛlst crazy-STAT-stone

Crazy stone

Welemélst wələmɛlst wələm-ɛlst iron-stone

Iron stone

24

Name – Secwépemc Orthography



T ̓lel̓télst t’ləl’tɛlst t’ləl’-t-ɛlst frozen-STAT-rock

“frozen” into stone T ̓ult refers to medicine people’s ability to turn energy into matter, to “freeze objects into place” with their power (R. Ignace, pers. comm)

Table 3. qín/qen suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography



Kekéwqen kəkɛwqən kəkɛw-qən far-head

Far away head One who reads the stars

Tcwelqúm ̓qen txwəlqum’qɛn txwəl-qum’-qɛn turn-skull-head

Turn Head

Nq̓úmqen nq’umqən nq’um-qən skull-head

Skull

Tkwékweltqen tkwɛkwəltqən tkwɛkwəlt-qən REDgreen-on.top

Green on top

Pépwe7sqen pɛpwəʔsqən pɛp-wəʔ-sqən REDbeat.hit-top.back-head

Hit on back of head Possibly refers to the ability to see visions

Louis Deneault

Qmutqín qmutqin qmut-qin hat-head

Hat on head

Wesqín wəsqin wəs-qin elevated-head

High head

25

Table 4. étkwe suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography



Kw̓etmétkwe kw’ətmɛtkwə kw’ətm-ɛtkwə walk-water

Walk Water Walks in Water

Qwiyqenétkwe qwiqənɛtkwə qwi-qən-ɛtkwə blue-on.top-water

Blue on top Water Blue Headwater

Crelrelátkwe xɹəlɹəlatkwə

x-ɹəlɹəl-atkwə inside REDstrong-water

Strong Water

Cmegmétkwe xməʕmɛtkwə

x-məʕm-ɛtkwə inside- REDwarm-water

Warm Water

Nekw̓étkwe nəkw’ɛtkwə nəkw’-ɛtkwə one-water

One Water

Wecemétkwe wəxəmɛtkwə wəxə-m-ɛtkwə to.live-STAT-water

Living water

Table 5. ín̓ek suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography



Tskwín̓ek t ͡ʃkwin’ək t ͡ʃ-kw-in’ək STAT-get.hold.of-bow

Bow

Nekw̓ín̓ek nəkw’in’ək nəkw’-in’ək one-bow

One Bow

Xyemín̓ek χyəmin’ək χyəm-in’ək big-bow

Big Bow

26

Name – Secwépemc Orthography



Ts̓elcín̓ek t ͡səlxin’ək t ͡s-əlx-in’ək stand-body-bow

Standing Bow

Tseqwín̓ek t ͡ʃəqwin’ək t ͡ʃəqw-in’ək red-bow

Red Bow

Wecemín̓ek wəxəmin’ək wəxə-m-in’ək to.live-STAT-bow

Living Bow

Weyín̓ek wəyin’ək wəy-in’ək come.visible-bow

Comes into sight bow

Table 6. íts̓e7 suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography



K�wellpetmíts̓e7 kwəɬpətmit ͡səʔ

kwəɬ-pət-m-it ͡səʔ under-take.after.resemble-INT-blanket

Under shirt

Ts̓elpíts̓e7 t ͡səlpit ͡səʔ t ͡səl-p-it ͡səʔ Stand-STAT-blanket

Standing Blanket

Sq̓iyemíts̓e7 Sq’iyəmit ͡səʔ s-q’iyəmn-it ͡səʔ NOM-blue-blanket

Blue Blanket

Wícts̓e7 wixt ͡səʔ wix-t ͡səʔ life-blanket

Comes to Life Blanket

Xyemtíts̓e7 χyəmtit ͡səʔ χyəmt-it ͡səʔ big-blanket

Big Blanket

Segwállts̓e7 sʕwaɬt ͡səʔ s-ʕwaɬ-t ͡səʔ NOM-shiny-blanket

Shiny Blanket

27

Table 7. el̓qs suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography



Semecél̓qs səməxɛl’qs səməx-ɛl’qs guardian.spirit-clothing

Guardian Spirit Clothing

Xyemél̓qs χyəmɛl’qs χyəm-ɛl’qs big-robe

Big Robe

Pen̓tpél̓qs pən’tpɛl’qs pən’tp-ɛl’qs find-robe

Found Robe

Sqwiyqwiymél̓qs sqwiqwimɛl’qs S-qwiqwi-m-ɛl’qs NOM-REDblue-STAT-robe

Blue Robe

Semtél̓qs səmtɛl’qs səm-t-ɛl’qs to.live-STAT-robe

Living Robe

Table 8. el̓cken, l̓cken suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography



Tsecwél̓cken t ͡ʃəxwɛl’xkən t ͡ʃəxw-ɛl’xkən to.greet-quality

Greeting Quality

Kw̓etmém ̓el̓cken kw’ətmɛm’əl’xkən kw’ətmɛm’-əl’xkən walk-REDbody

Walking body

Ests̓elmét ̓l̓cken əst ͡səlmɛt’l’xkən əs-t ͡səl-mɛt’-l’xkən sudden-stand-mix-body

Standing mixed body

Xyemél̓cken χyəm ɛl’xkən χyəm-ɛl’xkən big-body

Big Body

Qlléllel̓cken qɬɛɬəl’xken qɬɛɬ-əl’xken get.better-body

Healed body

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Table 9. (s)tím̓t suffix Name – Secwépemc Orthography



Skllíken̓stem ̓t skɬikən’stəm’t s-kɬikən’-stəm’t NOM-back.fat.-outer.shell

Back fat man Character in “Coyote and his host”

Styú7qenstem ̓t styuʔqənstəm’t styuʔ-qən-stəm’t fish.oil.-head-outer.shell

Fish oil man Character in “Coyote and his host”

Sqlew̓stím ̓t sqləw’stim’t sqləw’-stim’t beaver-outer.shell

Beaver man Character in “Coyote and his host”

Ts̓lostím ̓t t ͡slostim’t t ͡slos-tim’t king.fisher-outer.shell

Kingfisher man

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As the tables show, the patterns for names and naming in Secwépemc follow a

predictable pattern. It cannot be stressed enough the difficulty inherent in bridging the

gap between the literal translation of the names and the metaphorical meanings of the

names. One example of this difficulty can be found in the name Tsecwmésq̓t

(t͡ ʃəxwmɛsqʼt); while literally meaning ‘Happy Day’, the added cultural context reworks the

meaning of the name to ‘He greets the Day’. Within this meaning are undertones of a

spiritual nature as explained by Skítsestn elder Christine Simon. The bearer of this name

would have been a man who approached each day with the traditional fervor of

ancestors long since gone, offering a prayer and tobacco to greet the day and

maintaining the same approach to all matters he would encounter – no matter how

unimportant the event may be. A man who would take nothing for granted, a truly

thankful individual; the basis for the Secwépemc view and approach to the world.

Another excellent example is the name, Kekéwqen (kəkɛwqən). While the literal

translation is ‘Far away head’ upon further explanation by Christine Simon the meaning

is explained as a man who could read the stars; his head could look far away and foretell

the upcoming year/season based on the revelation of distant objects, the stars. Below is

a snapshot of the process Elder Christine Simon’s explanation added cultural context

(see figure 4).

Figure 4. Elder Christine Simon’s explaination of the name Kekéwqen

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An additional characteristic of naming in Secwepemcésk̓e is the shifting of stress.

In some words that are distinctly treated as proper names, as opposed to using them in

the conventional everyday use, as in the name of an animal or whatever concept the

name maybe based upon, stress will shift left toward the first syllable. (MBI pers. comm)

As in the name Stsmél̓qen (Ron Ignace), the personal name meaning “Arrowhead”. The

conventional word for arrowhead is stsmel̓qín. The stress moves from the lexical suffix

“qín” to the root “stsmél”. Another example can be found in the personal name

Sexwéyl̓ecken meaning “Buck/Male Deer”. The stress is moved from its initial placement

near the end of the word sxwelécken to the beginning/middle of the personal name. This

process performs the function of distinguishing a proper, personal name from that of the

conventionally used word.

As is the case in life, there are those who do not follow the rules. Through this

research I have found some interesting exceptions to the rule. These traditional names,

which are traditional beyond question, use lexical suffixes different from the list of

standard lexical suffixes. An excellent example can be found in the name, Sentéws. The

glossing of this traditional name is as follows: “Sen” is a superlative prefix meaning

“best/outstanding/exceptional”. The “t” indicates a completed action. The suffix “éws”

meaning “road/trail”. Merged together into the name as mentioned earlier, Sentéws, the

literal meaning being “Best Road” but in consultation with Elder Christine Simon, the

name’s true meaning is that of “Trail-blazer”, a person with leadership qualities, the

name of a leader. (see figure 5 below) Another personal name from this list is

Sk̓elepwílc. The root of this name being sk̓elép meaning “coyote” with the lexical suffix

“wílc” meaning “become”. Creating the brilliant name, “Becoming Coyote”. A name of

significance as names associated with coyote are names of high regard.

Figure 5. Elder Christine Simon’s explanation of the name Sentéws

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Another interesting element found within Secwepemcésk̓e is the changing of

names that can occur in an individual’s life, particularly among chiefs. An example of this

is found in the names of Hyacinth Jules, his baptismal name. He was known by his

traditional name Sisyésq̓t. Through burning grasslands to deter settlers from grazing

their cattle in his homeland and in general to oppose the settlement of his homelands, he

earned the honorific name “Sqw̓exúlecw” (Smoke coming out of the ground) (Ignace &

Ignace, 2017, p. 4). This aspect of Secwepemcésk̓e shows that naming in the

Secwepemc culture performs more than the simple function of naming someone. The

names can show accomplishments, growth, and can be a roadmap for the individual’s

journey through life; marking important stages along the way.

Names with their basis in names for animals and may, or may not, be based on

étsxem; additionally, they do not follow the grammatical structure of traditional, more

formal names. These names may reflect the nature of the person who owns the name.

Names such as: cméye (House Fly), a person who was so named for her tendency in

persistently being an over active child. Or as in the case of one of the ancestors of a

member in the Skítsestn elder’s group was named ‘Scencéllcw’ (Packrat) a man named

for his fondness for collecting many things, both necessary and unnecessary.

Names based on animals may have also been chosen so that the bearer could

emulate the desired qualities of the animal. These names were of increased

consequence, in that they were the spirit guides obtained during an étsxem. These

names came with an individual’s power song, and the ability to call upon the animal for

guidance and strength. These names also provided direction as to how the bearer was

to be a successful person, if adhered to, good things were sure to follow as Teit explains

Some warriors painted their bodies the color that their guardian’s body was believed to be, and most men painted their faces and bodies as directed by their guardians in dreams….some men were told by their guardians in dreams to eat only certain part of some animals, or to eat certain parts of an animal first, or to eat certain parts raw, or cooked in a particular manner, and by doing this they would always have luck in hunting (Teit, 1909, p. 609).

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Found within this category are interesting names belonging to warriors. Examples

of these names are found in stories of warriors in Teit’s book; the names reflect a

segment of Secwepemc society that is regarded as a warrior society. A society in which

some of the names do not always reflect traditional names. Names such as, Qéqxe

(Little Dog); Taléxen (Stretched Out Wings); Cagrékst (Cut Off Hand); Qéxe (Dog). Other

étsxem names are based upon the dreams of the person performing the étsxem. These

names have a greater degree of difficulty in understanding their meaning; unless

someone can personally recall the meaning of the name, its meaning may be lost for all

time.

Table 10. Warrior names Name Meaning Additional

information Source Orthography

Tahu’tllkutxen Unknown Warrior (Teit, 1909, p. 543)

James Teit personal

Selpa’xen Unknown Famous Tk̓emlúps Warrior

(Teit, 1909, p. 550)

James Teit personal

Niɬti Unknown Noted War Chief High Bar

(Teit, 1909, p. 551)

James Teit personal

Sowâ'xecken Unknown Warrior Fraser River

(Teit, 1909, p. 558)

James Teit personal

Ana'na Unknown Warrior (Teit, 1909, p. 559)

James Teit personal

Nicknames are another category of naming. The process of these types of

names vary and can be quite creative; having their origin in any manner of a person’s

life. They can be a play on words in names with their origins in a mixture of

Secwepemctsín and English like the name Sésem̓cen. The name is derived from the

English name Sam. Following the process of “Secwépemc-izing” a given Christian name,

Sam is changed into Sem which is also happens to be the root for the term for “white

person”. The process of diminutive reduplication2 is applied resulting in Sésem̓ to which

the lexical suffix for feet “-cen” is then added which is used in nicknames or children’s

names as an additional diminutive. Leaving a creative, humorous name meaning “Little

White man Sam Feet”. This name exemplifies the humour, adaptability and creativity

2 This is a process of reduplicating (repeating) the sound immediately in front of the stressed vowel directly after it. This process is used to indicate a smaller version of the object. i.e.: “pésellkwe” (lake) repeat the “p” before the stressed “e” after it, resulting in, “pépsellkwe” (small lake).

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found within the Secwépemc and applied to a name. Another name to exemplify this

sense of humour is Sxéymtqen (sχɛymtqən) a very honourable name meaning “Big

Head”, referring to leadership ability. Due to the similar sound, another name is derived

Sxwéxweym̓tqen; a name meaning in essence a “Ladies’ man”.

The final naming category is that of the process whereby given Christian names

are modified to reflect the Secwepemctsín method of pronouncing the name. The overall

process consists of Secwepemc speakers replacing French phonemes that do not exist

in Secwepemctsin with sounds available in Secwepemctsín, as is the case in any

languages in which sound systems do not correspond.3

Examples of the constructs can be found in the following:

1. In the name David;

a. The voiced alveolar stop (d), and the voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ), do not

occur in Secwepemctsín.4

b. The voiced sounds are thus replaced with their corresponding Secwépemc

counterparts: the voiceless alveolar stop (t), and the voiced bi-labial stop (p)

(which is the nearest voiced bi-labial).

c. The result being daⱱid is pronounced as tapit written in the Secwépemc

orthography as Tapít.

2. In the name Fidèle;

a. The voiceless labio-dental fricative (f), and the voiced alveolar stop (d), do

not occur in Secwepemctsín.

3 Initially Secwépemc Christian names were given by French Oblates on the day of baptism of a Secwépemc person, thus the Christian names were of French origin and the modifications reflect French names. 4 Although it should be noted that some Secwepemctsín speakers may pronounce them with near-voicing.

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b. Replaced with the voiced bi-labial stop (p), and the voiceless alveolar stop

(t).

c. Resulting in fiːdɛl pronounced as piːtɛl written in the Secwépemc

orthography as Pítel.

3. In the name Philippe;

a. The voiceless labio-dental fricative (f) does not occur in Secwepemctsín.

b. Replaced with the voiced bi-labial stop (p).

c. The result being filiːp is pronounced as pɐliːp written in the Secwépemc

orthography as Pelíp.

4. In the name Julienne;

a. The voiced post-alveolar fricative (ʒ).

b. Replaced with the voiceless post-alveolar fricative (ʃ) or the voiceless

alveolar fricative (s).

c. The result being ʒuːlyɛn is pronounced as ʃuːlyən or suːlyɛn written in the

Secwépemc orthography as Súlyen.

5. The name Victoire has two variations;5

a. In one variation the voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ) and the voiced uvular

fricative/approximant (ʁ).

5 The sound r, pronounced in French as either a voiced uvular fricative/approximant (ʁ), a voiceless uvular fricative (X) or an uvular trill (R), is generally pronounced nowadays as (ɹ). The change from French voiceless uvular fricative (ʁ) to a postalveolar approximant (ɹ) may be a transfer from English but could also be a transfer of the Okanagan Language (Nsyilxcen). The postalveolar approximant (ɹ) exists in Secwepemctsín, an example being kerníyem (embroider) and perniyem (visit), although more often, Nsyilxcen (ɹ) is realized as (l) (the older form in Secwepemctsin: e.g. melánllp vs. merinlp (barred l).

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b. Replaced with the voiced bi-labial nasal (m)6 and with the open back

unrounded vowel (ɑ).

c. The result being viktaʁ is pronounced mɜktwɑː written in the Secwépemc

orthography as Maktwá.

d. The second variation has the voiced uvular fricative/approximant (ʁ).

e. Replaced with a combination of the open back unrounded vowel (ɑ) and the

voiced alveolar lateral approximant (l).

f. Thus, another pronunciation for viktaʁ being mɜktwɑːl written in the

Secwépemc orthography as Mektwál.

Table 11. Adapted Christian names Baptismal Name Secwépemc Orthography IPA Orthography Elizabeth Líspet lispət Thomas Tommá toma Daniel Tonyél tonyɛl Simon Símu simu Jean-Baptiste Sa-Petíst sa pətist Celstin Selestá sələsta Patrice Patsís pat ͡ʃis Sylvie Sylpí səlpi Eugenie Wesení wəsəni Edouard Etwál ətwal

As with the traditional names, the process of handing down names through

generations to keep the memory alive of ancestors was continued and extended to the

modern era of Secwepemcésk̓e. Thus, Christian given names were treated similarly to

that of traditional names, as evidenced by the names “Daniel” and “John” in the Calhoun

Family Tree (see figure 6 below).

6 Early Secwépemc speakers may not have heard the voicing of the voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ), in David and thus replaced it with the voiced bi-labial stop (p). In contrast they may have heard the voicing quality of the initial voiced labio-dental fricative (ⱱ) in Victoire and replaced it with the voiced bi-labial nasal (m).

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Figure 6. The Calhoun Family Tree

Daniel/Tl-humb. 1816

Ester "Hotspa"Gétspqen

Peter Bushy Julie K'wetmétkwe

Daniel/Tl-humb. 1841

PhilomeneKw'etmétkwe

John T'cumCalhoun

AgnesCelenaEsts'elmét'lcken

Sam Calhoun Metlén Catherine

John Calhoun Darren Daniel

Daniel (Harold)Calhoun

Leona Calhoun

Willie John

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Chapter 5. Conclusion

This research has reaffirmed my belief in the importance of Secwepemcésk̓e; as

every element found within Secwepemc beliefs is expressed in personal names. Our

names recognize our people for who they are, their individual characteristics are

acknowledged, appreciated and accepted and reflected in their names. Our relationship

to the land, how we viewed it, the importance it held for us, was reflected in personal

names. The comprehensive understanding of animals, birds, fish and all things living in

nature, as well as role/importance in nature. The characteristics a person exemplified

and shared with an animal were considered when using the names of animal in

Secwepemcésk̓e. For example, while Squwéy was his étsxem name, he was also seen

as a mischief bird and my grandfather was well-known to have a mischievous streak.

The resilience, resourcefulness and adaptability of the Secwepemc is revealed in

taking names that are not our own and making them our own. This was accomplished

through our process of changing the names to better suit Secwépemc pronunciation of

the names and then applying to these new Secwépemc names the accepted custom of

handing these names down through generations. Imaginative nicknames were inspired

by creatively using Secwepemctsín, English or French either in combination or in

isolation. The importance of names for the Secwépemc continues to manifest itself

through the use of nicknames. This research has provided an unexpected beneficial

outcome for me personally with the opportunity to work with Elders who gave unselfishly

and offered unconditional encouragement. People who have wholeheartedly earned the

title of Elder. I am left believing in the hope for our future as Secwepemc.

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References

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Grenoble, L. A. (2013, September 28). The Oxford Handbook of Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Ignace, M., & Ignace, R. E. (2017). Secwépemc People, Land, and Laws = Yerí7 re Stsq̓ey̓s-kucw. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press.

Kamloops and District Baptisms 1867-1882, Marriages 1873-1874. (n.d.). Kamloops, British Columbia: Kamloops Museum and Archives.

Puzey, G., & Kostanski, L. (Eds.). (2016). Names and naming: people, places, perceptions and power. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Multilingual Matters.

Teit, J. (1898-1910). Field Notes - Salish Ethnographic Materials. Original manuscripts held by the American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia: Copy obtained from the British Columbia Archives, Victoria, and held at the Simon Fraser University Resource Library, Kamloops, British Columbia.

Teit, J. (1900). Jesup North Pacific Expedition Volume I: The Thompson. New York: American Museum of Natural History.

Teit, J. (1909). Jesup North Pacific Expedition Vol II, Part VII: The Shuswap. New York: American Museum of Natural History.

United Nations. (2007, September 13). United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Retrieved February 16, 2019, from un.org.

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