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Running head: SECOND VICTIMS 1
SECOND VICTIMS: THE DEATH PENALTY AND ITS EFFECTS ON BLACK FAMILIES
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED
TO THE FACULTY OF ADLER UNIVERSITY
BY
MATARA L. WRIGHT
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR
OF PSYCHOLOGY
CHICAGO, IL June 21, 2018
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SECOND VICTIMS 2
Dissertation Committee Page
ADLER UNIVERSITY DISSERTATION COMMITTEE MEMBERS
Student’s Name: Matara Wright
Dissertation Title: Second Victims: The Death Penalty and its Effects on Black Families
This dissertation has been defended and submitted for final submission
Matara Wright
Certified by:
Name and Degree Institution Affiliation
Nataka Moore, Psy.D. Adler University
Dissertation Chair
Vida Dyson, Ph.D. Adler University
Dissertation Reader
Rabiatu Barrie, Ph.D Adler University
Dissertation Reader
SECOND VICTIMS 3
Abstract
This qualitative study examined the experiences of African American families who lost a loved
one to death penalty execution. Seven participants who identified as immediate family members,
of an executed person participated in semi-structured interviews. The interview questions were
designed to examine the emotional experiences, coping methods, and perceived factors that
played a role in the execution of their loved one. The Interpretative Phonological Approach
resulted in five primary themes, along with various subthemes arising from the interview data.
This study provided preliminary information as to the experience of African American families
and how they cope with death penalty experiences. The findings of this study provide
implications for mental health treatment of death row families, particularly African American
families. In addition, it is desired that the criminal justice system will consider the trauma
indicated as a result of these families’ experiences for potential change related to death row
policy and legislature. It is anticipated that the findings of this study will inform researchers and
assist in the development of future studies related to Black death row families.
SECOND VICTIMS i
Acknowledgements
Thanks be to God for giving me strength along my journey both in life and though my academic
training. The words “With God, all things are possible” have never been truer.
I want to express my gratitude to Dr. Nataka Moore, my dissertation chair and mentor. Thank
you for pushing me to consider my own biases, advocate for social justice issues, and to step out
on those limbs, even when I was afraid or doubted myself. I would also thank my dissertation
committee members, Dr. Rabiatu Barrie and Dr. Vida Dyson for their encouragement and
consultation during my academic training and the dissertation process.
A special thank you to the family members who participated in this study. I cannot imagine how
difficult it must be to re-live your experiences, but I thank you for trusting me with your stories.
You all are amazing.
My sincere gratitude to Walter Long, Gabriel Solis, and the Texas After Violence Project for
seeing my vision for this research and believing that it was meaningful. Thank you for the
conference calls, traveling with me to the various locations, and assisting me in identifying
potential participants.
To my mother, LuVora Williams-Wright, thank you for always believing in me and encouraging
me to be involved in my community. The morals you have instilled in me have fueled my
passions, and brought me to this place in my development.
SECOND VICTIMS ii
To my fiancé, Kenshiro, thank you for believing in my goals and keeping me balanced. Words
cannot express how much your ongoing support and being one of my biggest “fans” has meant to
me during the course of my training.
My sincere gratitude to the other half of my internship brain, Liza Preminger. Thank you for all
of those dissertation study days; allowing me to bounce ideas off of you; and for the days that we
sat and sang Disney songs for self-care in the office.
To my family, friends, mentors, supervisors, and previous professors. I appreciate your
encouragement to see the world from different viewpoints; helping me in finding my voice; and
the encouragement ask the questions that others will not.
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Dedication
This dissertation is dedicated to:
The families of anyone sentenced to death row.
Keep fighting.
SECOND VICTIMS iv
CURRICULUM VITAE
MATARA WRIGHT, M.S., M.A.
EDUCATION
Adler University, Chicago, IL 2013 - Present
(APA Accredited; Previously Adler School of Professional Psychology) Doctoral student in Clinical Psychology
Master of Arts, Clinical Psychology (Conferred December 2015)
Prairie View A&M University, Prairie View, TX 2009 - 2011
Master of Science, Juvenile Forensic Psychology
Thesis: Audio vs. Interaction: A Look at the Effects of Media on College Students
Xavier University of Louisiana, New Orleans, LA 2005-2009
Bachelor of Science – Psychology (major); Biology (minor)
Undergraduate Thesis: The Bystander Effect in an Academic Setting
PREDOCTORAL INTERNSHIP EXPERIENCE
Kerrville State Hospital, Kerrville, TX 07/17 – Present
Predoctoral Psychology Resident Primary Supervisor: Michael Jumes, PhD
• Conduct and prepare Competency to Stand Trial and Risk Evaluations for forensic
patients in an inpatient setting
• Facilitate psychoeducational groups focusing on reality testing, skills building and
competency training for patients with severe mental illness
• Engage in individual psychotherapy with patients adjudicated Not Guilty by Reason of
Insanity and individual competency training for patients who are adjudicated incompetent
to stand trial
• Conduct psychological intakes and neurological batteries as requested by hospital
psychiatrists
• Supervise psychology practicum students on psychological assessment batteries and
professional development
• Act as a member of a multidisciplinary treatment team on a geriatric/neurological unit in
addition to an NGRI unit
• Serve as an assessment consultant for other state hospitals to determine competency
restoration and differential diagnoses
• Train new state hospital employees on basic psychological concepts and how to work
with patients with severe mental illness
• Develop and execute research on competency restoration
UT Health, San Antonio, TX 07/17 – Present
Predoctoral Psychology Resident
SECOND VICTIMS v
Supervisors: Bonnie Blankmeyer, PhD; Cindy McGeary, PhD
• Conduct individual psychotherapy, diagnose, and develop treatment plans with adult
patients in an outpatient setting
• Co-facilitate Dialectical Behavior Therapy Skills Groups for patients diagnosed with
Borderline Personality Disorder and transitioning from inpatient settings
SUPERVISED PRACTICUM EXPERIENCE
Illinois Youth Center-St. Charles, St. Charles, IL 09/16 – 06/17
Advanced Practicum Extern Primary Supervisor: John Tirado, PsyD
• Conduct individual and group therapy sessions with post adjudication adolescent males
diagnosed with mood and behavioral disorders.
• Facilitate psychoeducational, process, and coping skills groups focusing on anger
management, adjustment to detention, and impulse control.
• Conduct cognitive, achievement, and sociobehavioral assessments of adolescent males
ages 13-20 in order to provide diagnosis and treatment plans.
• Conduct psychological screeners and intakes for incarcerated adolescent males.
• Collaborate with law officers, psychologists, case managers, counselors, and social
workers to provide culturally sensitive treatment services to incarcerated adolescent
males of diverse backgrounds.
Sheriff’s Women’s Justice Program, Chicago, IL 06/15 – 07/16
Therapy Extern Primary Supervisor: Nicole Sanford, PsyD
• Conducted individual and group therapy sessions with incarcerated women with a focus
on substance abuse, trauma, and recovery.
• Facilitated psychoeducational, process, and coping skills groups.
• Developed curriculum for and facilitated music therapy group.
• Conduced psychological screeners and intakes for incarcerated women entering the
treatment program in order to provide provisional diagnoses and treatment planning.
• Collaborated with law officers, psychologists, case managers, counselors, and social
workers to provide treatment services to incarcerated women with addiction and trauma
histories.
Adler Community Health Services, Chicago, IL 09/14 – 08/15
Diagnostic Extern Primary Supervisors: Jamie Scaccia, PsyD; Christine Beecroft, PsyD
• Conducted cognitive, personality testing with clients across the age range within forensic,
primary care, community, and school based settings Scored and interpreted results of
psychological testing in order to compose integrative psychological reports.
• Provided treatment recommendations for clients, case managers and therapists.
• Conducted structured clinical interviews with child and adolescent clients.
• Collaborated with professionals within various community locations to provide client
needs.
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American Red Cross, Chicago, IL 01/14 – 07/14
Community Service Extern Primary Supervisor: Sara Echols, LCSW
• Developed an assessment for current disaster relief service program.
• Evaluated current disaster relief program through telephone interviews and team developed
assessment tool.
• Composed a report of evaluation findings and presented findings to key administration of
Chicago American Red Cross personnel, and Adler University community.
• Revised previous disaster relief response based findings and composed report to be
presented to state officials.
PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE
Adler University, Chicago, IL 02/14 – 04/17
Student Affairs Work Study Employee
• Develop social justice programming for psychology and counseling graduate students by
working with community partners and professionals
• Work with administrative staff to identify community issues and develop short and long
term solutions
St. Hope Foundation, Houston, TX 11/11 – 08/13
Manager; Researcher; Case Management Service Linkage Worker
• Conducted psychosocial assessments, sexual health education, patient intakes, and
completed referrals to community resources for HIV+ individuals and recent offenders
• Supervised case management team of seven individuals, and served as interim clinic
director
• Served as a liaison between physician, patient and patient’s family
Prairie View A&M University Health Serv., Prairie View, TX 07/10 – 07/11
Graduate Assistant
• Completed assessment and development of HIV education, testing program sponsored by
SAMSHA through SPSS data entry and analysis.
• Conducted HIV testing, pre-counseling, and post counseling
• Provided training for university students and program volunteers on health topics (HIV,
STDs, stress management, depression)
Texas Juvenile Crime Prevention Center, Prairie View, TX 08/09 – 07/10
Graduate Assistant
• Completed literature reviews, data entry and data analysis for grants, annual reports, and
state reports focusing on juvenile delinquency and recidivism.
• Assisted in the development of programing for parents of detained youth, incarcerated
parents and corrections personnel.
• Developed and completed program assessments and evaluations.
• Provided consultation to police officers and lawyers on program development for youth,
students, and parents.
SECOND VICTIMS vii
PROFESSIONAL PUBLICATIONS
Moore, N., Wright, M., Gipson, J., Jordan, G., Harsh, M., Reed, D., Murray, M., Keeter, M., &
Murphy, A. (2016). Alternative locales for the health promotion of African American
men: a survey of African American men in Chicago barbershops. Journal of Community
Health, 41(4), 772-779.
Moore, N., Wright, M., Gipson, J., Jordan, G., Harsh, M., Reed, D., Murray, M., Keeter, M., &
Murphy, A. (2016).A survey of African American men in Chicago barbershops:
Implications of the effectiveness of the barbershop model in the health promotion of
African American men. Journal of Community Health, 41(4),1-8.
CONFERENCE PRESENTATIONS
Wright, M., Kurian, K., and Caviness, M. (2018, May). Competency Factors Refractory to
Treatment. Poster session presented at Kerrville state Hospital’s 2018 Forensic
Networking Conference, Kerrville, TX.
Wright, M., Kurian, K., and Caviness, M. (2018, May). Competency Factors Refractory to
Treatment. Poster session presented at the 2018 UT Health Research Day, San Antonio,
TX.
Moore, N., Wright, M., Gipson, J., Jordan, G., Harsh, M., Reed, D., Murray, M., Keeter, M.,
and Murphy, A.(2016, August). Black men and barbershops: The effectiveness of the
barber shop model in health promotion. Poster session presented at the Association of
Black Psychologists 48th Annual International Convention, Arlington, VA.
Moore, N., Wright, M., Gipson, J., Jordon, G. (2015, November). A look at the barbershop
model in Chicago: Exploring the barbershop model’s effectiveness and limits in the
health promotion of African American men in Chicago. American Public Health
Association Annual Conference. Chicago, IL.
Wright, M. (2015, July). Second victims: Racial disparities in the death penalty and Black
families. Poster session presented at the Association of Black Psychologists International
Convention. Las Vegas, NV.
Wright, M. (2014, November). Second victims: A closer look at racial disparities in the death
penalty and how it affects Black families. Poster session presented at the Multifaceted
Themes of Diversity Annual Conference. Chicago, IL.
Wright, M. (2014, June). Women, rape and HIV. Presented at the Adler Trauma Organization
Women’s Health Symposium. Chicago, IL.
Wright, M., Tippy, S., Blunt, Charley. (2014, June). The MARC plan. Presented at the Adler
University Community Service Practicum Symposium. Chicago, IL.
SECOND VICTIMS viii
Wright, M. (2010, April). It’s not the same: A closer look at Antisocial Personality Disorder
and Psychopathy. Presented at Prairie View A&M University Psychology and Criminal
Justice Research Symposium. Prairie View, TX.
Wright, M. (2007, April). The bystander effect in an academic setting. Presented at Xavier
University of Louisiana Academic Fair. New Orleans, LA
RESEARCH ACTIVITIES
Kerrville State Hospital, Kerrville, TX 09/17 – 04/18
Psychology Resident Project Competency Factors Refractory to Treatment
• Designed research project to assess where patients who have been deemed incompetent
to stand trial experience the most difficulty after at least two years of treatment
• Reviewed competency to stand trial evaluations performed across the state prior to
current hospital admission
• Conducted competency to stand trial evaluations and prepared competency reports
• Analyzed similarities and differences in performance on previous competency
evaluation factors to present evaluation factors
Adler University, Chicago, IL 01/16 – 05/18
Doctoral Dissertation Dissertation Chair: Nataka Moore, PsyD
Second Victims: The Death Penalty and its Effects on Black Families
• Designed research project to explore the experiences of African American “death row
families”
• Interviewed African American family members of individuals executed after being
found guilty of a crime about their experiences and coping mechanisms
• Analyzed transcripts of family member interviews to determine reoccurring themes
• Compared the experiences of African American family members to existing research
Adler University, Chicago, IL 02/15 – 05/17
Population Mental Health Lab
Research Assistant Principal Investigator: Nataka Moore, PsyD
A Look at the Barbershop Model in Chicago: Exploring the Barbershop Model’s
Effectiveness and Limits in the Health Promotion of African American Men in Chicago
• Recruited, and consented participants for data collection on who the Barbershop
Model serves
• Administered surveys in a community setting.
• Composed literature reviews, analyze data and compose results section of the
research report to be submitted for publication.
• Presented research findings in poster and panel format at national conferences.
St. Hope Foundation, Houston, TX 11/11 – 08/13
SECOND VICTIMS ix
Researcher HRSA Hepatitis C Expansion Initiative
Funding Source: HRSA
Principal Investigator: Bethsheba Johnson, MSN, CNS, GNP-BC, AACRN, AAHIVS
• Screened potential study participants co-infected with HIV and HCV
• Entered client data and vitals into protected data base; monitored and assessed clients
for depression symptoms
• Revised and edited grant application for re-submission; assisted clients in obtaining
state funding for additional medications.
Xavier University of Louisiana, New Orleans, LA 10/08 – 11/08
Research Assistant Suicide Prevention Project
Funding Source: Louisiana Partnership for Suicide Prevention
Principle Investigator: Unknown
• Recruited participants and administered surveys on community beliefs about suicide.
TEACHING EXPERIENCE
Adler University, Chicago, IL 09/16 – 12/16
Primary Instructor: Marla Vannucci, PsyD
Courses Taught: Couple and Family Therapeutic Approaches I
• Assisted in the development of course curriculum.
• Provided feedback to students on course assignments and their ability to demonstrate
comprehension of theory and skills.
• Taught unit on specialty topic related to incarceration and family trauma.
LEADERSHIP & COMMUNITY SERVICE EXPERIENCE
Adler Student Government, Chicago, IL 07/16– 07/17
President
• Built rapport and collaborated with administrators, security, faculty, students, and staff.
• Responded to student crises by developing and implementing plans to address student
needs.
• Advocated for student needs.
Adler Student Government, Chicago, IL 06/15
– 7/16
Vice President
• Assisted the president with development and execution of goals including a plan on how to
address microaggressions and discrimination on campus.
• Co-led meetings with PsyD Program Director, Clinical Training Director, and other
administrative staff
• Served as the student representative for Faculty Council
SECOND VICTIMS x
Association of Black Psychologists-AU Student Circle, Chicago, IL 10/15
– 06/17
President
• Founded student circle on Adler’s campus.
• Coordinated organization’s participation in a community peace circle to improve
community between police officers and community members
Diversity Leadership Program, Chicago, IL 07/14– 07/15
Diversity Leader
• Provided consultation and encouragement for incoming minority students in pilot program.
• Led focus group to evaluate success of program.
Adler Black Student Association, Chicago, IL 06/14 – 07/15
Vice President
• Hosted a week of educational events on campus that focused on historical trauma in
African American communities
• Created and a petition addressing community issues and participated in community rallies
for underserved populations
Prairie View A&M University, Prairie View, TX 08/10 – 08/11
Lead Female Educator
• Provided psychoeducation to the community on topics such as physical and mental health
.
Association of Black Psychologists PVAMU Student Circle 09/10 – 08/11
Vice President
• Developed community service ideas and projects related to mental health issues.
Xavier University of Louisiana, New Orleans, LA 10/08 – 05/09
Volunteer Psychology Tutor
• Assisted freshman students with understanding introductory psychological concepts
Psi Chi Xavier University, New Orleans, LA 10/08 – 05/09
Vice President
• Organized educational workshops and events for Xavier members of Psi Chi
Xavier University of Louisiana, New Orleans, LA 01/07 – 04/07
Student Mental Health Project Coordinator
• Developed various ways of disseminating stress management techniques and mental health
resources for college students.
• Recruited and trained a team of other students to assist with distributing information.
SECOND VICTIMS xi
Houston Area Urban League, Houston, TX 08/02 – 05/08
Program Mentor
• Helped 30 students successfully matriculate through middle school by providing
psychoeducation and support
HONORS AND AWARDS
• Adler University’s Most Outstanding Student Leader 06/17
• Project Brotherhood Presenter’s Scholarship 07/16
• Adler University Cultural Essay Contest 07/16
• American Public Health Association Conference Scholarship 11/15
• Honorable Mention: Student Leader of the Year Award 07/15
• Women’s Health Symposium: Best Presentation 06/14
• Who’s Who Among American College Students 05/08
• Miss Psychology Award 05/08
• Dean’s List 12/05
• Jackie Robinson Scholar 07/05
• Jones Endowment Scholar 06/05
• Xavier Presidential Scholarship 05/05
• UNCF/JP Morgan Chase Scholarship 05/05
• Delta Sigma Theta Scholarship 05/05
PROFESSIONAL MEMBERSHIPS
• American Psychological Association (APA) – Student Member
• Psi Chi-Member
• Association of Black Psychologists – Student Member
• Beta Kappa Chi National Scientific Honor Society- Student Member
SECOND VICTIMS xii
Table of Contents
Section Page
Title Page………………………………………………………………………..1
Committee Page…………………………………………………………………2
Abstract………………………………………………………………………….3
Acknowledgements………………………………………………………….…..i
Dedication……………………………………………………………………….iii
Curriculum Vitae………………………………………………………………...iv
Table of Contents………………………………………………………………..xii
Chapter I: Introduction…………………………………………………………...4
Chapter II: Review of the Literature…...................................................................9
Chapter II: Methodology………………………………………………………...26
Chapter IV: Results……………………………………………………………...33
Chapter V: Discussion…………………………………………………………...55
References………………………………………………………………………..71
Appendices………………………………………………………………............77
SECOND VICTIMS 4
Second Victims: The Death Penalty and its Effects on Black Families
Chapter I: Introduction
The death penalty is a court ruling in which the person accused of a crime is sentenced to
be executed by the government as a result of a guilty verdict. Often times the death penalty is
sought out in cases where it is believed that a victim has died as a result of the defendant’s
actions. During the trial and sentencing process, the family of the victim, receives support from
the criminal justice system and the community. However, the family of the individual who
receives sentencing does not receive support in coping with the mental, emotional, and financial
stresses related to the trial process and execution of their own family member (Schweizer, 2013),
leading to trauma like symptoms, complicated grief, and prolonged depression (Beck, Britto, &
Andrews, 2007).
African Americans have been documented as being disproportionately incarcerated in the
United States with data showing rates as more than eight times more likely to be incarcerated
than that of Caucasian individuals (Roundtree, 2014). African Americans are also
disproportionately sentenced to death row (Cohen & Smith, 2010). Studies have shown in certain
states that African Americans are 38% more likely to receive the death penalty than any other
race for the same time of crime (Dieter, 1998). Currently this puts the percentages of death row
inmates who are African American at 41% (Death Penalty Information Center, 2018a) , even
though African Americans only make up 13% of the country’s population (Snell, 2011). Overall,
little research has investigated how the death penalty affects the families of those condemned to
die, and even fewer studies have looked at how the death penalty may affect a population that is
already disproportionately affected by the criminal justice system. This study aims to document
SECOND VICTIMS 5
how African American families experience having a family member executed, and what they
believe would help them through the grieving process.
Statement of the Problem
The death penalty has been argued to be used as a deterrent for future crimes and also as
a form of retributive justice for the victims of serious crimes (Vidmar, 1974). However, once an
individual is executed, the government does not account for the effects of this punishment on
those who are not linked to the crime such as the family of the individual sentenced to death.
Research has shown mental health concerns related to having a family member sentenced to
death such as prolonged grief, physical and psychological absence of caregivers, and trauma
responses (Beck et al., 2007; Long, 2011). It is not unusual for these family members to
experience lack of supports or becoming social pariahs within their once supportive
communities. As social support has been found to positively correlate with the ability of death
row families to cope with the execution process, many of these family members also suffer from
feelings of isolation, and depression, lasting even after the execution has taken place (Sharp,
2005). This may render several members to lose faith in the criminal justice system and even
lose their jobs. These effects can even limit their ability to be productive members of society.
African Americans have a history of being treated unfairly by the criminal justice system.
These perceptions are present within the African American community (Peffley & Hurwitz,
2007) and there is data the supports current racial disparities within the criminal justice system,
especially when looking at the number of African Americans sentenced to death. As meaning
making often effects the ability to be able to cope with traumatic events (Armour, 2003), African
Americans may differ from other racial groups in their experience of the justice system when a
loved one sentenced to death. Not only must these families cope with the grief and Posttraumatic
SECOND VICTIMS 6
Stress Disorder symptoms as other families but are now faced with the reality that the race of
their loved one had more of an effect on their sentencing than actual evidence. This could create
distrust in the criminal justice and further perpetuate feelings of not being autonomous. Beck et
al. (2007) found that every African American family that they interviewed, believed that race
played a factor in the outcome of their family member being sentenced to death. This could
potentially alter what supports these families may need in the aftermath of the execution. There
is also the additional factor of mental health services being taboo within the African American
community (Beck et al., 2007). Various models of treatment have been developed based on
general needs of death row families, but research studies have not examined the largest
population affected by death sentencing: African Americans. Thus services cannot be imposed,
but families should have the opportunity to provide input on what their own concerns are. Until
these families provide perspective on their experiences and what assistance they need in order to
cope emotionally and mentally, mental health workers cannot begin to fully address the families’
needs.
Statement of Purpose
The purpose of the current study is to document the experiences of African Americans
who have family members who have been executed by the government. Prior to this study there
is no research to the investigator’s knowledge that solely evaluates the African American
experience and coping related to death row. In order to ensure optimal health, and prevent a
cycle of violence, treatment is necessary that should focus on coping with the death of the
deceased. However these treatments cannot be adequately developed without further research
exploring the perceived needs of African American families. The current investigator seeks to
add to the body of research on death row families by assessing the perceived needs of African
SECOND VICTIMS 7
American families with loved ones on death row along with emotional symptomology as it
relates to the African American family’s perceived discrimination. More specifically, the
researcher aims to analyze (1) The emotional experience of African American death row
families; (2) If African American families feel that race played a role in the execution of their
family member; (3) How African American families cope with the aftermath of the execution;
and (4) What African American families feel their needs are after a family member’s execution.
This study will use qualitative format interviews in which immediate family members of an
executed African American inmate will be asked to discuss their experiences in order to further
understand reposes to these questions.
Assumptions and Limitations
There are a number of limitations to this study. The study design in qualitative, and there
is no comparison group built into the study. However, any differences in group experience will
be based on prior literature that includes multiple racial groups. This study also assumes that the
experiences of African Americans will differ from that of the larger sample of multiple racial
groups that have been included in previous studies. This assumption is based on within group
differences noted by of researchers in previous literature.
An additional limitation that may arise is due to the sensitive nature of the study. The
amount of information given by participants may depend on the comfort level of participant with
the researcher, who will be traveling to various locations or conducting phone interviews.
After thorough review of the literature, the researcher has developed four hypotheses: (1)
African American family members will indicate emotional experiences indicative of trauma,
grief and depression; (2) African American family members will associate race with the outcome
of their executed family member’s trial; (3) African American family members will experience
SECOND VICTIMS 8
difficulty coping with the execution of their family member; and (4) African American family
members will feel that their needs lie in systemic changes, and supports.
SECOND VICTIMS 9
Chapter II: A Review of the Literature
Death Penalty
There has been a long standing debate on whether or not the United States should
continue to administer the death penalty as a result of certain crimes. The death penalty is a court
ruling in which the person accused of a crime is sentenced to be executed by the government as a
result of a guilty verdict. Interestingly, the death penalty was eradicated and then re-established
in the 1970s (Jones & Beck, 2007). Since being re-instated, 1476 individuals have been executed
after sentencing (Death Penalty Information Center, 2018a). Some of the arguments for the death
penalty include: that it serves as a deterrent (Vidmar, 1974), is economic (Steiker & Steiker,
2010) and supports retributive justice (Vidmar, 1974). Arguments against include: A history of
executing the wrongfully accused (Aronson & Cole, 2009), economic disparities in sentencing
(Phillips, 2009) and racial disparities (U.S. Government Accountability Office, 1990).
The death penalty dates back to 18th century B.C. to Hummarurabi’s Code in Ancient
Babylon. At the time there were over 25 different crimes for which a person could lose their life.
Evidence of the death penalty’s existence can also be found in Ancient Roman law, and the
Draconian Codes in Athens. The death penalty in those times were carried out through drowning,
beating, burning, crucifixion and having an object run through the body. The death penalty by
hanging was not uncommon in 10th century Britain. In the 16th century during the reign of
Henry the VIII, over 72,000 executions are estimated to have taken place via burnings at the
stake, being boiled alive, beheadings, and hangings. The number of crimes punishable by death
also increased to over 200 (Death Penalty Information Center, 2018b). Similarly during the 18th
century, the English had a set of laws known as the Bloody Code under which there were
hundreds of punishable crimes. During this time, hangings were public and on “hanging day”
SECOND VICTIMS 10
the townspeople were given the day off work to observe. However, these public hangings did not
decrease the amount of crimes that occurred in the cities (Borowitz, 1978).
Earliest documentation of the death penalty in the United States began during the birth of
the nation. It was most likely a form of punishment carried over from Europe. The first recorded
execution in the American colonies was in 1608 (Costanzo & White, 1994; Death Penalty
Information Center, 2018b) for the crime of treason. In the new American colonies, crimes
punishable by death ranged from fruit theft, or hitting your parents, to murder. Over time, many
of the crimes punishable by death were crimes that interfered with the socio-economic
functioning of the time. For example, the state of North Carolina included crimes such as hiding
slaves, or passing reading materials to slave as punishable by death. Other states, such as
Virginia had separate crimes punishable by death for Whites and Blacks, with Blacks having 70
capital crimes listed and Whites having only five (Costanzo & White, 1994).
The purpose and legality of the death penalty has been raised several times. Several states
abolished the death penalty between 1907 and 1917. After the first Word War, concerns about
conflict between classes emerged and most of these states reinstated the death penalty in 1920. In
1924, the use of cyanide gas as a more humane method to carry out sentencing was introduced
and gas chambers were built (Death Penalty Information Center, 2018b). Prior to this method of
execution, hanging, and then electrocution had become the most used method of execution in the
United States (Borowitz, 1978). Overall the number of individuals sentenced to death compared
to the number of murders that occur in the United States has remained quite small (Costanzo &
White, 1994), with the 1930’s being the decade with the most executions in the U.S. During this
decade an average of 167 people were executed each year (Death Penalty Information Center,
2018b). During this period, criminologists supported the death penalty as a deterrent to crime.
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In the 1960’s there was much discussion about how the death penalty should be
implemented. In U.S. vs Jackson, the Supreme Court ruled that it was unconstitutional for the
death penalty to be seen as punishment only if a jury recommended it. The Supreme Court feared
that if only juries could recommend the death penalty, many defendants would waive their right
to a jury in order to escape death sentencing. In the 1971 cases Crampton vs Ohio and
McGautha v. California, there was debate over whether it was a violation of the 14th amendment
for a jury to decide whether someone lives or dies and in a one part process. However the court
overturned these concerns. The death penalty process was brought before the Supreme Court
again in 1972 in the landmark case Furman v. Georgia. This case brought similar concerns from
the McGautha case in addition to an Eighth amendment concern stating the death penalty was
cruel and unusual punishment based on the severity of the crime. The Supreme Court agreed
with the defendants based on their five to four vote. The court justices stated that juries deciding
the death penalty could result in arbitrary sentencing, and that the death penalty for certain
crimes was cruel and usual punishment. This resulted in the abolishment of 40 death penalty
laws and a reduction in sentencing for 629 inmates. The death penalty was then suspended so
that states could adjust their laws. In 1977 the death penalty was reinstated, and lethal injection
was introduced as a more humane method of execution in 1982. In the lethal injection method
there is a three drug cocktail that is injected into the individual’s body. The first drug is sodium
thiopental, and it puts the individual to sleep. The second drug is pancuronium bromide. This
drug stops the body from moving, including breathing. The third drug, potassium chloride,
causes the heart to stop beating (Texas Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty, 2018). However
these procedures are not conducted by a medical doctor as the American Medical Association
has taken a stance not to participate in executions.
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Currently, the death penalty is a bifurcated process, meaning that there are two parts. This
first trial process is to determine innocence or guilt. If the defendant is determined to be guilty,
the second process begins. During this process the trial focuses on sentencing. The person
deemed guilty of the crime and their attorney have the opportunity to try to decrease the severity
of the sentence by presenting information such as the individual’s psychological, familial, social,
and medical history. Factors that can decrease the severity of the sentencing due to their impact
on their person’s involvement in the crime are considered mitigating factors. Aggravating factors
are factors presented that can increase the severity of the sentencing, and these are presented by
the attorney seeking the death penalty. A jury is generally utilized during this process as well,
and the arguments from both the district attorney and the defense are presented.
If the defendant is sentenced to die, they are placed in prison where they remain on
average for more than 10 years. Although their stay could be much longer. (Death Penalty
Information Center, 2018a). However if death is the sentence rendered, the appeals process
automatically begins. They are first appealed to the state supreme court. This court will review
the case to determine that there were no constitutional violations during the initial trial processes
and can also review to determine if the sentence is congruent with similar cases. If there appears
to be no violation and the defendant wants another appeal, habeus corpus appeals can be used to
raise other issues. These appeals can be brought all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. If a
sentence sticks to the books, the death warrant is issued with the date in which the individual is
sentenced to die. This date is at least 30 days out, but if further appeals take place the date is
often pushed back (Costanzo & White, 1994).
African Americans and the Death Penalty
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African Americans have a history of being disproportionately sentenced to death or killed
for crimes since the arrival of Blacks to America. During American slavery, slaves were
considered property and thus were not afforded the same rights as whites. Black slaves were
severely mistreated by slave owners and punished for behaviors that otherwise would be
considered part of daily life if not for their race. Branding, mutilation, lashings, and death were
among the many forms of legal punishment for Black slaves allowed by the government (Library
of Congress, 2016). Even after the abolishment of slavery in the United States, African
Americans were still murdered for activities both legal and illegal. Oliver Cox (1945) wrote
about lynching as a method used by whites as a symbolic act to ensure that whites remain
dominant. According to Cox, the lynching of an African Americans did not occur in order to
punish any one person for a crime, but as a method to instill fear within Black community.
Lynchings of African Americans would increase when African Americans gained more wealth,
finances, and land or became too confident (Cox, 1945). Often carried out in public places by
mobs, lynching of African Americans occurred most frequently in states that were in support of
slavery. If indeed an African American was taken to trial for committing a crime, it was not
unusual for a lynch mob to come to the jail before sentencing, then hang and mutilate the
individual before his or her day in court.
The United States saw an increase in crime post World War I. This crime increase was
especially notable in large cities such as Chicago, New Orleans, and Detroit (Adler, 2015). While
crime was understood to increase, actual arrests and convictions remained unchanged. Soon there
were noticeable differences in who was convicted of certain crimes, namely violent crimes, such
as rape or homicide. Juries were less likely to convict Blacks of a violent crime where the victim
was black due to a lack in the value of black lives (Adler, 2015). However, if a black individual
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was accused of a crime against a white individual, they would often be convicted or sentenced to
death with little to no actual evidence (Adler, 2015).
Presently, African Americans are disproportionately incarcerated in United States jails
and prisons. Recent studies suggest that African Americans are eight times more likely to be
incarcerated than their Caucasian counterparts across a variety of crimes (Roundtree, 2014).
African American males with lower levels of education are at even more at risk for being
incarcerated. These rates are also disproportionate when looking at the most severe form of
punishment in our justice system: the death penalty.
African Americans have been documented as being sentenced to death disproportionately
since the 1970s (Cohen & Smith, 2010). This does not account for the lynchings that were
considered legal and illegal prior to the 1970s or the execution of slaves. Prior to 1994 (Cohen &
Smith, 2010), African American men in the south were 18 times more likely to receive the death
penalty for raping a white woman (Schweizer, 2013). However, a pattern of continued imbalance
in the value of Black lives continued to be seen in what we would consider present day America.
In Philadelphia, African American defendants had a 38% greater chance of receiving the death
penalty than any other race for the same type of crimes (Dieter, 1998). Similarly in Georgia, it
was found that prosecutors sought out the death penalty 80% of the time if the defendant was
African American and the victim was Caucasian (McCleskey v. Kemp, 1987). In 2011, African
Americans only made up 13% of the United States population, yet they made up 42% individuals
on death row (Snell, 2011). Currently, the number of African Americans on death row remains
disproportionate at 41% (Death Penalty Information Center, 2018a). This pattern is seen
throughout the judicial process including how the jury is most likely to perceive the defendant.
Though this issue of racial disparities in death penalty sentencing was presented to the Supreme
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Court it was overturned despite the statistics presented. This sends the message to individuals
that African American lives are not seen to be as valuable as other races, more specifically when
compared to Caucasian lives.
African American Perceptions of Death Penalty
The research on public attitudes about the death penalty has demonstrated that whites are
more likely have punitive attitudes towards African Americans, there is also research showing
that African Americans are less likely to support the death penalty overall. In a 2007 study by
Peffley and Hurwitz, the researchers polled African Americans and Whites nationwide in their
support of the death penalty and their receptiveness to arguments against the death penalty.
Researchers found that approximately 65% of white Americans support the death penalty while
only 50% of African Americans supports the death penalty. When the argument of the death
penalty being racially biased was presented, support of the death penalty for White Americans
increased by 12%, while support by African Americans decreased by 12%. Another study
examined predictors of support of capital punishment and found that race is a strong predictor in
attitudes about the death penalty with white males being the most likely to support it (Dotson &
Carter, 2012). If a major criteria for jury selection rests on attitudes towards the death penalty,
and African Americans are less likely to support the death penalty, this would also mean that
they are less likely to serve as jurors in capital cases.
Mental Health Effects on Families
While many would agree that the death penalty would have a distressing effect on the
individual sentenced to die by the hand of the law, rarely do individuals consider the
psychological effects on the family of the accused. According to Schweizer (2013), the victim of
the accused often receives public support and treatment for their trauma, but the effects on the
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family, including parents, spouses, and children of the accused, are often forgotten. The
community often rallies around the family of the victim to provide assistance during the judicial
process and the continuing period of grief. However this is often not the case for the family of
the accused. The accused’s family struggles to cope with the burden of trying to understand the
actions of their loved one, and dealing with the stigma associated with having a “murderer” in
the family. If the accused individual insists that he or she is not guilty of the crime, this prolongs
the judicial process. As the accused tries to seek justice on their own behalf, the family is also
forced to suffer multiple appeals, public degradation and intentional discrediting of the accused
family member. Even in cases where no appeal is desired the trial process can take several years
(Beck et al., 2007). These years are filled with feelings of anxiety and sadness for family
members. Many families describe feeling that the criminal justice system was fair prior to their
personal experience, but later had a more negative view if the system itself.
While their loved one is incarcerated families must not only deal with a feeling of
impending loss, but also being ostracized by the community. It is not uncommon to hear stories
of families being told not to come to church, or children asked to leave school (Beck et al.,
2007). For children who are not asked directly not to come back to school, they are often bullied
by their peers and later drop out. There are even instances where family members have faced
employment termination once their employer discovered the case against their relative. The
religious leaders themselves may provide support to the families but may also express lack of
support to the family member on death row by refusing prayer. Once the family member is
executed, families report instances of neighbors celebrating, or spitting on the car that holds their
loved one’s body (Jones & Beck, 2007). Families come to fear for their own safety. For this
reason, the family struggles to mourn the actual death of the family member. This phenomena
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has been described by Doka (2002) as disenfranchised grief. Disenfranchised grief is when those
who are grieving are not able to openly grieve due to society (Jones & Beck, 2007). This
contributed to distress and extended period of grieving. Families have provided examples of how
the court system has prevented their expression of grief. One family interviewed by Jones and
Beck (2007) discussed being in the courtroom during sentencing and told to leave when
beginning to cry while the victim’s family was given something to drink and provided tissues.
The scrutiny, and judgment from the community often reaches the point where the family does
not discuss the family member. Some family try to avoid this process by not event discussing the
family member within the family. Children or grandparents are often not told where their parent
or child really is or that he or she has been executed.
Posttraumatic Stress Disorder
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th Edition describes
Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) as a variety of symptoms that occur after actual or
threatened exposure to harm or death (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). This can even
include sudden death of a loved one or relative. Family members of individual who have been
condemned to death the possibility of meeting the diagnostic criteria for PTSD is very real.
During the process of trial and sentencing the family is notified of the intention to seek the death
penalty in their loved one’s case. This notification alone, can seem sudden to the family. In
addition, family members can choose to witness their loved one being executed. For many family
members these experiences do lead to difficulty in coping with the aftermath of the execution. In
their eyes, a family member has just been murdered by the state.
One of the core conceptual effects of PTSD is the feeling of a loss of autonomy (Armour,
2003). The traumatic events, conflicts with how the individual has made sense of the world and
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their ability to control events within it. As families go through the processes of multiple appeals,
possible clemency, efforts of protests, only to find that their efforts are often in vain. The
cognitive schemas that once existed, have now become interrupted. For example, family
members who believed that the criminal justice system was designed to protect their lives, must
grapple with the fact that the criminal justice system has taken a life from them.
Beck, Blackwell, Leonard, and Mears (2003) observed that families of death row inmates
have trauma symptoms similar to that of the victim’s families. Death row families have been
found to suffer from shock after initially finding out that the death penalty is an option. Their
experiences have been likened to families of military personnel who have been deemed missing
in action (Sharp, 2005). Some of the reported symptoms may include nightmares, suicidal
ideations, and physical illness (Sharp, 2005). Symptoms of PTSD were found in almost 67% of
family members in one study (Beck et al., 2007). However most studies have been qualitative in
nature.
Grief and Depression
There have been many models of grief and bereavement over the decades. Kubler-Ross’
five step model is one of the most common. Her model was based on individuals with terminal
illnesses (Sharp, 2005) and later modified by Kubler-Ross and David Kessler to be applicable to
individuals dealing with death of another person (Kessler, 2018). According to Kubler-Ross’
(1969) and Kessler’s (2018) model of grief, denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and
acceptance are natural stages of the grieving process and the bereaved can flow in and out of
these stages in no particular order.
Worden (2002) saw families as needing to work through various tasks of mourning in
order to successfully cope with a loss. According to Worden, families must accept the loss as
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their reality; work through the pain associated with grief; adjust to their environment in which
the loved one is no longer present; and then move on with life. He also included that various
mediators such as attachment, how the person died, and social issues or support could affect the
intensity of the grief and how people worked through these tasks. For individuals who have a
condemned family member, social supports are often lacking. Similar to Kubler-Ross and
Kessler, Worden (2002) also believed that individuals in mourning could move back and forth
between the various tasks and could even work on multiple tasks at the same time.
Wubbolding and Bibler (2014) wrote a paper on their experiences with a group of parents
who lost their children. In this support group, there was agreement among the parents that the
painful emotions associated with losing a child is long and continuous. Several of the
participants in that particular group had attended the meetings for several years. Parents in
particular, are known to struggle with intense feelings of guilt, anger, blame, and disbelief
(Worden, 2002). They tend to blame themselves for the loss of a child as they are supposed to be
the guardians and protectors or their own children. This is particularly true when the death is
seen as a homicide or suicide. Although grief and bereavement have no set time frame, hey can
lead to depressive disorders if present after six months.
Complicated grief occurs as a result of grief based upon traumatic experiences and lack
of certainty that the trauma is real. Complicated grief occurs often within families were a
member is a military member missing in action. These families go through a cycle of disbelief,
uncertainty, giving up hope, and then guilt as a result of giving hope. Families of the convicted
have a similar experience. These families go through a period of prolonged unknowns. During
this time the sentenced family member may be physically absent from the home, but is still
psychologically present (Sharp, 2005). This ambiguous loss, leads to psychologically issues such
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as depression and anxiety, even before the individual is executed. Sharp (2005) identified four
common stages in death row families: denial, the BADD (bargaining, activity, disillusionment,
desperation) cycle, surrender, and picking up the pieces. Almost all of the families experienced
these stages but not in a liner fashion. For those who found closure, the best results occurred
when they family had a strong support system.
Similarly, Beck and colleagues (2007) interviewed 24 individuals with loved ones who
had received capital punishment. Of the 24 family members interviewed 15, experienced
depressive symptoms at least 1 year after arrest or being sentenced. However the average
duration on symptoms was five years. Of these 15 individuals diagnosed with depression, many
had not sought out therapy or counseling due to lack of resources, or belief that therapy would
not be useful.
In another study the families of 19 individuals facing capital punishment were
interviewed (Beck et al., 2003). Of these family members 11 suffered from depression, and three
experienced active suicidal ideations. One family member had to be hospitalized due to her
suicidal thoughts. Although many did not experience active suicidal ideations, a number of the
family members stated that they would have preferred death over the experiences related to the
sentencing of their loved one.
Children
As the family dynamics are impacted when there is a death in the family or a member is
absent, any siblings and other children in the home are also significantly impacted. Occasionally
parents will try to hide the facts about a death or loss from children, or try to have another child
as a replacement (Worden, 2002). It is also not unusual for siblings of the lost child to be ignored
or neglected. This is due to the assumption by the parents that the child is clueless to what is
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happening or need shielding from the dark facts associated with the death. This is also due to
some parents’ unresolved trauma related to the death of the other child (Worden, 2002). As a
result, the other children are left to struggle through the difficult time period alone.
Children are strongly affected by having relatives who are incarcerated, as this is also a
form of loss. In 2008 11% of African American children had a parent in prison (Long, 2011).
These children are more likely to have lower grades, become more physically aggressive, skip
school, withdraw and have lower achievement in educational goals (Beck et al., 2003;
Roundtree, 2014). There is evidence suggesting that children with an incarcerated parent are also
more likely to commit a crime similar to that of the incarcerated parent (Beck et al., 2007), thus
perpetuating a cycle. One example, of this transgenerational effect is the case of Gary Graham.
Graham shot several people during a host of robberies however he denied the crime that he was
sentenced to death for. At the time of his arrest he has a 2-year old son, Gary Hawkins. By the
time of his father’s execution, Hawkins was also charged with murder during the course of a
robbery (Long, 2010).
African American Children
Dealing with the death of a parent would compound difficulty in coping for African
American children and thus warrant the need for more psychological attention. The death penalty
has been argued to be instated as a deterrent of serious crimes. However children of a loved one
who is on death row also struggle with understanding the meaning on the death penalty. It could
send the message that violence is acceptable in certain situations thus perpetuating a cycle of
violence (King, 2006). For example, in an interview with children of parents receiving capital
punishment one child asked who she and her family would get to kill if her father was being
sentenced to death for murder (Beck et al., 2003). This further supports the notion children
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become a new set of victims whose perceptions of the death penalty make cause further
psychological harm by reinforcing violent behaviors.
Coping During Times of Stress and Loss
Community support is seen as a major coping factor by individuals after a death has
occurred. A 2011 study by Greeff, Vansteenweegen and Herbiest examined factors related to
resilience after the loss of a child in families in Belgium. The cross sectional study examined
both the experiences of siblings and parents of the deceased child. Overall both parents and
siblings thought the two largest factors in helping them to coping with the loss was
communication with the community and resources as well as their spiritual belief system. In
addition, previous the research has shown that only 13% of family members who lost a child
identified utilization of therapy services (Greeff et al., 2011), meaning that therapy is not seen as
the go to method by families experiencing loss. Beck and colleagues found similar results
relating to lack of therapy as death row families also tended not to seek out therapy or counseling
services (Beck et al., 2007).
Coping for African American Families
For African Americans, spirituality is a significant part of family life (Mattiss, 2014),
and places of religious or spiritual worship serve as an emotional, psychological, spiritual, and
financial support system. Similarly, several studies have identified spirituality as a major coping
strategy for African Americans when coping with suicide, homicide, and racism. Sharpe, Joe and
Taylor (2013) conducted a qualitative study on African Americans who lost a loved one to
suicide or homicide. Sharpe and her team found emotions such as anger, bitterness, and shock
were prominent reactions and emotions associated with the loss. The majority of the participants
in her study received support from others, and relied on their spirituality in order to cope with
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death. Another study conducted by Henderson, Bond, Alderson and Walker (2015) also reflected
these methods as being utilized by Black families as the results yielded social support and
spirituality as salient themes that emerged related to coping with the death of a loved one for
African Americans.
Community support not only is described as a coping method by African Americans, but
there is a noticeable change in presenting symptoms associated with grief. Boulware and Bui
(2016) found that perceptions of social support was associated with a decrease in symptoms
related to prolonged grief and an increase in overall quality of life. Social support was also a
salient method of coping in essays written by African American students describing their
experiences with loss in a 2015 study by Henderson and colleagues. African Americans who are
homicide survivors or have lost a loved one to suicide also indicated that support systems for
survivors, helping other survivors, and education on grief and bereavement was helpful for them
(Sharpe et al., 2013). These findings indicate that assisting others through similar experiences or
becoming the community support for others is also seen as a coping mechanism.
African Americans and Perceived Discrimination
Despite the research that addresses the experience of families with loved ones on death
row, little research has been conducted on African American families who have loved ones on
death row. Upon review of the literature, most research does not look at the experiences of
African American families separately from other ethnic groups. African American families are
not only at risk of experiencing the same negative effects as any other death row family, but may
also experience additional consequences as the grapple with the reality that race may play a
significant role in their loved one being sentenced to death (Schweizer, 2013).
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The United States has a long history of mistreatment and discrimination of minorities,
especially African Americans. As a result, African Americans may not share the same sentiments
of the fairness of the criminal justice system as other families prior to being involved in a death
penalty case. A study conducted in 1997 by Henderson, Cullen, Cao, Browning, and Kopache,
polled 239 residents in Ohio, and found that eight out of ten African Americans believed that
Blacks were more likely to be pulled over by officers, incarcerated, and sentenced to death. The
authors acknowledged that some Whites in the study also perceived differences in treatment
between Blacks and White in the criminal justice system, but they did not acknowledge these
differences at the same rates as Blacks. Buckler and Unnever (2008) conducted a similar study in
New York, but this time included Hispanics as an additional group. The findings of this study
indicated that African Americans were seven times more likely to perceive unjust racial profiling
by officers when compared to Whites. In addition, Blacks were seven times more likely to feel
that whites were favored more by the police. Although Buckler and Unnever’s study was
conducted twenty years later, the findings were still similar.
Perceived and actual discrimination may compound the grief process surrounding that of
having a loved one executed. For African American families, members may struggle to
understand why their loved one was sentenced to death while others of different races who
committed similar crimes were not sentenced to the same fate (King, 2006). Beck et al. (2007)
found that all of the African American families interviewed during their studies perceived race as
a major factor during the entire process beginning with the initial arrest and finally ending with
the execution. These experiences can result in anger towards the criminal justice system in
addition to grief (Vandiver, 1989) and adds to an already existing distrust of the criminal justice
SECOND VICTIMS 25
system. It also may make it more difficult to treat their grief and create an increased feeling of
loss of autonomy.
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Chapter III: Methodology
This study’s procedures were approved by the Adler University IRB protocol #17-083.
Study Design
This study was conducted in a qualitative format using the interpretative
phenomenological approach (IPA). This approach is designed to explore the experiences of
individuals and how they make sense of these experiences (Nollaig, 2011). In other words, it
examines how people make sense of their world (Smith & Osborn, 2007). When utilizing the
IPA method, the researcher is trying to understand the participants experience from an emotional
and cognitive standpoint, while the participant is also trying to link the information together for
themselves. IPA takes into account that people often experience difficulty in trying to connect
what they are feeling and thinking and the express their experience into words. Thus it is the
researcher’s job to draw conclusions about the participants’ feeling state and thoughts from the
manifest content presented. IPA is generally utilized with small sample sizes where the
investigator in interested in a new or complex phenomenon. Questions for studies utilizing IPA
are broad and do not have a set hypothesis. The overall goal is to examine in detail various cases
within a particular phenomenon and to give a description about how the researcher understands
the group. As IPA methodology’s purpose is to draw conclusions about a particular group or
experience, the group sample will be homogenous and share many characteristics based on this
study. The sample will not be representative of the general population.
In the IPA method, interviews as opposed to forced choice written responses, allow for
the researcher to conduct in-depth information about the participants experiences. Interviews that
require minimal prompting are the preferred method within IPA. The interviewer starts with
general questions, and can increasingly become more specific questions to move the participant
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towards a particular subject area. In order to accurately interpret the data, some form of
recording is required for IPA interviews. A transcript is then needed to perform an in-depth
analysis of the transcripts for each participant. The researcher then reviews the transcripts several
times to gather themes, emotional content, response styles, and further interpret the data (Smith
& Osborn, 2007).
Participants in the current study answered twelve, open ended questions that focused on
their subjective experiences related to loss, trauma, perceived discrimination and perceived needs
after the execution of an immediate family member. The interviews were audio recorded in order
to allow the researcher to fully attend to the participants’ stories and allow for a transcript to be
analyzed. IPA methodology was selected as death row family research is relatively new and
there is no research known to the current researcher that specifically focuses on the experiences
of African American death row families.
Sample Characteristics
This study’s participants are considered immediate family members of individuals who
were executed by the government. Immediate family members were limited to parents, siblings,
spouses, or individuals raised in the home in which the individual who was expected lived.
However only siblings, individuals raised in the home, and parents agreed to participate. All
participants were men and women who identified as African Americans over the age of 18.
Participants resided in the southern portion of the United States and had previous involvement
with a specific non-profit entity that collets historical narratives from individuals who have been
involved in capital punishment.
Sample Recruitment
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The researcher developed a partnership with The Texas After Violence Project (TAVP), a
non-profit organization designed to help achieve the stories and experiences of family member of
individuals condemned to death. TAVP agreed to make the initial contact with potential
interviewees due to the sensitive nature of the topic, and their previously established
relationships. The researcher, TAVP staff and TAVP board members held several meetings prior
to the start of the project. These meetings focused on presenting the researcher’s ideas for the
project, the framework in which the researcher would function and how TAVP would be
involved. TAVP also provided input from their experiences with the potential population as to
what would be most helpful in recruiting participants, and how potential interview questions
would possibly be perceived.
The researcher provided the executive director and one board member of the partner
organization a script in which to initially contact participants. This script informed the potential
participants with a brief description of the study, the purpose, and the researcher. The board
director and executive director developed a list of potential participants, and contacted these
participants via phone. The first potential interviewee was contacted by TAVP in October of
2017. The first participant indicated interest in the study and gave TAVP verbal consent to
provide contact information to the researcher. Texas After Violence Project reached out to the
researcher via phone to notify her of participant interest and verbally provide contact
information.
The researcher followed up with the potential participant in order to further describe the
study, confidentiality, expected 90 minute duration of the interview, and to answer any questions
emerged from the potential participant. The potential participant provided verbal consent to
participate in the study. The researcher gave the participant the option of being interviewed in
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person, by phone, or through Skype for Business. Participants chose which option they preferred
and were given various time slots to choose from to schedule the interview. All participants
chose to meet in person. Participants who agreed to meet in home were notified that the
researcher would be accompanied by a TAVP Board Member, but that he would not participate
in the interview. Participants who chose not to meet at their residence agreed to meet in a private
reserved room at a public location such as the city library. Although not part of the original
recruitment plan, participants often notified other immediate family members of the study and
they gained interest. After gaining permission from their family members, the researcher was
provided with their contact information. When entering the home, occasionally other family
members elected to participate and were interviewed as well. This method was repeated for each
participant.
Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria
The target population for this study was African Americans who had an immediate
family member sentenced to death and executed by the government. Participants must have
identified as Black or African American, be at least 18 years of age, and be either, a mother,
father, sister, brother, husband, wife, raised in the home, or legal guardian of the sentenced
individual. This was in attempt to have participants who would have been most affected by the
death of the family member. Due to the limited availability of this population, there was no
further exclusionary criteria. The researcher initially recruited eight participants total. However,
upon arrival, one declined to participate in the interview resulting in seven participants who
completed the study. Participants did not receive any financial compensation for their
participation. However, all participants had the opportunity to share their stories and experiences
which may have otherwise gone unheard.
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Procedures
Instruments. Consenting participants completed a demographic questionnaire and
responded to twelve open ended questions in semi-structured interview format. The entire
interview process was planned to be no longer than 90 minutes. The open-ended questions
focused on emotional coping during the judicial process and after execution; perceived
discrimination related to their family member’s case; and family member’s perceived needs.
Demographic questions included racial identity, sex, gender, income, and number of household
members. The open ended questions related to emotional coping were derived from themes
found in recent literature. Other open ended questions pulled for views on perceived
discrimination and the role it may have played in the trial and execution of their loved one, as
well as what the family member believes their needs are in coping with the death of their loved
one.
Consent. Initial verbal consent was obtained via phone. Participants recruited via
telephone agreed to participate over the phone and were notified about confidentiality, expected
duration of the interview and the nature of the questions. The researcher gained written consent
in person prior to the beginning of the interview. The consent form informed the participants
that involvement in the study was voluntary and he or she had the right to abstain from
participation, or to remove his or herself from the study at any time without penalty. The
researcher allowed for the participants to read the consent form and also reviewed the consent
form with the participants. Participants were informed that participation in the study was
confidential, all forms would be de-identified, and all documentation would be keep in a secure
location. All participants were provided with mental health resources. Participants had the
opportunity to ask questions about the study during the consenting process as well as during the
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interview. Participants were also provided with a copy of the consent form for their own records.
All interviews were audio recorded.
Data collection and management procedures. The Texas after Violence Project
notified individuals who fit the inclusion criteria and who had archived stories with their
organization of the research project. If interest was expressed, the researcher contacted the
participants directly to describe the study in more detail and scheduled an interview when the
researcher was available to travel to that geographical area. If the participant was unable to meet
face to face for an interview, the participant was provided the option of completing a telephone
interview. The researcher determined the participant’s eligibility at that time. Once the interview
was scheduled, the researcher and family member met face-to-face in a predetermined location.
If a face to face interview could not be scheduled the interview was able to be held via phone.
Both the in person and telephone interviews would be recorded. All recordings were transcribed
by the researcher and stored in a doubled locked database.
Data analysis and results. Each audio recording was hand transcribed by the researcher.
The researcher took notes about general themes that arose after each interview was transcribed.
After transcribing all of the interviews, each transcript was analyzed three times. In the first
review, the researcher assessed the transcript for general themes that arose while responding to
each of the interview questions. Each transcript was reviewed a second time for any emotional
content. The third time the transcript was reviewed the researcher again reviewed the content for
various themes. The researcher then looked for similar themes across all of the transcripts related
to emotions, coping, perceived discrimination, and participant needs. These culmination of these
analyses were utilized to provide the qualitative results for the study.
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The demographic information provided by the participants was entered into SPSS and a
descriptive analysis was run to provide a description of the sample. All data was kept in a locked
computer, in a locked room to comply with APA ethical standards.
Risks and benefits. Questions utilized in this study asked about potentially traumatizing
events. By participating in this study, uncomfortable memories and emotions could have been
triggered. All participants were provided with a list of resources for further mental health
support. Participants in this study contribute to the growing body of research and literature that
explores the experiences of families who have members sentenced to death by the government.
This growing body of research offers further data and information on policy changes regarding
the service needs and support to families with members who receive sentences of capital
punishment.
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Chapter IV: Results
This study sought to analyze four questions regarding the experiences of African
American death row families. The first question focused on exploring the general emotional
experiences of Black death row families. The second question was whether or not Black families
felt race was a factor in the execution of their loved one. Thirdly, how Black families coped with
execution. The last question was what these families felt their needs were or continue to be post
execution. In sum, this study examined the emotional effects of the death penalty and how it is
perceived by Black families. This particular project contributes to existing research on death row
families as there is a lack of literature that focused on the experiences of Black families who lose
a family member to government execution. By exploring their experiences and perceptions,
mental health providers can begin to address these families’ needs.
Eight participants agreed to participate in the study. However only seven formally
consented and completed the interview. All seven participants identified as Black or African
American with an age range from 19 to 74. The average age of the participant was 49. Five of
the participants identified as male while two identified as female. Education level of the
participants ranged from having a high school diploma to having a college degree. One
participant identified as having a high school diploma; two participants reported having some
college credit, but no degree; two participants reported having technical or vocational training;
while two participants reported having a bachelors’ degree. Although the time predicted to
complete each interview was approximately 90 minutes, there was a spread in the duration of
each session. The shortest interview was only 30 minutes while the longest interview was three
hours in length.
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The various interviews from each of the seven family members produced five
overarching themes. These themes were captured by the researcher and addressed the research
questions proposed. These themes included: preserving the legacy of a loved one; negative
emotional experiences; inequality in the justice system; community and spiritual support; and
ending the death penalty. Various sub-themes flowed from these larger overarching themes from
some of participants adding to the uniqueness of individual experiences. Occasionally, several
themes were identified within a quote, while other themes were found throughout the entire
interview as opposed to one particular question. This demonstrates the how extensively certain
perceptions permeate the narrative and coping associated with these experiences.
Preserving the Name of a Loved One
Knowing that the content of the interview was considered emotionally charged, the
opening questions focused on getting to know the interviewee and allowing them to talk about
the person that they lost to the death penalty. All seven of the participants described their loved
one in a positive manner, or in a way that was incongruent with how the individuals were
depicted in the court room or by the media. Loved ones were described as generally being good
people. Example responses that described the loved ones were “captain of the football team,”
“president of his class,” “great personality…a good person,” “perfect in my eyesight,”
“misled…did well in school,” “Smart….whatever he touched he excelled,” “warm fuzzies
whenever I think about him,” and “big brothers.” As a result there was some general disbelief
when first learning about the charges, then when coming to the realization that the death penalty
was being pursued by the district attorney. One participant even described disbelief that the death
penalty existed, and perceived it as something that only occurs in the “movies.”
Negative Emotional Experiences
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Emotional experiences were gathered via themes that arose during the interview as well
as direct statements made during the course of the interviews. All interviewees shared emotions
congruent with grief and trauma such as anger, confusion, disbelief, guilt, regret, and
helplessness.
Anger. The emotion of anger was often linked to discussions around
inconsistencies in how the criminal justice system treated others versus their family
member. Anger was also linked to the manner in which employees of the justice system
treated their family member, such as prosecuting attorneys, law enforcement officers or
how others interacted with them and described their loved one. Anger was an emotion
directly identified by only one participant. This participant informed the interviewer “I
was so angry and I had to deal with that. And then I knew being so angry, I couldn’t cry.”
Anger was indirectly indicated by other participants by an increase in the tone of
their voice, word choice, and facial expression. These changes were noticed in another
participant when describing the reactions of other people upon hearing about the
execution: “they always come up with ‘I know how you feel…’ And I’m like I guaran-
freaking-tee you don’t know how I feel!”
Guilt. Themes related to the emotion of guilt emerged, particularly among the three
parents of executed individuals. Parents often paused when reflecting on potential life changing
events such as moving away from the community without their child, or requiring that their child
pass up an opportunity. One of the parents recalled a decision to not let her family member
continue to study abroad and failing to realize changes in behavior:
Maybe that’s why. And he really wanted to stay and my husband said, ‘no you
have to come back {redacted name}.’ Well we never know what’s in our
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[future]… We trusted them with him, we trusted him with them and just by the
time we noticed there were changes in him and them, it was kind of late in the
game.
Another parent discussed feelings related to not being more aware of their child’s
activities saying “I guess it’s a failure. It’s a failure that we didn’t keep a better grip on
what he was doing.” Both of these responses demonstrate guilt associated with the belief
that somehow, through lack of parenting or involvement, or denial of activities that the
family member played a role in the arrest and eventual execution of the child.
Helplessness. Themes of helplessness emerged among family members immediately
after arraignment, sentencing and execution. The helplessness was associated with feelings of
being overwhelmed during these various times. Several times, the participants discussed lack of
assistance from the system, and being unfamiliar with the criminal justice procedures or policies
prior to their loved one’s trial. When reaching out for assistance or searching for assistance, they
were often discouraged or disappointed by the results and responses from courtroom personnel.
A sample response indicative of perceived lack of assistance is provided below:
I don’t know if it was the fact that I wanted some assistance or because nobody in
the whole ordeal…there was nobody that seemed to want to help us. Then
{redacted lawyer} walks in there…and he says words that seems like he was
gonna help us. That may have been a mistake.
This participant shared the perception that there should have been someone to assist the
family through this process but the family perceived a lack of assistance from the court or
judicial system.
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Another participant shared his perceptions of lack of assistance in helping the
family be present to witness the execution due to strict policy and procedures imposed by
the department of corrections:
….everybody wasn’t there when he took his last breath but I got to be there, you
know? And that was taken away from my other brother because of however
{Redacted Department of Corrections} has their policy or whatever.
Trauma responses. Less directly discussed were emotional symptoms related to trauma
such as the participant’s own avoidance, family avoidance of the topic, difficulty in relationships,
reactivity, and somatic concerns. None of the participants directly described the event as
traumatic but they all were able to discuss changes in themselves as a result of the execution as
well as changes in other family members. This participant’s statement highlights the avoidance
of discussion of the events despite trying to get family members to discuss what was happening.
Like there could be a pink elephant with purple polka dots in the room and
nobody would mention the elephant. I mean if you did say something about the
elephant ‘Well why we need to talk about the elephant?’ ‘Well, you don’t see the
elephant?’ You know? ‘Something wrong with your eyes? You need to go get
your eyes checked’ ‘You need to wear glasses’ and it’s like Ok, I just pointed out
the elephant but all of a sudden it changed to something else.
Another participant echoed a very similar statement, “before it was like ‘nobody talk
about anything.’ Yeah. I don’t know if my mom and dad were embarrassed or what.”
Other participants focused on how trying to engage in discussion or events led to
severe emotional reactivity. One participant stated “my mother kind of kept me away
from it, because she, anytime it came up, she would just shut down.” Another participant,
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who was a parent, stated, “his oldest brother when he would go visit, two or three days
later he’s still sick and throwing up because he hates for him to be there.”
Trauma was also indicated by hesitation to engage in future relationships as
demonstrated by this participant’s statement:
I mean I’m kind of cold-hearted to a certain extent. It is what it is. I mean he isn’t
coming back. It has affected me. I really don’t let too many people get close to
me. Because it’s kind of hard to take a loss like that.
Another participant also revealed struggling with forming other attachment
relationships after their family member’s execution in his statement. “Every time I got
close to somebody, they’d die…so I just figured what’s the point of developing a
relationship with somebody that’s go’n die anyway?”
In addition to attachment trauma and avoidance, participants shared ongoing thoughts
about witnessing the death of their loved one, having nightmares about the experiences, feeling
startled, and having flashbacks when hearing sounds similar to the ones in prison. The following
two participants discussed nightmares and reactivity as a result of their experiences:
…a lady was outside with her dog and she slammed the gate, and the gate
sounded like one of the ones at {Redacted department of corrections, and unit}. It
was like, and it took me back, it was like some type of Quintin Tarintino movie…
I’ve had um nightmares about the prison system and all that stuff so I just try to
forget about it. I’ve had a nightmare about being executed.
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I mean, I had nightmares about that shit. Yeah I mean, I can still hear, I mean I
could hear them take their last breath. So it’s something yeah, it’s something
where, yeah, that’s not, that’s not normal.
Two of the participants discussed symptoms associated with dissociation. One stated:
People tell me to this day all of the stuff that I was doing and I’m like Man, I
don’t even remember…Just stupid stuff like, I don’t even remember. Like I got a
close friend, {redacted name}, he said we went to Galveston, we Went to Waco,
we went to Dallas, we went back to Galveston, and went back to Waco. I don’t
remember.
Another participant expressed lack of memory of the proceedings due to self-
medication. He shared his inability to recall information with the researcher with this
statement “I pretty much stayed high and drunk all the time. So I don’t really remember.
They call it a black out.” Although his lack of memory is related to a chemical process, it
is a lack of memory due to trying to cope with stressful and painful memories. These
symptoms in addition to the other trauma symptoms remained present a decade or longer
post-execution.
Negative view points over time. When asked to share how their perceptions of the
criminal justice system had changed over time, all seven participants endorsed ongoing negative
perceptions and views. One participant described being in support of the death penalty prior to
his experiences and how his feelings have changed after the execution of his family member:
I used to be all for the death penalty. Just specifically that. But then when you
watch somebody like take their last breath, it kind of changes your perspective on
things…And yeah it was family and all that but it’s still a big deal, of like, yeah,
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it’s still a human life. Like it doesn’t, I don’t see what it accomplishes. I don’t see
it. I don’t see how it’s a deterrent. Because it’s not like people get executed and
then crime, murder rates drop.
Another participant struggled to talk about his perceptions without expressing
negative viewpoints, as all of his interactions with the criminal justice system were linked
to negative memories.
Like when you start talking about ‘Tell me something that happened’, it’s always
like negative stuff. They arrested my brother, they took him back. Then he was in
court. Taking away everything. Everything is taken away. The guards look at you
a certain way when you’re going to visit and you’re like ‘I’m a Kid!’ They
looking at you and its like ‘I don’t know what happened inside. I’m a kid! Don’t
look at me like that. I didn’t do nothing’.
Three participants described attempts to avoid all interactions with the criminal justice
system, including police officers. This was driven by promises made to their family members
prior to execution as well as memories of interactions in prison facilities. One participants stated:
I don’t want to say I’m far removed from it, but I don’t put myself in situations
where I have to be accountable to a criminal justice system where we are so
totally not innocent until proven guilty. You’re guilty and then you gotta prove
your innocence.
Another participant also expressed wanting to stay away from activities that are illegal in
order to avoid interacting with the criminal justice system below:
I have a few close buddies that are officers so you know I try to be an adult about
it but, to be truthful with you, I try to stay away from that. As far as possible. I
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ain’t never got a speeding ticket. I ain’t never been to jail. I just don’t want to deal
with i- T don’t want to have anything to do with it.
The third participant explicitly stated that he tries to stay away from illegal activities or
even activities that could potentially result in negative consequences as a result of seeing
his brother incarcerated and the promise he made to his deceased family member:
…those were the only two times I ever had alcohol in my mouth. I don’t even
care for it. I don’t know why. Well, I also told my brother, I told him I would
never do anything. So I promised him I would never do nothing. …I try to think
of the consequences ‘cus of my brother I try to think of the consequences of my
actions. So I don’t even put myself in that position
While maintaining negative views related to the biases in the criminal justice system.
Another family member described himself as being against the death penalty in particular prior
to his personal experience, but now “convicted” to defend his position.
I still feel like the justice system is very important…I’m not in favor of anyone
getting away with a crime. But what I’m truly against is the death penalty. That
the experience, well before my experience, I would’ve been against it but as far as
defending being against it, I probably wouldn’t have. But being in that situation
has given me the courage and conviction to defend being against the death
penalty.
Inequality in the Criminal Justice System
Participants were asked questions directly related to their experiences with the death
penalty, the factors that played a role in the outcome of the trial for their loved one, and their
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views about the criminal justice system. All participants described unequal treatment of their
loved ones based on various demographic factors.
Racism in the criminal justice system. All seven participants directly discussed race as
playing a role in the criminal justice system. Participants described the criminal justice system as
“unfair” or “unjust” due to race playing such a significant role in who ends up in the criminal
justice system and how verdicts are rendered. Participants discussed awareness of this inequality
within the justice system throughout multiple phases beginning with minority areas being more
heavily policed, African Americans and people of lower socioeconomic status being more likely
to be arrested and incarcerated, and ending with African Americans being more likely to receive
the death penalty. Words used to describe the functioning of the United States criminal justice
system were “racist,” “lynch mob,” “slavery,” and “biased towards Blacks.” When asked about
the factors related to their family member’s trial, all participants but one mentioned race. Race
included the race of the defendant, the race of the victim; the race of the judge, the jury, and the
attorneys. Participants made the following statements such as:
Just like you see the race relationships diminishing in the U.S. now. I do feel like
if you’re black, that’s it. They’re going against you. We did have an all-white
jury. And that was totally wrong. I do feel like just by being Black, that’s one
strike against you…And the influentuality, I hope I’m saying that right, of the
person that {redacted} shot and killed played an important role in the outcome of
the trial.
A second participant expressed a similar sentiment that race was a major factor in the
trial:
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It’s some people in the justice system that should not be in the justice system.
Whether they’re a police officer, a lawyer, judge, and I’ve come across some
myself. Just as being a Black man in America…race played in every aspect. I
mean I’m not trying to say what he did was okay. He shouldn’t have did that. But
race played a major part in how that went.
Another participant stated “…the judge was racist. That’s off top. The court appointed
attorney was racist. They gave him an all-white jury.” One participant directly stated:
Prejudice is the number one thing. Uh lack of respect for human life. There’s a lot
of other factors in there. But the number one was just a lack of respect for human
life. All sorts of prejudices against humans. Just look in the book. Go back to your
Jim Crow days and everything. You can see where it all started. Now its Jim
Crow esquire.
Secondary factors. Three of the participants believed the race of the defendant was the
only factor, while four of the participants believed it was a combination of race and other factors
such as ineffective counsel and socioeconomic status. When other factors were described by
participants, race was thought to be the most prominent factor, or the primary factor. One
participant shared her frustration with the lack of experience and dedication of the attorneys:
He was represented by one court appointed lawyer and one being paid. But the
one that was being paid by the family never had tried a capital case. And he said
that from the beginning. And the other one, I mean do you think that the other one
was gonna work diligently when he’s appointed to the case by the judges?
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Participants stated that socioeconomic status played a role in who was arrested, the ability
to secure paid counsel, and lack of resources to prevent recidivism. An example illustrating this
theme was the response of this participant:
It’s been proven too many times that the justice system is corrupt. It’s not equally
portioned to, to you know, how many, you can count on two fingers how many
rich kids are prisoners in jail. Its minorities some whites its poor, middle class and
really upper middle class. You don’t find any rich kids in jail. You don’t. And the
system is designed for recidivism. Maybe some states have provisions to help
inmates when they are about to go back in the world or to keep them from coming
back, but most of them don’t.
Another participant shared similar sentiments about socioeconomic status stating that it limits
access to good attorneys.
I’m sure there was a money thing… [our parents] didn’t have the means to go out
and hire a high power attorney…if you got enough money, then you can prove
your innocence because you can find good attorneys that have great researchers
and you got the resources to do it…I’d love to say it was just African Americans,
but Latinos, I mean, cause poor is color blind. You know if you don’t have no
money, you just don’t have no money. And the public defenders, the court
appointed attorneys, they don’t have the resources, meaning basically the time.
These participants all alluded to lack of financial status increasing the likelihood of an undesired
sentencing outcome.
Mistreatment within the system. As family members described their memories from
prison visits, they tended to discuss the treatment of their family members and other prisoners as
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“inhumane” or living conditions “like a zoo.” Themes indicated the use of prisoners for
entertainment, profit for the system, or mistreatment contributed to their negative views of the
criminal justice system. The following quotes provide accounts of lack of treating individuals in
prison like people, but more like items or animals. One participant described his observation of
what happened in prison the years prior to execution as follows:
It was a horrible experience. Corralling everybody up, looking through a glass
with wire in it and they lining everybody up. You gotta get paid there. You can’t
have dollar bills, you can only have quarters in your hand. I don’t know. It just
wasn’t. Like I said, it’s not rehabilitation. It’s more like a zoo.
Another participant describes a family member discussing how rivalries form in the prison
system:
He said ‘This death that they wish upon me…I wish it would come sooner.’
Because the mistreatment and the behavior in there was horrific…And for a
warden to come in there in the middle of the night with hostile other inmates on
his wing or whatever. He said they would just come in the middle of the night.
The warden was supposed to be gone and off duty, but he would come in and
recruit others to attack him…”
A third participant described the family member’s last hours before execution as he was escorted
to the death chamber:
They took his clothes off of him. They gave him a pair of boxers and they
shackled him. And they drove him from {redacted town} to {redacted town} with
a pair of boxer shorts on, and nothing else.
Community and Spiritual Support
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Participants were asked to describe how they experienced support during the trial and
while their family member was on death row. Participants also described support without being
prompted with a direct question. All of the interviewees discussed either receiving support
themselves or watching other family members receive support. Participants frequently discussed
themes about community, support from friends, and family support. Communities included
churches, people within the town or city, places of work, and school. Workplaces that were seen
as the most supportive allowed for extended leave without penalty or allowed options for
financial assistance. Community support was also seen through financial contributions, spiritual
guidance, flowers, and cards. One participant described his experience of community support:
And from people around here in this community that donated that money to help
us get lawyers and pay the lawyer and stuff. Oh I was forever grateful and so
thankful to them. For their support and their help today, I wish I could pay every
last one of them back for every penny they gave to me.
Another family member discussed having ongoing support from other members of the family
asking how they could help during the time of loss:
I had plenty of family support. They just wanted to know ‘what do you need for
us to do?’ But you don’t know what you need for them to do. Just be there. You
know?
Created families. A sub-theme outside of traditional family and friends, who provided
community support was the concept of a created family. These were individuals from all over the
world who became pen pals with the individual on death row and their family due to their being
sentenced to death, or advocated on their behalf. Several participants described having contact
with people from various countries while their family member was incarcerated. Some family
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members even endorsed remaining in contact with these individuals post-execution up until the
date of the interview. Statements such as “the people he met were in very close contact with us at
all times. Like I said a lot of them still are” were not uncommon.
Another participant discussed the advocacy from various sources. He stated “The Pope,
he paid for my momma and daddy to go to the Vatican. He wrote letters on my brother’s
behalf….he had pen pals from all over the world.”
One participant described being introduced to the created family by the family member
who was later executed:
I wasn’t even thinking about that and then {redacted name} introduced me to so
many different people through all the different organizations. He had tons and
tons of pen pals and stuff like…so I stated meeting people…so I had support that
way.
Participants discussed remaining in connection with individuals who reached out to them
throughout their family member’s imprisonment. Ongoing communication was described via
letters, phone calls or visits.
One participants shared her experiences of her loved one creating a family that stays in contact
with her.
I’ve got his letters and a lot of his letters from the contacts he had. He had over
250 people around the world. I got a chance one year, a couple of people and my
sister, they planned a, they took me to visit his favorite families in Germany,
England, France, Austria, Switzerland. Um, just about the whole of Europe. I got
a chance to visit one or two of the families that couldn’t come here and I think it
was good because they were really like family and they still are, a lot of them.
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The focus of these communications were on the positive contributions of their loved one while
they were alive, or incarcerated as well as general memories about their loved one throughout
their childhood and adolescence.
Lack of family support for siblings. Participants who endorsed feelings of support for
themselves or their families also endorsed continued support post execution. However, there
were four participants who did not endorse feeling fully supported throughout the trials or while
the condemned family member was on death row. These individuals tended to be the siblings of
the person executed or others raised in the same home. Various siblings described feeling that
their needs for comfort and support were not met by parents or other family members. After the
loss, sibling participants described continuous lack of support.
Relationship difficulties were noted as stemming from the death of their family member.
Multiple participants described the impact of the death penalty on the relationships of surviving
family members, particularly the siblings. When asked if they felt supported during their
experiences one participant responded with “Aw man. Hell no!” And another with “not really.”
One sibling participant described his frustration in detail with the lack of support years after the
execution:
How can I feel supported? I’m 9, 10 years old. People gotta live their life. They
gotta keep doing what they gotta do…ain’t finna stop because he went to jail.
‘Hey man, I’ll catch you tomorrow.’ Tomorrow turns into tomorrow. Tomorrow
into next week. Next week turns into next week. Next week turns into next month.
‘I’ll catch you when I catch you’….Like his best friend, I was mad at him for the
longest. He tried to call me years after my brother had passed. And I was still
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frustrated with him. I was still hurt. ‘Cus I feel like he should’ve been there for
me.
This lack of support did not always go unnoticed by parents, but only one of the parents
mentioned coming to the realization of not supporting their other children. This participant
commented on how they were aware of the lack of support for the other child and how it affected
the family dynamics:
I had a son that just graduated the year {redacted name}had died…so I had
obligations to him and…he had talked with another friend of mine, and he felt
like I didn’t care about him because of the time and effort that we had spent on
{redacted name}. And that broke my heart. Because first off, he was probably
right…Everything’s broken.
Spirituality gives meaning. Participants were asked to reflect on how they have made
meaning of their experiences, or what purpose they attributed to their experience. Most
participants struggled with understanding the word “meaning” and as a result often asked for
more clarification. The interviewer, was able to clarify by utilizing the word “purpose.”
Responses to this question included references to God’s will, learning experiences, bringing
people together, and helping others. The responses provided indicated that there was some
positive gain from the experience, even if the family member did not understand the rationale.
References to God and his were the most common of all of the responses as three of the
participants discussed the loss as God’s plan and four discussed other reasons. Participants
described not being sure of why God would take their family member, but not wanting to
question his plan. While others pointed to positive acts that their loved one engaged in while
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incarcerated and described that as part of God’s greater plan. One participant responded to the
question of meaning with this statement:
I don’t know our maker’s plan. I don’t. I can’t read that code yet…I really feel
like He placed him on death row to help people, because he has a bright
spirit…Whether he was supposed to be there or not, God placed him there for a
reason. So it is not my place to dictate what his powers are to be.
A second participant shared a similar explanation in which spirituality and reaching a
spiritual peak contributed to the participant made meaning of the loss:
“Spiritually I don’t have to understand it. God controls everything. He allows to
happen what he allows to happen. I may not understand why. I think spiritually,
everyone will get to certain heights in spirituality. We have a plateau in which our
understanding will go. And we all get to a spiritual awakening at different times.
Some people never come to the party (laughs). Some people will never make it.
They think they’ve made it (laughs). I think {redacted name} obtained spirituality
and wisdom far beyond his age very early, and when God feels that you have
done what you can do down here, he has other things for you to do.”
When describing their day to day experience, participants who saw God as a way to make
meaning of their experiences also continued to mention relying on God or their faith to assist
them in continuing to engage in day to day experiences.
Lack of professional counseling or therapy as support. Only two participants
mentioned seeking professional counseling of therapy to assist them in coping with the death of
their family member. Both had vastly different experiences. The first participant did not seek
counseling immediately after the execution, but due to utilizing substances, sought treatment for
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substance use, and some of the emotional concerns were addressed in the process. Participating
in substance abuse treatment also provided a network of support post-execution. He later
attended counseling for his experiences with his loved one and the death penalty. This participant
explained: “As far as my support, I was good because I had the resources from alcoholics
anonymous, plus I had health insurance so I went and saw a counselor or therapist and all that.”
Another participant reached out for a therapist but had a discouraging experience.
I remember sitting there in the office and he was like uh, he did the chair. He had
a lamp. He did the couch thing. And he was trying to ask me some questions and
he was in awe of, and I was just like 'He ain’t in no position to help me.’ Now he
was like… ‘so wait, you watched it? So how did-‘and I was like ‘Okay. I’m
gonna have to be talking to some different people that like have some type of
experience with it’…He was over in {redacted town} somewhere and I was just
like ‘I can’t talk to nobody about this. I’ll just deal with it my own way’.
This content also highlights another theme that presented itself for individuals who lost multiple
family members to the death penalty- feeling that people don’t understand or are not able to
relate to their experiences unless they themselves have shared the experience.
Ending the Death Penalty as Coping
Participants were asked what resources they believed would assist them in coping with
the loss of their family member. Five of the participants provided a response indicating that there
was no realistic mechanism that could further be provided to assist them in any further coping
post execution. One participant responded very quickly to this question “No. You never get over
not being there to see him.”
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Another participant gave a similar response indicating that faith assisted up until the
current point but nothing additional would assist.
I don’t see how anybody can cope with a situation like this. Really. There’s no
way. You’re a psychiatrist. You’re sitting here talking to me. And basically all I
can tell you is you put your faith and trust in God to keep on going and then if you
was sitting there talking to someone that’s going through it, I don’t think (pause)
it’s just gonna be hard to tell them anything that would help them cope. You see
what I’m saying? This is your child. I just wish people would understand that. I
don’t know if the system is aware of what the death penalty does to the victim’s
family.
For those who provided an indication of what would assist them in further coping,
responses were related to their loved one still being alive. Sample responses included:
I know this is ridiculous to say, but hearing his voice. If I could only push a
button and hear him speak. I know that’s impossible…Well for me it’s just
reassurance I guess. He always had something goof to discuss with me or tell
me…sometimes I run across an article, an item and I’ll sit there with it and just
listen to conversations in my heart and mind that we had.
The participant’s response indicates that she is aware that hearing her loved one’s voice is
unrealistic but their presence even in voice would assist in the coping. This following statement
is from a participant who also believes that maintaining their loved one’s presence would assist
in coping:
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If they had life sentences, that’s what would ultimately be the best way to cope
with it…once you execute him, there’s so much stuff that happens after you
execute people. Actually all the way up to executing them and then
afterwards…you can’t forget about it.
Although participants did not acknowledge advocacy as a method of coping in response
to direct questions, advocacy against the death penalty was often part of their lives. Six of the
seven participants described advocacy work as part of their daily lives post execution. Advocacy
was in the form of participating in efforts to educate the public about the experiences of the death
penalty as well as to abolish the death penalty. A sample statement made by a participant while
describing his experiences was: “for me I handled it so many different ways: be involved in it,
being engulfed in it.” Participants described this advocacy as being frequent immediately after
execution, and hitting a point of exhaustion, yet still continuing their efforts. They described
promises that were made to their loved one related to death penalty abolition or refraining from
engaging in illegal activity and also using advocacy to “keep busy.” One participant recalled the
executed family member telling him to work with others against the death penalty: “Man, you
got people you can work with. So like try to make a difference.” ’ This same participant
described turning to advocacy as coping after the loss:
When they finally did execute {redacted} it was tough for me to deal with. And
then um, at that point in time, I Was just trying to be a part of anything I could do
to help other people not go through that…So that was in {redacted year} and so
probably six or eight years straight. I don’t know how many groups I’ve been a
part of.
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Another participant made a similar promise to a loved one, and saw follow through as one of the
reasons of wanting to participate in the current research project:
When I first got the communication from you I had to think about it a long
time…But one of the last things I promised him was that even in his words ‘if this
old death machine gets me, promise me, I will be there when it’s abolished.’ So I
kind of stepped back for a few years, but he’s been gone {redacted} years now.
There’s a book I need to put together.
These quotes not only describe that the advocacy against the death penalty holds meaning
for them, but also assists them in coping with their loss. It is also important to note that all
participants were recruited though an organization whose mission is to share the stories of people
who have experience with the death penalty, or were family members of individuals associated
with the organization.
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Chapter V: Discussion
This qualitative study examined the experiences of African Americans who have lost a
loved one to government execution. The study aimed to answer four specific questions through
semi-structure, face to face interviews including: (1) What is the emotional experience of African
American death row families; (2) Whether or not African American families feel that race played
a role in the execution of their family member; (3) How African American families coped with
the after math of execution; and (4) What African American families feel their needs are after a
family member’s execution.
Seven men and women completed interviews with the researcher in order to provide
information that addressed the research questions. Though the participants were idiosyncratic in
their style of interaction with the researcher, reoccurring themes were present upon analysis and
coding of their response to the questions posed. The five primary reoccurring themes included:
preservation of their loved one’s name; negative emotional experiences; inequality in the
criminal justice system; community and spiritual support; and the desire to abolish the death
penalty. Within a few of these overarching themes, arose several sub themes that were endorsed
by a subsample of the family members.
Discussion of Themes
One of the primary themes that emerged was the preservation of the deceased’s legacy.
Every participant when asked to describe their loved one, used positive descriptions to paint a
verbal picture of their family member. Participants discussed leadership roles in which their
family member was engaged as well as endearing personality traits. This is not surprising as the
literature describes families being subjected to the name bashing of their loved one during the
trial and post execution (Beck et al., 2007). Family members most likely place emphasis on
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positive traits to counter the negative views that were portrayed in the courtroom by the
prosecuting attorney and the media. It is also common for families to remember the positive
influences of a person’s life after passing away. This is seen in both funerals and memorial
services within many cultures.
A second primary theme was the experience of negative emotions. All family members
who participated in this study shared and displayed emotions congruent with the current
literature on bereavement and grief. The most prominent emotion was anger. Anger was
expressed in various ways including direct statements, through tone and through behavioral
observation of the participants. According to the stages of grief outlined in Kubler-Ross (1969)
and Kessler (2018), anger is a natural stage of the grieving process and the bereaved can flow in
and out of these stages in no particular order. However none of the participants in this study had
a family member executed within the past 10 years. The extended duration of the pain
associated a death is not unheard of but congruent with research of parents who have deceased
children (Wubbolding & Bibler, 2014). The length of the emotions may also relate to mediators
as described by Worden’s description of various tasks of mourning (2002). The family members
described their loved ones a being sentenced to death row at early ages, most in their late teens or
early twenties. In addition, being executed was seen by families as murder. This would make the
death unexpected for this age range, and also seen as homicide making it more difficult to
complete the tasks of mourning.
Other emotional reactions that were indicated included helplessness, guilt, as well trauma
symptoms. Helplessness, in particular was associated with navigating the criminal justice system.
Participants expressed feelings of helplessness and confusion when first being notified about the
arrest and detainment of their family member. As many of those arrested were minors at the time
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of their arrest, it is not surprise that the family members struggled with emotional reactions when
being notified that the death penalty was being sought by the prosecution. Family members
expressed lack of knowledge of their next steps, and feeling that the justice system did not want
to offer very much assistance to them. This experience led them to feel helpless, as these families
expressed not being wealthy enough to have the most experienced representation.
Similar to the studies conducted previously on Death Row Families, the interviewees in
this study shared cognitive, relational, and emotional experiences congruent with experiencing
trauma (Beck et al., 2003). Individuals with PTSD will often avoid places, stimuli, and thoughts
that remind them of the traumatic event. Additional symptoms related to PTSD include re-
experiencing the event through intrusive thoughts or nightmares, ongoing negative feelings, and
hyperarousal. Examples of these symptoms were found throughout the various interviews.
Participants discussed having ongoing nightmares about seeing their family member executed
and nightmares about being executed themselves. In addition, one participant discussed startle
responses to everyday stimuli such as the sound of a gate due to it reminding him of the sounds
that were previously experienced when going to visit his family member on death row.
There were potentially more participants for the study however, they declined due to the
intense emotions that were still present as a result of their loss. One potential participant, who
ultimately elected not to participate, shared that they kept several letters from their loved one as
keepsakes. However these letters remained unopened due to the emotional distress that would
ensue. Family members also avoided places that reminded them of their experiences, such as
driving through the town that houses death row even if it was on their travel route. Trying to stay
away from locations, discussions, and objects that remind individuals of certain events is
indicative of the avoidance symptoms of trauma.
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Several participants particularly the siblings of those executed, discussed relational
difficulties such as not being able to form close relationships due to the fear that the relationship
would suddenly come to an end. A few of the family members who did participate had difficulty
sharing emotional experiences at different times during the interview because they could not
remember the time period. However other details of the experiences were present. These factors
point to dissociation during the trial and time periods immediately following the execution-
symptoms both associated with PTSD diagnosis.
Participants in previous death row family research indicated a support of the criminal
justice system and then loss of support after the loss of their loved one (Beck et al., 2007).
However, the African American family members interviewed in this study indicated stable or
increased negative views of the criminal justice system. This is congruent with the perceptions
by African Americans that they are more likely to be arrested and sentenced to death by officers
(Buckler & Unnever, 2008; Henderson et al., 1997). It is difficult to support or have positive
feelings about a system if people feel they are targeted. This further complicates the grief that the
family members experienced in this study.
All of these negative emotional experiences as described by the participants are found in
individuals diagnosed with Posttraumatic Stress Disorder. Thus indicating that these family
members are suffering from untreated trauma symptomology that has and continues to cause
distress in their daily lives. In addition, aspects of perceived racism are also present, and further
complicate the negative ideations associated with traumatic events.
The negative perceptions of the criminal justice system led to the third theme found in
analysis of the data- inequality in the criminal justice system. These findings are similar to Beck
and colleagues (2007) description of beliefs held by African American participants in her larger
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study of death row families. Participants believed that race not only played a role in the trial, but
played a role in various aspects of the trial such as the victim was white, the jury lacked African
American members, the judges were white, and the prosecutors were white. The findings of this
study echo previous studies of perceived racism discussed earlier in this paper. If African
Americans believe they are more likely to be stopped by the police than someone who is
Caucasian, (Buckler & Unnever, 2008; Henderson et al., 1997) it would increase their belief that
they will end up in a courtroom due to race being a major factor. If the trial by jury process is
further examined, one can see how the likelihood of an African American being sentenced to
death is much higher. Every citizen of the Unites States has a duty to serve on a jury and every
defendant has a right to a trial by jury. In addition, there is an increased chance for the
prosecuting attorney to seek the death penalty if the victim is Caucasian (McCleasky v. Kemp,
1987), as was the case in the trials described by the interviewees. The jury in every trial is
selected by the attorneys, including the prosecutor. In a capital case, a special jury is selected.
This jury will be selected in both the guilt and sentencing phase of the trial process. This jury,
unlike the jury for non-capital cases will need to be questioned on their position on the death
penalty as well as their ability to be able to support the death penalty in a trial. If the research
shows that African Americans are less likely than White individuals to support the death the
penalty (Peffley & Hurwitz, 2007), African Americans will be less likely to serve on the jury in
death penalty trials. This explains what the interviewees discussed as their experiences with the
jury, and the prosecuting attorneys.
Socioeconomic status was also raised as a major demographic factor in their loved ones’
trials. Participants shared with the interviewer, the lack of funds being related to selecting or
receiving defense counsel. In general the participants stated that they did not have the money to
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secure private lawyers or lawyers with more experience working with capital cases. As a result
there were unable to receive the best representation with knowledge regarding the issues brought
forth in the trial and to defend their family member. Overall, the participants in this study were
aware of the historical biases of the system against African Americans and people of lower
socioeconomic status and they openly discussed their frustration with the system in their
interviews with the researcher.
The fourth theme in the data was the concept of Black families utilizing spirituality and
community support to cope with their loss. Unlike the families’ experiences in previous research
on death row families which demonstrated that families did not receive community support
(Beck et al., 2007), the African American family members in this study generally described
feeling supported by other family members and the community. This is not uncommon in
African American communities as there is a history of mistreatment, lack of justice and trauma
within the African American community. During slavery, Africans and African Americans were
seen as less than human. There were no laws passed to protect the safety of slaves and lack of
legal protections following the abolishment of slavery. Slaves were often separated from their
biological families in the process of being captured and were also separated from their families
on the plantation as a result of being sold to others. As a result of the collective experiences of
African Americans many have learned to cope with traumatic events through collectivism and
community support. This is evident in previous research on the coping strategies used by African
Americans (Henderson et al., 2015; Sharpe et al., 2013).
In addition to their existing communities, interviewees also discussed support from
strangers who later became like their extended family. These individuals were described as pen
pals, or advocates who initially reached out to their loved one on death row or to the family
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members prior to the execution. These individuals remained in contact with the families
throughout the trial, the confinement and eventual execution. The ongoing contact and support
was surprising as the amount of contact from these extended or created family members is not
evident in the existing literature. What was expected was some advocacy on the family’s behalf
as anti-death penalty groups do exist. However, maintaining contact post-execution through
house visits, and continuing to write letters from individuals not associated with an anti-death
penalty group was not. For various family members these individuals continue to be a source of
support and assist with keeping their family member’s memory alive.
Interestingly, the siblings of the executed family member identified an overall lack of
familial support. Feeling of lack of support and utilizing other methods of coping such as drugs
or dissociation were identified. Siblings of the family member were also the only participants
who described difficulty with forming new relationships, due to concerns about losing those
close to them. This is not surprising as the family’s emotional, financial, and time resources were
invested in saving the life of the sibling facing death row. The parents described in detail,
constantly having to be present in court to support their child, continuous visits to the prison that
often required several hours of travel, and toting the siblings along with them. Based on previous
research (Worden, 2002) it would be expected that at some point, the other children’s feelings,
activities or emotional needs were unnoticed or were unattended to. This could be due to parents
struggling to cope with their own reactions to the execution or not realizing that impact that these
events had on their child. For siblings that identified as athletes, coaches and teachers were a
primary source of support. This may be due to the substantial amount of time that children,
especially athletes, spend at school. Teachers and coaches may become aware of behavior
changes more quickly than the family members due to interacting with the siblings for several
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hours a day, multiple days of the week. Comparatively, parents spend less time with their
children as they may see them more on weekends and for brief periods at the beginning and the
end of the day. In addition, coaches need their players to perform, emotional difficulties interfere
with performance. Thus even if a child’s normal behaviors have not changed dramatically, their
performance in the sport could have.
The fifth primary theme was related to the participants perceived coping needs. Although
none of the participants believed there was a realistic way to further assist them in coping with
their loss, almost all participants in the current study identified belonging to an anti-death penalty
organization or associating with others with shared experiences. Thus striving to end the death
penalty was identified as a method to help participants cope with their loss. Participants indicated
that prior to or immediately after the execution they became involved in groups whose objectives
were to abolish the death penalty. For African Americans, assisting others who are going through
a similar grief experience has been previously identified as a helpful method of coping (Sharpe et
al., 2013). Through these associations, the family members have found support and are able to
support others who have similar experiences. Most of the family members described a sense of
purpose related to working with others to improve the treatment of individuals in prison or to
abolish the death penalty altogether. The participants in this study were not able to directly
identify these as helpful supports. This is likely due to no structured supports built in to the
system to make these resources readily available to the families once their loved one is sentenced
to die. Also as the death penalty is still implemented in most states in the country, the advocacy
against the death penalty may also be a source of pain for families as well. The advocacy may
provide support during the meetings and planning phase but family members are likely met with
opposition once they enter the public domain to advocate. This may change how advocacy
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impacts death row families compared to families who lost a loved one as a result of a less
controversial issue.
Limitations of the Current Study
The current study had several limitations. First, there were only seven participants who
were from the same geographic region within the United States. Although smaller sample sizes
are not unusual for qualitative studies, the limited number of participants makes the findings of
the study difficult to generalize to all Black families who have experienced the death penalty. In
addition, due to the history of racial tensions in the southern part of the United States, the
participants in this study may have different experiences based on geographic location, which
also makes it less clear how other families in different locations may experience the death
penalty.
Another limitation to this study is that the data was analyzed by the principal investigator
alone. The principal investigator interviewed the participants, transcribed the interviews, and
coded the interviews for existing themes. The principal investigator also identifies as an African
American from the same geographic region as the family members interviewed for the study. As
there were no other data analyzers involved, this opened the door for potential biases to present
themselves in the formation of the questions and the results. Although bias could not be
completed eliminated, the principal investigator took several steps to reduce bias. The questions
were developed and reviewed by both the dissertation chair and the researcher to prevent leading
the participants to any particular response. The same interview questions were included as the
core of the interview to give all participants the same opportunity for various themes to arise.
Lastly the investigator ensured valid data interpretation by engaging in self-reflection, and
review of the data several times.
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A further limitation of the study, was that the families connected to this interview were
associated with a non-profit organization whose mission is to share the stories of families who
have experience with the death penalty. As a result, these participants may have more
willingness to share their experiences, have had more time elapse since the execution, and may
have had an opportunity to reflect or process their experiences prior to the interview conducted
for the purposes of this study. This may not be the case for other families across the country.
Implications of the Current Study
The findings of this study provide information regarding the experiences of Black Death
Row families. The results provided information about how these families continue to perceive
their loved one as positive human beings who contributed to society. The results also indicated
that Black families, like other death row families experience negative emotions and trauma as a
result of their experiences with the death penalty process. Findings in this study also implicate
the perception that race and socioeconomic status unfairly played a major role in the trial and
eventual execution of a family member contributes to negative emotions and perceptions
regarding the criminal justice system. A difference in the experience of Black families is
community support and spirituality to continue to exist even after a guilty verdict, but siblings
perceive a lack of support. Lastly these findings help illuminate what Black families need to
assist in coping.
The results of this study can be used to inform mental health professionals and criminal
justice personnel that more support is needed for families of individuals accused of a crime in
which the death penalty is an option. Just as guidance and therapy services are provided for the
“victim’s” family, families of the accused also struggle with emotional distress throughout the
process of arraignment, numerous trials, as well as pre- and post-execution. For many African
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American families, this trial process is a repeat of a history of being unvalued, mistreated, and
abused by the government. Thus it is a perpetuation of historical trauma, and the clinical
symptoms of trauma are indeed, present. Though these families are aware of the distress and
difficulties, they do not typically seek out mental health assistance. This suggests that the courts
will need to present resources for families towards the beginning of this process, and families
will need continued support even after the execution has occurred.
Getting family members to participate in therapy may prove difficult as there is stigma
within the Black community regarding therapy and mental health services. In addition, there is
also a history of abuse or unethical treatment of African Americans by the medical field in the
United States. As community and spiritual support were indicated as primary support avenues;
churches, and community organizations could be used to encourage utilization of mental health
services as well. Therapy and support groups could be formed to assist in allowing family
members to process their emotions in a way that does not seem unsafe or stigmatizing. The
results indicated symptoms of trauma and suggest that therapy groups will need to be run by
facilitators trained to provide trauma informed treatment and anticipate the need for social justice
counseling/therapy.
The participants indicated that nothing could further assist in coping other than their
loved one still being alive. However most turned to joining or interacting with advocacy groups
whose mission is to inform the public about the death penalty or to abolish it. These groups allow
participants to have an outlet to inform the world of the injustice the injustice that they perceive
have occurred and to surround themselves with support. In view of the participants’ utilization
of advocacy post-execution, previous research, and the dramatic impact that the death penalty
has on the lives on individual who played no role in crime that was committed, one must
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question if the death penalty results in additional victimization. It is well known in the
psychological world that trauma symptoms not only have effects for the individual but also
effects society. The effects of the death penalty have already been demonstrated to
disproportionately affect African Americans. In addition, the trauma associated with the death
penalty perpetuates difficulty in trusting the system that is designed to protect the individual that
it harms. If the families are advocating for abolishment of the death penalty, perhaps this
indicates that the criminal justice system must revisit the death penalty as a punishment.
Recommendations for Future Research
There are several recommendations based on both review of the literature and the results
of this study. This study should be replicated with a larger, and more geographically diverse
African American sample. Increasing the number of participants as well and the regions of the
country in which they are from, will create more generalizability for future studies.
Another recommendation would be to determine the impact of historical trauma on the
experiences of African American death row families. As African Americans have a history of
trauma since arriving to the United States, researchers could not only compare the experiences of
African American family members to non-African American family members, but also measure
to what extent, their experiences are affected by the nation’s history.
In addition, future research could examine if there are coping differences between
families who seek out or receive therapy services and those who do not. As the research indicates
that most death row families do not seek out therapy, it would be beneficial to demonstrate
whether or not therapy will provide some relief to the distress that these families experience.
Reflections
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Upon reflection of my work on this project, the most salient emotions for me are anger,
and fear. At the same time, I have seen myself grow both professionally and personally.
During the process of collecting the literature, I found myself feeling angry and frustrated
with the history of the treatment of people of the African diaspora within the United States. As a
woman who identifies as African American, the racial disparities in the justice system, and
devaluing of black lives is not missed upon me. I felt anger when I saw the actual numbers
associated with African Americans and the death penalty. I was horrified to learn that the level of
support for the death penalty increases, within certain populations, when the facts about bias are
presented. I found myself wondering, “How can people support something so biased?” Then I
look at the current political climate and found myself continuing to wonder the same thing. This
same anger and frustration, also motivated me to want to know more. Thus the process of
reading articles for the interview was different for me from previous studies that I have worked
on.
I began to doubt myself a lot during the participant recruitment process. First, I kept
wondering “who am I that these families will want to share and re-live these traumatic events?”
The TAVP board members and staff have existing relationships with the family members but
that did not automatically mean that they would consent to participation once they spoke with
me. I remember feeling relief after the first participant verbally consented over the phone, and
then a re-emergence of self-doubt while traveling to conduct my first interview. The fear and
uncertainty remained until the interview began. I grappled with asking the prepared questions,
utilizing therapy skills such as reflective listening, managing my own anxiety, and holding the
emotions from the participant at the same time. As I sat with the participant, in their home, and
listened to their story, I began to feel a connection. After the first interview, I was invited to
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share a meal with the family. We talked about current events and took pictures as I prepared to
leave as if I too were a member of the family. It was at this point, I realized that I didn’t have to
force the questions and instead of me steering the interview, I could let the participant steer it as
it was their story. I also thought it may feel less intrusive and more empathetic. So for the
remainder of the interviews, I started with the first question, but let the interview unfold naturally
and would follow the participants’ lead. All of the questions were always answered during the
course of the interview, and it felt more natural. After the interviews, I wanted to sit in silence to
process the experiences because I felt these painful stories weighing on me, but that often was
not an option as I was riding with another individual. And this at time was frustrating.
After almost every interview, I was invited to join the family for a meal. Upon reflection,
I believe the invitation to eat is symbolic of how intimate the interviews were. The interviews,
ask the family members to share some of their most painful memories with me, a complete
stranger. I sat with them as they felt and expressed painful emotions. Some of these emotions
that have not yet been expressed or questions that they had not yet thought about. I began to
think about how intrusive that must feel, and the amount of vulnerability that I asked of the
participants. Perhaps after the experience it was like I was family, and thus the participants
wanted to share a meal. Another point of view of would be that I asked then to disclose so much,
maybe they wanted to learn more about me. Either way, it felt like an honor to be welcomed into
the lives of these families. It reminded me of being with my own family, like I was amongst “my
peoples.” I struggled when being asked this question because as a researcher I wasn’t sure how
this would affect the data collection and analysis process. At the same time, it meant a lot to me
that I was welcome.
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The next step after the interviews was to listen to the recordings and transcribe the
interviews. Much like during the actual interview, there were waves of emotion that I felt while
transcribing, and analyzing the transcripts. I laughed when the participants made jokes, and I felt
anger, and sadness when they described mistreatment, racism and preparing for their loved one’s
executions. The days that I was transcribing, I noticed I spent time in my self-care activities such
as going to the gym, the movies, or watching comedies. The gym assisted me in a health release
of frustration and tension that I would feel build in my body. The comedies helped me to get in
touch with the better sides of life.
Perhaps the most difficult part of the study was trying to put the results on paper. I
procrastinated with this process for weeks. I would pull my laptop out and just sit there looking
at the screen. I was afraid that what I might write would not do justice to the experience of the
family members. It wasn’t until I spoke with one of my friends who was also working on her
dissertation, and reflecting on the words of one of the participants, that I was finally able to put
something on paper. The words of the participant were “Be truthful. Whether it’s harsh or
whether it’s soft, write from your heart and not from your head.” I told myself, “just write it
down and you can edit it later.” So I began to write it down. During this process came the
dilemma of being truthful, but not appearing too technical, or too biased. I don’t know if I’ve
completely accomplished that, but I think that it will continue to be an area of growth for me.
Overall, I set out to complete a study that was important to me; that I felt was something
that needed to be explored. Despite being uncertain about myself, and my capabilities, I was
welcomed into the homes of individuals who entrusted me with their stories, and was able to
complete the project. In sitting with these families, I have also learned that flexibility is
important in discussing sensitive topics. I’m not sure that if I rigidly stuck to the order of
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questions outlined in my research plan, that the family members would have been willing to
share so much information with me. My experiences have shown me that while some anxiety is
good and can be motivating, too much can hinder me from accomplishing my own goals. The
project has reminded me of the reason that I chose to go into the field of psychology: To help
others and advocate for issues of social justice. I hope to continue to do this work.
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Appendix A
Consent Form
You are invited to participate in a research study designed to investigate the experience of
African Americans who have lost a family member to the death penalty. The study is conducted
by Matara Wright, 5th year Psy.D. student at Adler University.
Purpose of Study
The purpose of the current study is to document the experiences of African Americans who have
family members who have been executed by the government. Prior to this study there is no
research to the investigator’s knowledge that evaluates the African American experience and
coping related to death row.
What to Expect I will conduct a semi-structured interview to better understand your experience surrounding your
loved one being on death row regarding emotions, beliefs, and what supports you feel would be
helpful as a family member. The interview will last approximately 60-90 minutes.
I will be asking for your consent to audio record the interviews via a digital recorder, and the
interview will be transcribed. Any identifying information retrieved throughout the interview
will be retracted; thus, your confidentiality will be kept throughout the entire process. Some de-
identified quotes may be included within the final written product. All transcripts of the
interview are kept as password protected files and stored on password protected laptops that are
kept in a file drawer at my locked residence.
Benefits
There are no direct benefits for participating in the research. Possible benefits as a result of
participating are the opportunity to talk about your experiences, positive feelings that someone
else has heard your story, having a good cathartic experience, or gaining new insights about your
experiences. In addition, participants may feel a sense of accomplishment in that they had the
opportunity to help others learn from their experiences.
Raffle
All participants will have the opportunity to participate in a raffle after completion of their
interview. Interested participants will be asked to provide their preferred mailing address and
email. The preferred address and email will be for the sole purpose of notifying the winner of the
raffle and ensuring the winner receive the gift card. After all interviews have been conducted, the
recipient of the gift card will be randomly chosen. Participants may choose not to participate in
the raffle.
Risks
Due to the nature of the research study and the material being investigated, there appears to be
mild risk for participants. Some participants may experience some distress discussing their
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experiences prior to and after the death of their family member. If you feel that these are topics
that you are not ready to discuss or feel that you may have a negative reaction to discussing, you
may choose not to participate. Moreover, if you feel at any point during the interview that you do
not want to answer a question or no longer wish to participate, you can discontinue the interview.
If at any point you experience distress, I will work with you to find additional support referrals or
encourage you to contact a therapist in your area.
Confidentiality and Withdrawal from Participation
You have the right to not participate in the study, to not answer any interview questions, and you
may withdraw from the study at any time without consequence. Withdrawal from participation
will not affect any services provided to you by Texas After Violence Project.
Your participation or decision to not participate is confidential and no one will know of your
decision to, or not to, participate. Your decision to not participate or withdraw will not be known
by anyone.
Your phone number, email, and physical addresses are only used for the purpose of contacting
you to set up the interview, interviewing purposes, and for sending a gift card should you be the
selected winner of the raffle. This information will be kept in a password protected file and
deleted from my computer as soon as your interview is completed and the gift card is delivered.
The interviews are audio recorded. You may request that the recording stop at any point during
the interview. The interview recordings are stored on a password protected laptop and stored in
my locked office at my residence. All recordings are transcribed. The transcripts will be in
electronic form, password protected, and stored on the password protected laptop. All identifying
information will be removed from the transcripts.
All reports from this study will be presented as aggregate findings. As part of the qualitative
report, parts of your transcripts may be reproduced as examples of the findings from this study.
No identifying information will be included in the findings and pseudonyms will be used instead
of participant’s names. The information gathered from the interviews will not be accessible to
anyone other than myself and my dissertation chair.
If you have questions about the study, you may contact Matara Wright or her dissertation chair
Dr. Nataka More ([email protected]). If you have questions or concerns about your rights as a
participant in this study please contact the Adler School of Professional Psychology Institutional
Review Board ([email protected]) or IRB co-chair, Lyuba Bobova, ([email protected], 312-662-
4366).
I, _________________________, hereby agree to participate in a research study investigating
the experiences of African American family member and the death penalty. I understand that
Matara Wright, will be conducting the study and that it will be audio recorded for the purpose of
transcription. I further understand that participation in this study is voluntary and that I can
withdraw at any time without consequence. In addition, I can ask for the recording of the session
to stop at any time as well.
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Signature of Participant Date
Signature of Researcher Date
Verbal / Email Consent Form version is the same except instead of the signature line the
following are added:
Please check the appropriate box, save the file and send it back to me at [email protected]
� I consent to participate. Date: _______________________
� I decline to participate.
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Appendix B
Demographic Questionnaire
1. Age _________
2. Sex/Gender
a. Male
b. Female
c. Transgendered Male
d. Transgendered Female
3. Please specify your ethnicity or race
a. White or Caucasian
b. Hispanic or Latino
c. Black or African American
d. Native American or American Indian
e. Asian / Pacific Islander
f. Other
4. Sexual orientation
a. Gay
b. Straight
c. Bisexual
d. Asexual
5. Relationship Status
a. Married
b. Partnered
c. Single
d. Divorced
e. Widowed
6. Level of education
a. No schooling completed
b. Elementary school, Some high school, no diploma
c. High school graduate, diploma or the equivalent (for example: GED)
d. Some college credit, no degree
e. Trade/technical/vocational training
f. Associate degree
g. Bachelor’s degree
h. Master’s degree
i. Professional degree
j. Doctorate degree
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7. Employment Status
a. Employed by a business
b. Self-employed
c. Unemployed
d. Student
e. Retired
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Appendix C
Interview Questions
1) Can you tell me a little about yourself?
2) Can you tell me about the person you lost?
3) What has been your experience with the death penalty?
4) What is day to day life like since the loss of your loved one?
5) How have you made meaning of these experiences?
6) How do you feel about the criminal justice system?
7) How have your feelings about the criminal justice system changed over time?
8) As an African American, what factors do you think played a role in the outcomes of the
trial?
9) Did you feel supported during those difficult times?
10) How have you experienced support since the loss of your family member?
11) What do you think would help you better cope with the loss of your family member?
Why might this be helpful
12) Is there anything else that you feel I should know?
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Appendix D
Resources
The Austin Center for Grief and Loss
2413 Greenlawn Parkway
Austin, Texas 78757
512-472-7878
http://www.austingrief.org
Grief and Loss Center of North Texas
4316 Abrams Rd.
Dallas, Texas 75214
214-452-3105
Grief Recovery Center
2000 N. Loop West, Ste 210
Houston, Texas 77018
https://www.griefrecoveryhouston.com/
Bo’s Place
10050 Buffalo Speedway
Houston, Texas 77054
713-942-8339
https://www.bosplace.org
Texas Department of State and Health Services
Dial 211 (From any Texas line)
http://www.dshs.texas.gov/MHSA/
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Appendix E
IRB Approval Letter
August 13th 2017,
Dear Ms. Wright,
The Institutional Review Board evaluated your submission.
Researcher Name: Matara Wright
Protocol Title: Racial Disparities in the Death Penalty and its Effect on Black Families
Protocol Number: 17-083
Chair: Dr. Nataka Moore
Submission is a [ ] First time submission, [x] Revision to a protocol, [ ] First time
submission of an amendment, [ ] Revision to an amendment.
Your protocol or amendment has now received Approval. This decision means that you may
proceed with your plan of research as it is proposed in your protocol, or amended protocol.
Please note that if you wish to make changes to your protocol, you must provide written
notification to the IRB in advance of the changes, signed by your chair, Dr. Moore. You may
not implement those changes until you have received an Approval letter from the IRB.
Please feel free to contact myself or other IRB committee members should you have any
questions.
Sincerely,
Seema Saigal, Ph.D.
Associate Professor
Department of Clinical Psychology (Psy.D. Program), Adler University
Interim Co-Chair, Institutional Review Board