Buddhima Padmasiri

Social Scientists Association

Pamphlet No. 04

Second Tier Womens Political Leadership

A Glass Ceiling?

Social Scientists Association 2014

ISBN 978-955-0762-26-2

Published bySocial Scientists Association 12, Sulaiman Terrace, Colombo 5, Sri Lanka.Tel: +94-11-2501339 / 2504623 www.ssalanka.org

Printed by World Vision Graphics 077 2928907

1Second-TSecond-TSecond-TSecond-TSecond-Tier Wier Wier Wier Wier Womens Political Leadership:omens Political Leadership:omens Political Leadership:omens Political Leadership:omens Political Leadership:A Glass A Glass A Glass A Glass A Glass Ceiling?Ceiling?Ceiling?Ceiling?Ceiling?1

IntroductionIntroductionIntroductionIntroductionIntroductionIn Sri Lanka the rate of womens representation at the provincialcouncil level is 3.8%. That is, there are 16 women out of a total417 members.2 This is higher than at the local council level (1.9%),but less than at the parliamentary level (5.8%).3 This shows thatwomens representation in Sri Lanka is generally low, and thatwomen are underrepresented in representative assemblies.

This paper stems from the findings of the qualitative studyon womens political participation conducted as part of theWomen in Politics project carried out by the Social ScientistsAssociation (SSA). In this study the SSA research teaminterviewed 31 women, of whom 5 had contested and won seatsat the last provincial council election. If we take these women asone sample, the majority were distinctive from the otherpoliticians interviewed. They seemed to somewhat challenge thepatriarchal nature of electoral politics, and at the same timeseemed to continue in politics by winning consecutively. Ingeneral it seems that electoral politics is patriarchal, and thatwomen politicians themselves reinforce patriarchy.4 By lookingat the three women politicians Rose Fernando, AshokaLankathilaka, and Shanthini Kongahage in this pamphlet, I willexamine the role played by women provincial councillors andsee whether they have the potential to become second-tierleadership.

2Methodology and SampleMethodology and SampleMethodology and SampleMethodology and SampleMethodology and SampleThe primary material for this study was gathered throughqualitative interviews with 31 women politicians and througharchival research. From the qualitative interviews, three particularcase studies were selected: Rose Fernando from Gampaha,Ashoka Lankathilaka from Colombo, and Shanthini Kongahagefrom Kandy. They were selected because they entered politicswithout being a substitute for or filling the electoral vacuum ofa male family member who was actually the intended electoralcandidate. A semi-structured questionnaire was utilized toconduct these in-depth interviews. The questions covered a widerange of issues in order to obtain qualitative data on the socio-political background of women politicians, their ideologicalpoints of view, their experience of political processes and electoralpolitics, and their perspectives on womens participation inpolitics. The archival research for secondary material wasconducted by exploring the literature on the provincial councilsystem, and women and electoral politics.

Provincial Councils in Sri LankaProvincial Councils in Sri LankaProvincial Councils in Sri LankaProvincial Councils in Sri LankaProvincial Councils in Sri LankaThe introduction of provincial councils is considered to be oneof the main changes in the Sri Lankan political system (de Silva1995:231). The provincial council system came into being as aresult of the Indo-Lanka Accord, which was signed on 29 July1987. The councils were established as a means to respond togrowing tension between the minority Tamil community andan increasingly majoritarian government in the South (Shastri1992: 724-25). It was hoped that the accord would result in theestablishment of a mechanism to decentralize the power of thecentral government to the provinces. It was also hoped that thiswould ensure more local autonomy in terms of decision makingfor representatives from the minority communities. Theprovincial councils were established through the 13th

Amendment to the Constitution and the Provincial Councils

3Act No. 42 of 1987. The 13th Amendment states that the provincialcouncils would have executive and legislative powers.5 However,the legislative powers were limited to the areas set out in theninth schedule of the amendment, which covers areas exercisedsolely by provincial councils, by both provincial councils andParliament concurrently, and by Parliament alone.6 The act alsosets out the procedures to be followed in the councils. Theprovincial council system sought to ensure the devolution ofpower to the provinces while maintaining the framework of aunitary state structure.

WWWWWomen in Promen in Promen in Promen in Promen in Provincial Councilsovincial Councilsovincial Councilsovincial Councilsovincial CouncilsWimala de Silva has identified the provincial council system as alaunching pad for women to enter politics (1995:238).Prominent women politicians of the last two decades, such asChandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga (who went on to becomeprime minister and then president), Pavithra DeviWanniarachchi, Rosy Senanayake and Nirupama Rajapakse, allstarted their political careers at the provincial-council level. Theythus used the provincial council system as a launching pad topolitics. However, this is not the only entry point for womenpoliticians. At present Sudarshini Fernandopulle and ThalathaAtukorale play prominent roles within their parties and theparliamentary womens caucus in general. SudarshiniFernandopulle chaired the Commonwealth ParliamentaryConference 2012 in Colombo (Parliament of Sri Lanka 2012) andThalatha Atukorale was the chairman of the UNP womens wingLak Wanitha from March 2007 to 2009. Both entered politicsfollowing the death of a male family member in order to fill thevacant position, and contested and won seats at the generalelections rather than emerging through the provincial councilsystem. There are 13 women in the current Parliament, of whomonly 4 entered politics through the provincial council system.7

The study on Women in Politics found that there were also

4women politicians who had started their political careers at thelocal-government level, and had then climbed up the electoralladder, such as Ashoka Lankathilaka, who is included in thisstudy. Thus there are developments regarding the observationmade by de Silva, and today this phenomenon has changed.

But in looking at women in provincial councils, it is moreaccurate to call it a stepping stone than a launching pad, andthis also looks at the intermediary role played by them. It is thisintermediary role that is important, as it gives a specificcharacteristic to the women politicians as peoplesrepresentatives and as representatives of local and nationalleaders they are a go-between.

Introduction to the PoliticiansIntroduction to the PoliticiansIntroduction to the PoliticiansIntroduction to the PoliticiansIntroduction to the PoliticiansRose Fernando, an Attorney-at-Law who is a United NationalParty (UNP) member of the Western Provincial Council,contested from the Gampaha District. As a provincial councillorshe has challenged the male-dominated electoral structure. Sheis an outspoken politician and constantly takes up issues facedby members of her constituency. She contested the 2010parliamentary election from the Gampaha District but lost. Shehas worked as the secretary of the Gampaha District branch ofthe UNPs womens wing (Lak Wanitha) and is currently theparty coordinator of the Gampaha District.

Shanthini Kongahage is a UNP Central Provinceprovincial councillor who started her political career in leftpolitics in the late 1980s. She was a member of the Sri LankaMahajana Party, formed by the late Vijaya Kumaratunga andnext headed by the late Ossie Abeygoonesekere. During the timeof President Premadasa she joined the UNP. She first contestedthe provincial council election in 2004 and won, and has sincebeen a provincial councillor. She is currently the head of theUNP womens wing Lak Wanitha and is an active womensrights activist.

5Ashoka Lankathilaka is a veteran politician and Sri LankaFreedom Party (SLFP) stalwart who has been in politics sincethe 1970s; she is currently a member of the Western ProvincialCouncil. She started her political career after joining the SLFPstudent union and gradually ascended through the partyhierarchy. After being in the student union she became thesecretary of the main womens organization (Madyama KanthaSanvidanaya) of her electorate. She later became the secretary ofthe electorates womens branch office. She first contested the1991 local government elections (for the Kolonnawa UrbanCouncil). As the candidate with the second highest voteaggregate, she was appointed deputy chairman of the UrbanCouncil. After Mayor Bennet Cooray was elected to theprovincial council in 1993, she was appointed chairperson ofthe Urban Council. She then contested the 1995 local governmentelection but lost; she later contested and won a seat at the 1999provincial council election and has continued to win that seatsince then. She is currently the secretary of the SLFP womenswing.

These women have come into politics without the accessto pre-established social and political capital that accrues from awell-connected political family, and they have been able to wina number of consecutive elections. They have managed to risethrough the ranks of their parties and have created a name forthemselves in their electorates.

Challenges in Electoral PoliticsChallenges in Electoral PoliticsChallenges in Electoral PoliticsChallenges in Electoral PoliticsChallenges in Electoral PoliticsThe system of proportional representation (PR) is used inprovincial council elections. The PR system has the potential toensure that representation in electoral bodies (Parliament,provincial and local councils) is equivalent to the votes cast forvarious parties (Peck 1984). Thus, even in the provincial councilsystem women politicians face the same challenges under thePR system. As identified in the larger study on womens political

6participation, the PR system has led to the creation of an electoralpolitical culture, and this is innately gender-insensitive and male-dominated. In this electoral culture women find it hard to sustainthemselves in politics and, as Pinto-Jayawardena has said, this ismainly due to the following reasons: 1) the party apparatusesare elitist and gender-insensitive, 2) the political system isbecoming increasingly violent, 3) election campaigns havebecome exceedingly costly, 4) and, when elected, women areconfronted with the lack of independence to advance women-oriented policies and programmes (2003, 172-76).

Challenging PatriarchyChallenging PatriarchyChallenging PatriarchyChallenging PatriarchyChallenging PatriarchyThe idea of women as soft-spoken, demure, getting married andnurturing children is a common stereotype in Sri Lanka. Thisidea is structured around assumptions about the good women,which is dictated by patriarchal norms. The larger study onwomens political participation conducted by SSA showed thatsome candidates have come to terms with, and have eveninternalized, many of these patriarchal norms, rather than workedto challenge them. The term patriarchy refers to themanifestation and institutionalization of male dominance overwomen and children in the family and the extension of maledomination of women and children in society in general (Lerner1986:239). By patriarchal norms I refer to the norms perceivedby society, which maintain male domination over women andsystemize it.

For example, one candidate took her mother along withher while campaigning, as she was unmarried, and this isperceived by the patriarchal society as important to ensure herpurity. Of the 31 women interviewed, 4 stated that they tookwomen with them while canvassing; 3 stated that they didnttake women canvassing at night as this made them responsiblefor their protection. Some stated that they did not want to goout and canvass at night because they are women. This is why it

7could be argued that these women candidates have conformedto the norms of patriarchy as it functions in Sri Lankan politicsand society, and in fact contribute to the reproduction of thesepatriarchal norms.

However, it could be argued that the three womenpoliticians considered in this study have challenged patriarchalnorms in both the public and private spheres. These women areadvocates of womens emancipation and, intentionally orunintentionally, they challenge the stereotypes associated withwomanhood. Rose Fernando and Ashoka Lankathilaka are inthe forefront of protests against social injustices within theirpolitical constituencies. Shanthini Kongahage is a womens rightsactivist, is quite conspicuous in moves to combat gender-basedviolence and works on the capacity-building and empowermentof women. All three women play prominent roles within theirparties and in their constituencies.

By staying single Rose Fernando and AshokaLankathilaka have challenged the notion of the ideal goodwomen. Rose Fernando stated that she prefers to die a strongwoman, who has worked for society rather than as a normalwoman who has borne children, protected her marriage, andjust lived.8 Ashoka Lankathilaka claimed that she remainedsingle because of her commitment to politics and her desire toserve the people.9

All three women are not constrained by acts that areperceived as non-women-like and do initiate man-like activities.From what was gathered from the study, one of the three haschallenged violence and violence against women, as she haddirectly taken part in such an encounter and had opted to be anactor rather than a victim. This shows that she challenged thestereotypical norm of perceiving women as innocent and non-violent, and thus of patriarchy as a whole. This provincialcouncillors office had been burnt twice, her supporters havebeen assaulted and the windscreen of the vehicle she travels in

8has been shattered. She stated that in politics they have to facethese things without being intimidated, and that she managesand deals with the intimidation directed against her by politicalopponents by not being afraid of violence. She stated that thisis a mechanism used by the male-centric political culture to bringdown women, but she has faced it and fought it, and thus stillsurvives in politics. The following account shows that she doeschallenge violence without being victimized by it.

Though there is a lot of criticism, I am not frightened of doing thecorrect thing even in the night. X, who was campaigning for meat an election, called me and told me that a group of thugs hadcome to his home in Kochchikade, and that they were harassinghim. In that instance, I took a group of people known to me andwent to that place in a couple of vehicles. While we were on ourway, we called the police, but they didnt take any action ... If wedidnt get there in time, then a lot of damage could have beencaused.10

All three women stated that unlike other women theywould go out at night if there was a need to do so. Two of themfurther stated this as a norm that distinguishes them from otherwomen politicians.

However, this is not to say that they challenge patriarchalnorms as a whole or are not constrained by socio-cultural norms.It could be argued that this is a must, as in popular politicscandidates need to conform to social norms in order to attractvotes. These women are constantly seen in either the sari or theosariya national dress in public and abide by the idea of thepresentable woman.

Aspiration to Continue in PoliticsAspiration to Continue in PoliticsAspiration to Continue in PoliticsAspiration to Continue in PoliticsAspiration to Continue in PoliticsOf the three women examined in this study, Rose Fernando andShanthini Kongahage have contested general elections and lost.They remain provincial councillors to date. Both women show

9leadership qualities and aspirations of upward mobility withinthe party structure. This is remarkable, as the study on womenspolitical participation in general found that women politicianslack leadership aspirations, with the two being exceptions tothe rule.

The other politician, Ashoka Lankathilaka, does notanticipate any upward mobility in the party structure or in politicsand is content at this level. This is mainly due to financialconstraints, since she believes that she does not possess thefinancial capital required to contest a parliamentary seat.

Forget party leadership, I do not even aspire to the post of districtcoordinator, because I do not have money. Even now I have tospend around Rs. 50,000 a month. People say that they want me inpolitics, and I have the qualifications. But if I want to aspire tohigher positions the n I have to do things which are notappropriate. I dont want to do that. What I want is to work for myelectorate with a dignified and a bold leadership.

How WHow WHow WHow WHow Women Politicians at the Local-Government Levelomen Politicians at the Local-Government Levelomen Politicians at the Local-Government Levelomen Politicians at the Local-Government Levelomen Politicians at the Local-Government LevelPerPerPerPerPerceive Wceive Wceive Wceive Wceive Women Promen Promen Promen Promen Provincial Councilorsovincial Councilorsovincial Councilorsovincial Councilorsovincial CouncilorsWomen at the local-government level are the novices in politics.They are subjected to the hierarchies established by the electoralsystem and by parties. Yet they too enjoy some agency, but thisis less than the agency of a provincial councillor. For these womenpoliticians, the parliamentary level is perceived as being thehighest tier of womens leadership and the provincial councillevel as the second. The study of the 31 women found that therewas no general idea on how women politicians identify thenotion of the second-tier of womens leadership. Some womenat the local-council level associated themselves as second-tierleadership, some assigned this to the provincial councillor, someto provincial councillor and parliamentarian, and some did notbelieve that there was a second-tier at all. As a result it could beargued that there is no homogenous understanding among

10

women politicians as to what constitutes the second-tier ofwomens leadership.

The three women politicians examined in this study makeclear that women politicians at the local-government level doperceive themselves as being the second-tier of womensleadership within their parties. Two out of three SLFP womenpoliticians in local government bodies in the Colombo Districtsee Ashoka Lankathilaka as the second-tier of womens leadershipin the party. Rose Fernando is perceived as second-tier by one ofthe three UNP local councillors from the Gampaha District.Shanthini Kongahage is considered as second-tier of the UNPby two local councillors, who interestingly are not from Kandybut from Colombo and Galle. This shows that ShanthiniKongahage is a popular politician within the UNP and isperceived as a national-level leader among the UNPs womenpoliticians. This also in a way shows her potential, and that thereis a possibility of upward mobility in her partys structuralhierarchy.

CCCCConclusiononclusiononclusiononclusiononclusionAs these women have penetrated two layers of the electoralpolitical hierarchy, local government and provincial council, thispaper shows that they have obtained some agency as actors inpolitics. They use this to articulate their views and demands,and have established themselves as movers in their particularconstituencies. It is important to note that they are familiar withbeing agents within their constituencies, but when operatingbeyond it they seem to have to take a risk. This is because theagency they have is not developed to a national level. However,this also says that they have the potential to reach that levelwithout being stagnant at the provincial level. This is again onebenefit of being an intermediary; there is always the potentialfor status development. In this sense it is clear that women atthe provincial council level have potential as leaders, and that

11

they play a significant role as second-tier womens leadership,opening new pathways of looking at womens politicalleadership.

EEEEEndnotesndnotesndnotesndnotesndnotes1 I would like to acknowledge the assistance provided by my colleagueAndi Schubert for reading the original draft of this paper which enabledme to improve the problematic. However, I take full responsibility forany shortcomings. The field research for the collection of primary materialused in this paper was conducted in April-August 2011 and the paperwas finalized on 12 August 2012.2 Ministry of Local Governance and Provincial Councils. This does notinclude the 38 councillors of the Northern Province, as elections havenot been held there at the time of writing.3 Data obtained from the Ministry of Local Governance and ProvincialCouncils on 15 January 2013, and from the Department of Elections,http://www.slelections.gov.lk/parliamentary_elections/provincial.html.4 Finding of this study will be published by SSA in its forthcomingpublication titled Women Political Exclusion and Electoral Democracyin Sri Lanka.5 Article 154F and 154G.6 154G (4) and (5).7 Obtained from http://parliament.lk/en/members-of-parliament/directory-of-members/?cletter=W.8 Interview, 11 April 2011.9 Interview, 15 June 2011.10 Interview, 11 April 2011.11 Interview, 15 June 2011.

12

Buddhima Padmasiri, an Attorney-at-Law with a Masters degreefrom Kings Collage London is a Researcher at the SSA focusingmainly on Gender Studies, Human Rights and Labour Studies.

BibliographyBibliographyBibliographyBibliographyBibliography

de Silva, Wimala. 1995. Political Participation of Women in SriLanka 1985-1995, in CENWOR, Facets of Change:Women in Sri Lanka 1986-1995. Colombo: Centre forWomens Research, 229-63.

Government of Sri Lanka. 1978. The Constitution of theDemocratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. revisededition. Colombo: Parliament Secretariat.

Government of Sri Lanka. 1987. The Provincial Council ActNo. 42 of 1987. Colombo: Parliament Secretariat.

Parliament of Sri Lanka. 2012. News Bulletin 8th CommonwealthParliamentary Conference. 9 September, retrieved 13 April2013, http://www.parliament.lk/files/pdf/cpc/nb_20120909.pdf.

Peck, John. 1984. Review: What is Proportional Representation,by Vernon Bogdanor. Marxism Today, vol. 3, 44.

Pinto-Jayawardena, Kishali. 2003. Proportional Representation,Political Violence and the Participation of Women in thePolitical Process in Sri Lanka, in Robin Lackham andSunil Bastian, Can Democracy Be Designed? ThePolitics of Institutional Choice in Conflict-TornSocieties. London: Zed Books, 170-95.

Shastri, A. 1992. Sri Lankas Provincial Council System: ASolution to the Ethnic problem? Asian Survey, 32 (8),723-43.

Page 1,2 Buddhima.pdfAyesha-1 Edited 12.pdfBlank PageBlank PageBlank Page

Ayesha-1 Edited.pdfBlank Page

Blank Page

Blank PageBlank Page