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The Dawn


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iii

The Dawn

Marathon Race To Acche Din

(Part - 1)

By Phidalia Toi

W i t h a F o r e w o r d b y P . A . S a n g m a

F o r m e r S p e a k e r , L o k S a b h a ( 1 9 9 1 –1 9 9 6 )

EDUCREATION PUBLISHING

(Since 2011)

www.educreation.in


iv

Disclaimer

The narratives of print and visual facts do not change.

The undertone sentiments to factual incidents and the

reactions to the odds and ends might be identical or

different. Any perceived similarities are merely

coincidental.


v

PURNO A. SANGMA

Former Speaker, Lok Sabha

34, Aurangzeb Road

New Delhi – 110011

Tele: 23010123

Telefax: 23794263

Foreword

General elections of 2014 have marked a turning

point in the political life of India. Governance through

coalition long thought to have become irreversible came

to be reversed. The Bharatiya Janata Party stunningly

rode to power with absolute majority. Narendra Modi

who led the campaign of the party striding the length and

breadth of India, has emerged as the new hope of India‟s

millions. His mantra is “development” and his promise

is “acche din”. Whether this promise has been a

fulfilment or rhetoric would be judged only five years

from hence. It is on this note that the author of this book

has presented the incredible story of the miracle of

Modi‟s emergence.

The Election Commission of India commands

considerable credibility despite several of its disabilities.

The Media has come to play a vibrant role, especially

after the emergence of several English and Regional

Language Channels, creating awareness among the

masses about parties, candidates and public issues.

These factors facilitated record voter participation in the

elections. Not the least, though elections are fought

bitterly, campaigners often using unacceptable gibes,

ultimately, the electorate is mature enough to accept the

electoral verdict. These matters have been brought out

by the author in a balanced way.


vi

The author‟s presentation of the failure of regional

parties at the formation of the so called „Third Front‟ due

to lack of solidarity among them is revealing as well.

Political parties are very crucial for success of

democracy because they facilitate organisation of the

electorate. But formation of parties, funding them and

sustaining them with sober leadership and inner party

democracy are difficult propositions. The story of the

formation of the Aam Aadmi Party and its performance

told in the book brings out lessons to be noted by

emerging practitioners of politics.

The exposition on Congress Party‟s “catastrophe” is

devastating. While this cannot be faulted, the narrative

could have been balanced with reference to some of the

achievements under its governance.

The author devotes considerable space in describing

the qualities of Modi as a versatile person, efficient

administrator, meticulous campaigner, eloquent orator

and a successful diplomat. These descriptions are, no

doubt, consistent with the extant general public

perceptions about Modi. But as the author states at the

beginning of the book: “The first year of Acche din is

the Dawn, the second year would be the Morning, the

third year, the Afternoon, the fourth year the Evening

and the Dusk will be the final and last year of NDA (II)

government” and the nation will make a final judgement

when the five years of Modi Sarkar‟s tenure is

completed.

It is commendable that the author who hails from

the North East has written this interesting book with

considerable analytical ability and deep insights into

national politics.

(Purno Agitok Sangma)


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Acknowledgements

The perceptive views of leading panellists from

National news channels and the National and Local

dailies fuelled my mind and helped me in developing

several ideas which have gone into my book “Dawn:

Marathon Race To Acche Din (Part 1)”. The information

from these news channels and dailies, and other sources

from the public domain have been used in the writing of

this book.

I am extremely thankful to the former Speaker of

Lok Sabha, P. A. Sangma for gracing the book with an

in-depth foreword.

I am sincerely grateful to Prof. P.M. Passah and the

former minister of Meghalaya, Herbert Suchiang for

reading the manuscript and encouraging me with

valuable suggestions to complete my task. I would also

like to thank D. F. Suchiang, Maryoda Paswet for typing

the manuscript, the Orange Byte Studios for all-round

support, Snehal Vadher for providing helpful

suggestions, Khaliq Parkar and D. R. Michael Buam for

editorial assistance.

Moreover, I want to express my heartfelt gratitude

to my husband, Bomber Nongbri, and all my children for

being patient with me.


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Content

S.No. Content Page

1. The Dawn. 1

2. Fundamental Pillar of Democracy. 4

3. The Unethical Barbs. 14

4. Electoral Mandate. 17

5. A Secular League. 26

6. Wings of the Aam Aadmi Party. 31

7. Exposition on the Congress

Catastrophe.

42

8. Lotus Blooms. 58

9. Hindutva versus Moditva. 66

10. MODI: The Versatile Man. 75

11. MODI: Race to Fame. 81

12. MODI: An Efficient Administrator. 85

13. MODI: A Meticulous Campaigner. 89

14. MODI: An Eloquent Orator. 96

15. Modi‟s Tears. 100

16. Change of Guard. 103

17. Diplomacy Endeavour. 107

18. The Indian Diaspora. 113

19. Economic Policy. 115

20. Social and Human Development. 126

21. The Fringe Elements. 132

22. Misty Dawn. 143


Phidalia Toi

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-1-

The Dawn

The Dawn in the time cycle of achhe din (good

days) has passed. To predict a good day based on the

Misty Dawn would be just a guess work, which may or

may not happen at all. The political vacillation cannot be

accurately predicted by any political pundit. The first

year of achhe din is the Dawn, the second year would be

the Morning, the third year, the Afternoon, the fourth

year, the Evening and the Dusk will be the final and the

last year of the National Democratic Alliance (II)

Government under the leadership of Narendra Modi as

the Prime Minister. What the day has in store for India

right from the dawn up to the dusk will be completely

accounted for, at the end of the day.

When the five years of Modi Sarkar„s (Modi‟s

Government) tenure is completed, the government will

have to give a final report card. The whole nation and

the world will examine it and then decide whether to

reward or punish it. Then, the general polls will again

commence, the results of which will prove whether the

Modi Sarkar was full of rain and thunder or it was the

promised inclusive achhe din across the nation.

The Dawn of achhe din began slowly and surely

with unflinching footsteps. The socio-economic

marathon race is not a 100-meters sprint. After years of


T h e D a w n

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policy paralysis, there are myriad issues which cannot be

eliminated overnight. In the aftermath of the general

polls results, before the swearing-in, the cabinet

secretariat was practically on a mission mode to identify

UPA policies‟ blunders and to put together Priority Key

Projects for the in-coming Prime Minister Narendra

Damodar Das Modi.

Modi‟s idea of elimination of poverty is to give a

poor man dignity and not a begging bowl. The sanguine

intention is that if a man is hungry, do not give him fish

to eat but give him a fishing rod and teach him how to

catch fish. On August 15, 2014, he called the nation to

march with him to make India clean. Mental, spiritual,

physical cleanliness and sanitation were the core issues

of his maiden Independence Day speech. He started the

Swachh Bharat Abhiyaan (Clean India Campaign) with a

„chain of 9‟ and set up a timeframe to make India clean

which would be a gift of the nation to Gandhiji on his

150th birth anniversary. From the Red Fort, the Prime

Minister had proclaimed, “I will not steal and I will not

let anyone steal”. Only a person who is mentally and

spiritually sound could declare such strong words – that

was the day Modi became one amongst the greatest sons

of India.

First and foremost, Modi diagnosed the ills of India

to enable him legislate remedy. In the 1st year or during

the Dawn, „Modi Sarkar‟ would have to revive and

strengthen wherever blocked arteries were found in the

system of India‟s social and economic policies to

facilitate a thriving and strong nation. Modi was on a

war-path to change the global perception of India,


Phidalia Toi

3

building confidence and to direct the nation into a new

height in the global arena.

Modi, tactfully, presents India as kind and

hospitable to its neighbours and the world,

simultaneously projecting that India‟s kindness is not a

weakness and India‟s hospitality is not timidity.

Even so, it is still a Misty Dawn. India is expecting

the sun to shine in order to usher a sunny morning. Modi

Sarkar still has “miles to go” before the sun goes down.

In the far end of Misty Dawn, the country will study the

report card of “Achhe Din Aane Wale Hain” (Good days

are coming). When the full cycle of the day of the NDA

(II) tenure is completed, the nation will go to the polls to

elect a new government.

So far, the Dawn may or may not show the day. Let

us, wait and watch… only time will tell.

V


T h e D a w n

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-2- Fundamental Pillar of

Democracy

“The only stable state is the one in which all men are

equal before the Law”.

Aristotle. (384–322 BC) - POLITICS.

Article 324 of the Constitution of India empowered

the Election Commission of India to conduct elections in

a fair and free manner, based on the exigency of the

situation and the ground realities.

The Election Commission (EC) of India is the

fundamental pillar of Indian Democracy and the Chief

Election Commissioner (CEC) is the voice and face of

the election process. The constitutional powers conferred

upon the EC are to ensure fair and free elections and to

perform its duties with forthrightness and boldness. A

Model Code of Conduct provides rules and regulations

for strong punishments ranging from fine to suspension

to jail against Code violators. However, when warnings,

fines and suspensions do not work, more stringent rules

and regulations need to be framed and enforced so that

bad-mouthed politicians and anti-social elements do not

ruin the reputation of the nation, and to ensure that

voters are not afraid to come out to exercise their voting

rights.


Phidalia Toi

5

India is the largest democratic country in the world.

The Election Commission deserves credit for

successfully executing time and again one of the most

mammoth tasks in India. The General Election 2014

earned the distinction of recording the highest turnout

ever (66.4%) and broke the record of the 64% mark in

the polls following the assassination of Prime Minister

Indira Gandhi in 1984.

The Election Commission proudly announced that

there was an increase of 32% in total votes cast

compared to 2009. The increase in voter turnout figures

was largely due to the collective efforts of the Election

Commission‟s effective widespread awareness

campaigns, the plethora of civil society groups, the

media, the voters‟ realization of the value of their vote

and the voters‟ determination not to be taken for granted

by any politician or party. Voting is not mandatory; to

exercise one‟s democratic right is the choice of a person.

Hence, different and various methods are used by the

Election Commission, the political parties, the media

and the celebrities to motivate a citizen to vote. Even in

a volatile state like Jammu and Kashmir, there was a

major improvement – the turnout was 50.1% compared

to 39.7% turnout of 2009.

The government expenditure on the 2014 General

Election had soared to Rs. 3,426 crores from Rs. 1,483

crores in 2009, which was 131% more. In fact, there

were several reasons for the high-rise spending: (a)

Inflation which had sky-rocketed over the last five years

(b) Introduction of new methods in the voters‟ awareness


T h e D a w n

6

initiative titled Systematic Voter Education and Electoral

Participation (SVEEP).

Significantly, there was also drastic reduction in

election malpractices, like booth capturing and misuse of

monetary and muscle power. The „None Of The Above‟

(NOTA) option, given to the voters, greatly helped in

bringing about free and fair election.

During the election season, sporadic incidents of

violence, rigging and booth capturing by anti-social

elements are reported here and there. Their specific aim

is to disrupt the poll process in order to favour a

particular candidate or party. However, the desperate

attempts of anti-social elements could not discourage the

turnout figures. Democracy, in India, was triumphed.

The Election Commission‟s special observer in West

Bengal, Sudhir Kumar Rakesh rightly summed up that

„voting was fair, if not entirely peaceful‟.1

The Election Commission of India had a

commendable track record of conducting elections.

However, despite discharging its duties reasonably well

in the 2014 polls, the credibility and efficacy of the

Election Commission had been brought into question,

since, errors, doubts of bias and inaction had been raised

against its functioning by contesting candidates and

political leaders from different political parties. It is

understood, that any sign of the Election Commission‟s

tilting towards any candidate or political party could not

be tolerated even by the common man. Therefore, it is

1 www.india.com (“West Bengal polls free and fair: Election

Commission special observer” Posted on April 30, 2014)


Phidalia Toi

7

not enough for the Election Commission to be satisfied

just with voter‟s turnout but it must also uphold its

„probity and neutrality‟.

“Neutrality is non-negotiable” said Shahabuddin

Yaqoob Quraishi, a former Chief Election

Commissioner who held the post from 2010 to 2012.

The Election Commission was accused of being partisan

and having double standards over its handling of the

Varanasi-fiasco involving Modi‟s rally.2 When the

Returning Officer, Pranjal Yadav refused to grant

permission to Modi to hold a rally in the Muslim-

dominated locality of Beniya Bagh, citing security and

sustainability concerns, the Chief Election

Commissioner V. Sampath strongly backed and

defended the Returning Officer‟s controversial decision.

He eventually appointed a special observer for the poll.

BJP leader, Venkaiah Naidu, had said, “Denying

permission to a candidate means denying democracy. It

is discrimination”.3 Actually, the Election Commission

should make an effort to distance itself from such kind

of controversy.

Modi‟s selfie flashing the BJP symbol and his

interaction with the press outside a polling booth in

Vadodara was alleged as violation of the code of

conduct. The panel‟s alacrity in swiftly ordering an FIR

against Narendra Modi was overshadowed when it

2 www.ndtv.com (“Narendra Modi Denied Permission For Varanasi

Events” Posted on May 07, 2014.)

3 www.indianexpress.com (“BJP expresses „disappointment‟ over

Election Commission‟s decision” Posted on May 08, 2014)


T h e D a w n

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overlooked Rahul Gandhi‟s presence with a voter at the

EVM-enclosure during polling hours. Even the Chief

Election Commissioner V. S. Sampath agreed that it was

a matter of fact that Rahul Gandhi was seeing the EVM

in the polling station. Such glaring violation prevailed in

Amethi, yet the Election Commission chose to look the

other way.

During polling, only three people are allowed to

enter the closeted area where the EVM machine is kept:

the voter, the Presiding Officer and the Polling Officer.

If a candidate enters the EVM enclosure, the presiding

officer will be held responsible. Ahead of the polling

day, the families and supporters who were not voters of

Amethi were asked to leave the constituency after the

election campaigns came to a close. But Priyanka

Gandhi‟s aide Priti Sahay who was neither a voter nor a

candidate in Amethi was allowed to enter the booth. Her

presence violated the poll norms, thus, giving the

impression that the Election Commission was biased and

leaning towards the Congress. These allegations are not

easy to shake off.

The Election Commission was found wanting on

several operational fronts. The electoral rolls were

riddled with errors. In some states, lakhs of legitimate

and eligible voters found their names missing while

phantom voters and names of deceased were found. The

unjustified deletion of voters‟ names showed the serious

lapses confirming that the voters‟ list was neglected and

got less attention in the preparation for the polls. There

were two kinds of errors in the voters‟ lists – of omission


Phidalia Toi

9

and commission. It appeared that the voters‟ names were

deleted without proper verification.

The obvious reason for this great error was that the

Election Commission does not have its own complete

machinery and has to rely on those who work full-time

in other professions. These full-time workers are

pressurized to serve two masters. For sure, teachers

could not do justice to election duties. They were already

laden with heavy-pressure duties. Their main

responsibility is to finish the school syllabus in time,

exams valuation and results. Hence, teachers were under

severe physical and mental stress to carry extra workload

when assigned to execute election duties. The death of

two teachers on election duty was a clarion call for the

Election Commission to understand the tension put on

the teachers. The double workload indirectly had an

adverse effect on the schools. The students always suffer

by the long absence of teachers from the school.

The prolonged poll process which spanned about

one month and a half, conducted in nine phases from

April to May escalated the derogatory spats and the hate-

speeches, especially, in the last leg of polling. The 2014

General Election was known as one of the most high

voltage and bitter Lok Sabha elections in Indian history.

The EC seemed to blow hot and cold in restraining

leaders from personal attacks or criticizing rival political

candidates and parties based on distortions of facts or

unverified allegations. The law clearly says that the

party‟s candidates and leaders cannot make speeches in

the name of caste, creed or community. Speakers should

be confined to party‟s policies, programmes, past


T h e D a w n

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records and works. It permits freedom of speech with

responsibility. The weak approach of the EC heightened

the volume of hate-speeches. When faced with the media

firestorms, it moved into action and censored the U.P.

Cabinet Minister Azam Khan, BJP leader Giriraj Singh

and the VHP President Pravin Togadia.

A day after, FIRs were registered against Yoga

Guru Ramdev‟s „honeymoon‟ comment against Rahul

Gandhi, the EC issued fresh guidelines to caution and

warn all hate-mongers.4 The warning was that “people

should not indulge in any activities or make any

statements that would amount to attack on the personal

life of any person or make statements that may be

malicious or offending decency and morality”.

Speculation spread all around that the Election

Commission was a divided house and it became visible

when they publicly diverged in different directions on

some issues. The split decision between Sampath and

Brahma appeared when Brahma aired his differences

over the Varanasi issue. Brahma‟s remark of

“unfortunate, shocking and embarrassing” fuelled the

speculation that the Election Commission could not

resolve issues behind closed doors, nor was it able to

publicly convey decisions with one voice. The

speculation was forcefully slammed by Sampath. He told

the PTI that the top leadership comprising all three

Commissioners function and act as a team and it

discharged its constitutional responsibilities with

4 www.economictimes.com (“Lok Sabha polls 2014: After Baba

Ramdev‟s „honeymoon‟ remark, Election Commission issues fresh

guidelines.” Posted on April 27, 2014)


Phidalia Toi

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