f a . 5 1 3 *

SADF on our doorstep!

Two nights ago 1t was reported (Argus 16.08.82) that Stellenbosch University

has become the fifth white South African university to have a m ilitary unit

on Its campuSt the University of Stellenbosch M ilitary Unit USMU.

This unit 1s to gather Information on all male students and the transference

of servicemen to the unit. This w ill fac ilita te smoother call-up procedures

and a general tightening up of checks on the rendering of m ilitary obligations.

The Administration claims to have no links with USMU - yet 1t has provided

Information on all the students and staff concerned.

• Student responses have been surprising. Organisations have seen the issue as

too "sensitive" to comment on publicly and only a few individuals have spoken

out, rejecting the "abuse of academic Institutions for m ilitary purposes."

How would you respond?

Last week 15 South African soldiers and approximately 350 SWAPO guerillas and

c iv ilia n refugees were k illed in Angola. SWAPO is engaging in a war of national

liberation while South African soldiers help to maintain an unjust and

exploitative system 1n a proxy state. At the same time 1n South Africa the

State 1s proposing a m ilitary solution to the country's problems. This means

the Increasing m ilitarisation of all areas of l i fe, the family, schools, the

media and the economy * all to be mobilised to play their part 1n suppression

of the struggle for democracy.

This m ilitary solution requires the kind of strategy being implemented at

Stellenbosch and four other white universities. We are told m ilitary units are

also planned for W1ts and UCT.

Towards the end of last year a similar proposal for the University of Natal,

Durban was rejected. However, it is quite clear that the SADF intends to have

its way. Escalating militarism, the war in Namibia and the repression of the

movement towards democracy demands from us at UCT, a four-fold response :

Rejection of militarisation in education, at universities and schools.

* That university administrations refuse to co-operate with the military, by

refusing to provide information on students and staff, or engaging in research

for military purposes.

* That the SRC make it its responsibility to keep students informed of this

growing militarisation.

* That we as students and as members of the broader community reject the military

solution which forces us to become active parties in the maintenance of an

unjust system.

•w*jyfly. >> -r- v’ "• . '

’n Tipiese student in,uniform: handboeke in die een hand en geweer in die ander.

„v

Published by Social Action. Printed in the UCT SRC Press. 17.08.82,,

tfl>

NAUDE- RESISTANCE CONTINUESWith the 1983 Defence Amendment Bill the state has made an initiative on the question of military service, a question which confronts us all, some more directly than others.

This state initiative needs to be m et in three ways:

Firstly a clear understanding o f the issues at stake; w hat legislation is attem pting and why, as well as the context in which this state initiative dev­eloped.

Secondly, we need to ask, what implications are there in this for us and our role as students. We see the national democratic struggle unfolding in our society with the aim of a non-racial, non- exploitative future South Africa. Our response to the Bill has then to be related to long term objectives o f organisation, politicisation and mobilisation for that future.

Thirdly the results of such analysis and strategising have to be shaped into clear programmes of action.

Why has it been necessary for the state to in tro­duce this Bill? The answer lies in the rising num ­bers of objectors tha t pose tw o types of threats the state is attem pting to end.

Resistance, bom of increasing questioning of the' SADF’s role in our society, constitutes a major th reat to the SADF’s ability to deploy a well trained force. It is estimated that between 3000 and 4000 people annually fail to report for service, however it is only a small part ol this that is expressed through conscicntious objection.

As the SADF points ou t only 0,18 percent of conscriptees object. However the effects of their objection go far beyond their small numbers. This is so because conscientious objection poses an ideological threat to the SADF, and this second threat is severe.

While objectors are only a small proportion o f the to tal num ber of resisters, their action is a sustain­ed and visible one. The growing numbers of objectors who are n o t members of peace churches and n o t recognized by the SADF have publicised their perceptions o f the role of the SADF in the defence of Apartheid. Their convictions on m oral, religious and political grounds have been the basis for why they refuse to participate. Why do these ideas and arguments pose such an ideological threat?

Firstly they object from within the ranks of the conscripted, and thus represent dissent from within the white privileged group. This opens up cracks in the state’s control of its white support group — a crack which helps to develop organised white opposition, able to challenge from inside the notion that our future depends on total sup­port for the state initiatives. Secondly, they add their voices to the chorus of opposition to the SADF, and stand together with the South African masses struggling for political change and through this participation forge that future non-racial society.The arguments they have put forward expose the position of the SADF in the aggressive defense of the Apartheid State.

This objectors have done by exposing the nature of the war, by arguing that it is a civil war, that the ‘enem y’ are people recruited from within the country, and who took up arms as a last resort. In their statements objectors have drawn attention to the illegal occupation of Namibia, and to the deliberate attem pts at destabilising the front line states. Objectors have also pointed to the legitimate grievances and demands of the opp­ressed. They have argued that these demands should be heard and no t silenced.

These represent a challenge to the state’s ideo­logical forces which shape the conscience of the entire population. Particularly for whites this inculcates a notion of the need to defend the nation at any cost. Increasingly education and the state controlled mass media is preparing the population for war - defining the ‘enem y’ as an external threat. C.O.’s ideas and actions speak out against these processes, expose the contestable nature of the dom inant ideology and propose alternatives.

To what then are C.O.’s objecting? A range of positions have been taken up from pacifist to entirely political arguments for objection. How­ever, all those objectors who questioned the role the SADF plays in society have linked this to the critical position the military occupies within the state. The military machine exerts influence not only at an ideological level within a highly mil­itarised education system, and through attempts to generate support for the occupation of Namibia, ‘pre-emptive strikes’ and the border war, but also has a crucial political and economic importance.

Within the state the military are directly rep­

l

resented on the six non-parliamentry Cabinet Committees, and top military personnel sit on the key decision making body in the country — the State Security Council. In line with their emphasis on the need for a coordinated strategy to ‘win the hearts and minds o f the people’, the military has played a crucial role in the states reformist initiatives. These initiatives have led to attem pts to broaden the base o f the ruling group’s support by the incorporation of ‘coloureds’ and Indians in the constitutional proposals.

A t a political level the military has played a central role in the process o f political restructuring in S.A. From 1977 the SADF has intervened directly in political struggles over state policy as the in- iniator of reform initiatives, calling for a milit­arily defensible strategy to provide ‘a guarantee for the system o f free enterprise.’

Economically the military has played a critical role through fostering the development of an arms industry. Armscor, the body coordinating the production and procurem ent of all arms is the third largest financial undertaking in South Africa. This directly benefits the 2000 companies involved in supplying Armscor and provides the private sector with an im portant economic stabilisor in times of world recession as well as drawing business interests directly into the m ilitary’s reformist initiatives.

Thus the evidently significant place the military occupies within the state has implications for actions which oppose it. Resistance to the military, as objectors have argued, recognizes the signifi­cance o f this state organ, and confronts it where the stance of a few individuals has considerable impact. Their stance directly challenges the mili­ta ry ’s necessary, yet vunerable, ideological backing.

An exam ination of the Defence Am endm ent Bill reveals the strategy to divide objectors, to crush opposition, and to attem pt to make CO unviable. By doing so the state hopes to solve the problem which CO’s present; a problem that would radi­cally worsen with widespread resistance that can be anticipated if ‘coloured’ and Indian youth were called up. This latter aspect appears to be a major part of the m otivation for introducing the Bill as one o f the steps being taken to set the scene for the constitutional reforms, and so pre-empt mass resistance. However, enactm ent of the Bill will n o t remove the reasons which have m otivated increasing num ber of objectors to date, and possi­bly only send more people into exile. Nor can it be allowed to frustrate our responsibilities as students to continue to critically examine our society and the military.

For several years the call has been made for an acceptable non-military national service. It would be wrong to believe tha t this can be gained over­night. The history of peoples struggles around the world spells ou t the lesson th a t, nothing acceptable will be won unless won through a process of

struggle. As bleak as the future indeed appears it is im portant to note that the present situation has been brought about by the actions of objectors themselves. It is to these actions that the state has responded. In doing so the initiative has been thrown back into the ranks of conscriptees to develop strategies that correspond to their convictions.

We call for:

* the outright rejection of the bill;* the provision o f acceptable non-military national service, o f equal length to military service;* an alternative open to all who have genuine

convictions that it is wrong to serve in the SADF.

W A R R E S IS TO R S

I t is estim ated that every year between 3 000 and 4 000 people fail to report for National service. Between 1975 and 1978 nearly 2 500 people were convicted for failing to report for duty.

The history of resistance to military service in South Africa is a long one, fraught with moral and religious debates. In the last few years these de­bates have become increasingly political, reflecting in part the changing role of the SADF in maintain­ing the present social system. Events such as the escalation of the Namibian war, invasion of Angola and subsequent occupation of Southern Angola as well as the increasing deploym ent of SADF mem­bers within the country to run road blocks and quell ‘unrest’ has posed enormous moral and pol­itical problems for all concerned .

STATISTICS ON RECENT OBJECTION Failed to report Sentenced for CO

1973 - 1521974 - 1221975 3 314 1501976 3 566 951977 3 814 861978 3 122 551979 3 123 110

service men in I)B No. of CO’s1980 (1/5/80) 420 1301981 (31/3/81) 484 363

CO’s NOT RECOGNIZED BY THE SADF

1977 no objectors outside peace churches1978 - 1981 4 objectors1981 - 1983 6 objectors convicted

3 awaiting trial

It should be clear from the above that white resistance to conscription goes far beyound those who are tried and convicted. The numbers of objectors outside of the peace churches shows one significant responce to the growing militarisation of our society .

. Published b v Social A ction. Printed on UCT SRC Press

The Defence Amendment Bill

Resistance ContinuesWith the 1983 Defence Amendment Bill the state has made an initiative on the question of military service, a question which confronts us all, some more directly than others.

This state initiative needs to be met in three ways:

Firstly a clear understanding of the issues at stake; what legislation is attempting and why, as well as the context in which this state initiative dev­eloped.

Secondly, we need to ask, what implications are there in this for us and our role as students. We see the national democratic struggle unfolding in our society with the aim of a non-racial, non- exploitative future South Africa. Our response to the Bill has then to be related to long term objectives of organisation, politicisation and mobilisation for that future.

Thirdly the results of such analysis and strategising have to be shaped into clear programmes of action.

Why has it been necessary for the state to intro­duce this Bill? The answer lies in the rising num­bers of objectors that pose two types of threats the state is attempting to end.

Resistance, bom of increasing questioning of the- SADF’s role in our society, constitutes a major threat to the SADF’s ability to deploy a well trained force. It is estimated that between 3000 and 4000 people annually fail to report for service, however it is only a small part of this that is expressed through conscientious objection.

As the SADF points out only 0,18 percent of conscriptees object. However the effects of their objection go far beyond their small numbers. This is so because conscientious objection poses an ideological threat to the SADF, and this second threat is severe.

While objectors are only a small proportion of the total number of resisters, their action is a sustain­ed and visible one. The growing numbers of objectors who are not members of peace churches , and not recognized by the SADF have publicised their perceptions of the role of the SADF in the defence of Apartheid. Their convictions on moral, religious and political grounds have been the basis for why they refuse to participate. Why do these ideas and arguments pose such an ideological threat?

Firstly they object from within the ranks of the conscripted, and thus represent dissent from within the white privileged group. This opens up cracks in the state’s control of its white support group — a crack which helps to develop organisedwhite opposition, able to challenge from inside the notion that our future depends on total sup­port for the state initiatives. Secondly, they add their voices to the chorus of opposition to the SADF, and stand together with the South African masses struggling for political change and through this participation forge that future non-racial society.The arguments they have put forward expose the position of the SADF in the aggressive defense of the Apartheid State.

This objectors have done by exposing the nature of the war, by arguing that it is a civil war, that the ‘enemy’ are people recruited from within the country, and who took up arms as a last resort. In their statements objectors have drawn attention to the illegal occupation of Namibia, and to the deliberate attempts at destabilising the front line states. Objectors have also pointed to the legitimate grievances and demands of the opp­ressed. They have argued that these demands should be heard and not silenced.

These represent a challenge to the state’s ideo­logical forces which shape the conscience of the entire population. Particularly for whites this inculcates a notion of the need to defend the- nation at any cost. Increasingly education and the state controlled mass media is preparing the population for war - defining the ‘enemy’ as an external threat. C.O.’s ideas and actions speak out against these processes, expose the contestable nature of the dominant ideology and propose alternatives.

To what then are C.O.’s objecting? A range of positions have been taken up from pacifist to entirely political arguments for objection. How­ever, all those objectors who questioned the role the SADF plays in society have linked this to the critical position the military occupies within the state. The military machine exerts influence not only at an ideological level within a highly mil­itarised education system, and through attempts to generate support for the occupation of Namibia, ‘pre-emptive strikes’ and the border war, but also has a crucial political and economic importance.

-iWithin the state the military are direcdy rep­

resented on the six non-parliamentry Cabinet Committees, and top military personnel sit on the key decision making body in the country — the State Security Council. In line with their emphasis on the need for a coordinated strategy to ‘win the hearts and minds of the people’, the military has played a crucial role in the states reformist initiatives. These initiatives have led to attempts to broaden the base of the ruling group’s support by the incorporation of ‘coloureds’ and Indians in the constitutional proposals.

At a political level the military has played a central role in the process of political restructuring in S.A. From 1977 the SADF has intervened directly in political struggles over state policy as the in- iniator of reform initiatives, calling for a milit­arily defensible strategy to provide ‘a guarantee for the system of free enterprise.’

Economically the military has played a critical role through fostering the development of an arms industry. Armscor, the body coordinating the production and procurement of all arms is the third largest financial undertaking in South Africa. This directly benefits the 2000 companies involved in supplying Armscor and provides the private sector with an im portant economic stabilisor in times of world recession as well as drawing business interests directly into the m ilitary’s reformist initiatives.

Thus the evidently significant place the military occupies within the state has implications for actions which oppose it. Resistance to the military, as objectors have argued, recognizes the signifi­cance of this state organ, and confronts it where the stance of a few individuals has considerable impact. Their stance directly challenges the mili­tary’s necessary, yet vunerable, ideological backing.

An examination of the Defence Amendment Bill reveals the strategy to divide objectors, to crush opposition, and to attem pt to make CO unviable. By doing so the state hopes to solve the problem which CO’s present; a problem that would radi­cally worsen with widespread resistance that can be anticipated if ‘coloured’ and Indian youth were called up. This latter aspect appears to be a major part of the motivation for introducing the Bill as one of the steps being taken to set the scene for the constitutional reforms, and so pre-empt mass resistance. However, enactment of the Bill will not remove the reasons which have motivated increasing number of objectors to date, and possi­bly only send more people into exile. Nor can it be allowed to frustrate our responsibilities as students to continue to critically examine our society and the military.

For several years the call has been made for an acceptable non-military national service. It would be wrong to believe that this can be gained over­night. The history of peoples struggles around the world spells out the lesson that, nothing acceptable will be won unless won through a process of

struggle. As bleak as the future indeed appears it is im portant to note that the present situation has been brought about by the actions of objectors themselves. It is to these actions that the state has responded. In doing so the initiative has been thrown back into the ranks of conscriptees to develop strategies that correspond to their convictions.

We call for:

* the outright rejection of the bill;* the provision of acceptable non-military national service, of equal length to military service;* an alternative open to all who have genuine

convictions that it is wrong to serve in the SADF.

WAR RESISTORS

It is estimated that every year between 3 000 and4 000 people fail to report for National service. Between 1975 and 1978 nearly 2 500 people were convicted for failing to report for duty.

The history of resistance to military service in South Africa is a long one, fraught with moral and religious debates. In the last few years these de­bates have become increasingly political, reflecting in part the changing role of the SADF in maintain­ing the present social system. Events such as the escalation of the Namibian war, invasion of Angola and subsequent occupation of Southern Angola as well as the increasing deployment of SADF mem­bers within the country to run road blocks and quell ‘unrest’ has posed enormous moral and pol­itical problems for all concerned .

STATISTICS ON RECENT OBJECTION Failed to report Sentenced for CO

1973 - 1521974 - 1221975 3 314 1501976 3 566 951977 3 814 861978 3 122 551979 3 123 110

service men in DB No. of CO’s1980 (1/5/80) 420 1301981 (31/3/81) 484 363

CO’s NOT RECOGNIZED BY THE SADF

1977 no objectors outside peace churches1978 - 1981 4 objectors1981 - 1983 6 objectors convicted

3 awaiting trial

It should be clear from the above that white resistance to conscription goes far beyound those who are tried and convicted. The numbers of objectors outside of the peace churches shows one significant responce to the growing militarisation of our society .

Published bv Social Action. Printed on UCT SRC Press

U U L H

m s

NATIONALSERVICE

Call up papers arrive: This heralds only one thing - the army! Without hesitation , we all know that the inevitable has happened. It had to, sooner or later.

But we need to think a bit more about this. Have we not been lulled-into this acceptance of the S.A.D.F’s call up as inevitable?

Imagine the scene. A call up paper arrives. The question it poses is not which army base, but rather which field of work. Is it education or health? Could it be conservation or housing?

The End Conscription Campaign is working for the day that such call up papers are issued. We are calling for alternatives to military national service. National service need not be military service. Alternative National Service (since the S.A.D.F. has adopted national service as its own) would address the. real needs of our country. Those called up would work to meet those needs. Constructive projects aimed at providing services, at building rather than breaking, would be embarked upon. Constructive national service would help to build a viable South Africa for us all. This is real national service.

At present, conscripts are called up. The army is their destiny. For most, the question of 'which base’ is raised. Is it renowned for its tyranny, or is it a more lenient base? The conscript, his family and the community about him knows of the arrival of the call up. Concerns mount.

Will my son be sent to Angola?

My boyfriend, will he have to go to the townships?

What is this for?

For others serious questions arise about religious objection, exile, jail and further deferments.

In August another call up begins. The call up as it nowexists causes much worry and concern. Somehow it doesn’t ring true with all our beliefs. Many young men have the disturbing feeling of being compromised. It’s often easier to switch off and accept the "inevitable". We challenge that inevitability.

CONSCRIPTS NEED ALTERNATIVES.

Conscripts should be given the choice of doing alternative forms of national service. The ECC has set up a number of projects which aim to demonstrate real and tangible national service.

The needs of communities are vast. Travelling out to the airport, alongside the N2 we see plastic shelters. Housing is a priority. This ought to be addressed - and national service should aim toward meeting this pressing need.

In the Western Cape, ECC has met with some communities and elicited a few of their needs. Projects, such as upgrading a community centre and building a health clinic’s offices are being arranged. We will be embarking on these projects during August.

THERE IS SOMETHING YOU CAN DO....Get involved in one or more of these projects. Fill in the form at the end of this pamphlet and send it to our office (P.O.Box 208, Woodstock,7915) or phone in at 47 8818, and we will keep you informed of the arrangements.

Bring your family and friends. If enough people support our call, we can change the law to provide for alternative and real national service.

HOPE TO SEE YOU THERE!

I would like to participate in the Alternative service projects.

Name.............................

Address..........................

Telephone

END CONSCRIPTION CAMPAIGNPO Box 208 Woodstock 7915 Telephone 478818

NASIONALENENSPUG

HOEF NIBmilitI reIDIENSPUG

Oproep instruksies in die pos. Dit beteken slegs een ding - army toe! Sonder huiwering weet elkeen dat die onvermydelike gebeur het. Dit moes kom vroeer of later.

Maar laat ons ’n bietjie oor die saak dink. Word ons nie verlei om te aanvaar dat diensplig in die S.A.W onvermydelik is nie?

Stel die volgende in die gedagtes voor: ’n oproepinstruksie kom in die pos. Die vraag wat gestel word, is nie watter weermagbasis nie. maar watter aard van werk. Opvoeding of gesondheid? Is dit natuurbewaring of behuising?

Die End Conscription Campaign werk vir ’n toekoms waar sulke oproepinstruksies uitgestuur kan word. Nasionale diensplig hoef nie militere diensplig te wees nie.Alternatiewe diensplig (omdat die S.A.W nasionale diensplig as hulle s'n geeien het) sal gerig wees op die werklike behoeftes van ons land. Diegene wat opgeroep word sal ingespan word om aan hierdie behoeftes te voldoen. Konstruktiewe projekte r al aangepak word om dienste te voorsien - om te be . an i ne te breek nie. Konstruktiewe nasionale diensplig sal n bvc ae maak vir ’n beter en veiiige Suid Afrika vir ons almai. Dit is werklike nasionale diens.

Op die oomblik word dienspligtiges opgeroep. Hul bestemming is die weermag. Die vraag wat die meeste dienspligtiges stel, is ’watter basis’...Is dit ’n basis berug vir onwrikbaarheid, of is dit ’n meer inskiklike basis? Die dienspligtige, sy familie en gemeenskap waarin hy leef, weet van die oproepinstruksies. Bekommernis word al groter.

Gaan my seun Angola toe gestuur word?

Moet my kerel in die townships diens doen?

Wat is die nul van alles?

Vir ander is daar ernstige kwelling oor verdere vrystelling, oor godsdien besware, ballingskap, of gevangenis.

In Augustus is dit opfosptyd. Diensplig in sy kundige vorm wek ernstige kommer, en besorgnis. Daar is iets omtrent die hele besigheid wat hinder, iets wat nie heeltemal met ons waardes strook nie. Baie jong mans het ontstellende ervaring dat hulle ongemaklik voel met hierdie plig. Dit is egter dikwels makliker om eenvoudig af te skakel en om die "onvermydelike" te aanvaar. Ons betwis hierdie onvermydelikheid.

DIENSPLK3TIGES k o r t a l t e r n a t ie w e

Dienspligtiges behoort die keuse van alternatiewe diensplig gegee te word. ECC werk aan 'n hele aantal projekte wat daadwerklike en egte nasionale diensplig wil demonstreer.

Die behoeftes van die gemeenskap is ontsaglik. Op pad na die lughawe, op die N2 sien 'n mens plastieke skuilings. Behuising is ’n probleem in ons land. Hierdie problerne verdien aandag en nasionale diensplig behoort dringenae te kort aan te spreek.

ECC het met verskeie gemeenskappe in die Weskaap geskakel, en inligting oor behoeftes ingewin. Verskeie projekte word beplan, herstelwerk aan ’n gemeenskap sentrum en die bou van kantore vir ’n gesondheidskliniek word voorsien. Ons sal gedurende Augustus met die projekte begin.

Daar is iets wat elkeen kan doen....Raak betrokke by een of meer van hierdie projekte. Vul die vorm in (agter op hierdie pamflet) en stuur dit aan ons (Bus 20®, Woodstock, 7915) of skakel ons by 47 8818, en ons sal uinlig.

Bring vriende en familie saam. As genoeg mense ons oproep beantwoord, kan ons die wet laat verander om voorsiening te maak vir alternatiewe en werklike nasionale diensplig.

ONS SIEN UIT OM SAAM MET U TE WERK!

Ek wil graag deelneem in die Alternatiewe Diensplig Projekte.

Naam.........................

Adres........................

Telefoon

END CONSCRIPTION CAMPAIGNPO fte* 208 Woodstock W15 Tateptton* 47M1I O N 6 P fU c 'i * ,

war in the townships

projects comm information booklet

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Collection Number: AG1977

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