Transnationalism and Film Genres in East Asian CinemaDong Hoon Kim, editor, Spectator 29:2 (Fall 2009): 9-24.

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The Saga of Anatahan and JapanSachiko Mizuno

the first time since his glorious days in Paramount in the 1930s.

Sternberg wrote in his autobiography that Anatahan was “my best film – and my most unsuccessful one” and it still remained “anonymous” in the early 1960s.1 In fact the film, along with the real incident, went into obscurity shortly after its commercial and critical failure in Japan and America.2 At the time of the initial release, when the Japanese saw the long awaited feature with Japanese dialogue and subtitled English narration by Sternberg himself in 1953, many critics were indifferent to the film or shoc�ed by it�� particularly the film or shoc�ed by it�� particularly particularlyparticularly by the distant and dry narration in English. �ith�ithith a great sense of authority, the figureless �oice, the figureless �oicehe figureless �oicefigureless �oice �oice comments on the images depicting murderously on the images depicting murderouslyon the images depicting murderously lustful desires of the men directed towards a young and beautiful woman, the long and haunting communal life of the nearly na�ed Japanese drifters on the tropical island, their desires for power and sur�i�al, �arious religious and patriotic rituals, constant fear of both in-group murder and the Allied enemy, and a strong nostalgia for home. After the lu�ewarm reception of the Japanese premiere and first-run release, Sternberg departed from Japan with the negati�e print of the film, hoping, hoping hoping for a successful �S release. ��e originally releaseda successful �S release. ��e originally released film was, howe�er, shown as a limited engagement in America in 1954, which had, oddly enough, no English subtitles of the Japanese dialogue. As I

It is not widely �nown that, outside of some small critical and scholarly circles, Josef �on Sternberg’s last film The Saga of Anatahan was made in Japan. Sternberg stayed in Japan for ele�en months from August 1952 to July 1953 and wor�ed on the film with a production team that was entirely comprised of Japanese crew and cast. The film was based on well-�nown news reports about one Japanese woman and more than thirty Japanese men strandedthirty Japanese men stranded Japanese men stranded on the Pacific island of Anatahan during the Second �orld �ar. ��e news and memoirs of the sur�i�ors reported a tragic story about the group of ci�ilians and solders who were hiding in the tropical island for nearly se�en years, refusing to belie�e Japan’s defeat, until their �oluntary surrender to a �S Na�y rescue team in 1951. Soon after granting a warm and sympathetic welcome to the sur�i�ors, howe�er, the Japanese media began carrying some sensational accounts of the story titled “the Anatahan incident”: at least two men died in a fight o�er one Japanese woman and se�eral others who had an affair with her disappeared or died of uncertain and mysterious accidents. Sternberg learned of this incident in New Yor� and approached Japanese film producer Kawa�ita Nagamasa to ma�e a fiction film in Japan, which led him to begin the production the following year. Ha�ing two translators at his side, Sternberg struggled but enjoyed ta�ing a great deal of control o�er e�ery aspect of the co-production – writing, directing, editing, and e�en narrating the film�� for forfor

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SAGA oF AnATAHAn AnD JApAnelaborate later, the curious fate of this “anonymousis “anonymous “anonymous film” did not end here. �n the one hand, in Japanend here. �n the one hand, in Japan here. �n the one hand, in Japan Kawa�ita replaced the problematic narration withwa�ita replaced the problematic narration witha�ita replaced the problematic narration with a young English-spea�ing Japanese man in order to mar�et the film in Europe. �n the other hand, in America Sternberg later re-edited the film with newly shot footage, hoping for a more successful re-release in the �S. Although Anatahan went further into obscurity particularly after Sternberg’s death in 1969, as a result of the multiple �ersions of thethe film that emerged, it actually opened up questions of authorship, authenticity, and originality.and originality.originality.

��is article traces the history of the long-forgotten The Saga of Anatahan by e�amining thee�amining the film te�t, reception of the film, and its authorship in a new light. During a few years before and after Sternberg’s death, some critical and historical studies on this film in Europe and America re�ealed some intriguing aspects of production history and thus pro�ided analytical insight to further decipher pro�ided analytical insight to further decipherpro�ided analytical insight to further decipheranalytical insight to further decipher what is hidden beneath the apparent plasticity and comple�ity of the film.3 ��ese critical essays, howe�er, barely touched upon the rich production materials in the Japanese language and reception of the film in Japan, which resulted in illuminating the film within the framewor� of classical authorwithin the framewor� of classical authorin the framewor� of classical author studies that granted the authorship almost singularly to Sternberg, the director of the film. Sternberg’s remar�able career and art were illuminated, but the site of consumption – wor� of Japanese collaborators, the responses of audiences, and the historical conte�t�� was untouched in the discourses. was untouched in the discourses.was untouched in the discourses. In other words, the dynamically collaborati�e film production, the comple� wor�ings of international co-production, the intriguing commoditi�ationthe intriguing commoditi�ationintriguing commoditi�ation process of art cinema, and the in-depth analysis on the historical conte�t and the reception of films in Japan ha�e been largely neglected in these studies.studies..

�hile following these predecessors’ wa�e-up call to ree�aluate the aesthetically and historically unsettling film as well as Sternberg’s art ands well as Sternberg’s art and Sternberg’s art and professionalism, this essay relocatesessay relocatesrelocates Anatahan withinwithinin a transnational conte�t. I e�amine the collecti�e transnational conte�t. I e�amine the collecti�e aspect of the film’s authorship in order to shed light film’s authorship in order to shed light’s authorship in order to shed lights authorship in order to shed light authorship in order to shed lightshed light on Sternberg’s collaboration process with JapaneseSternberg’s collaboration process with Japanese filmma�ers and actors as well as the roles playedactors as well as the roles played as well as the roles played by uncredited film producers, critics, the general audience, and the distributor who differently interpreted, or showed indifference to, the film in

Japan. I consult the primary documents in Japanese language that ha�e been currently a�ailable for ha�e been currently a�ailable for currently a�ailable for scholarly research.4 I loo� into these documents in order to demonstrate how the different ways demonstrate how the different waysdemonstrate how the different ways how the different ways the Japanese regarded Sternberg and his wor� in Japan within the conte�t of postwar history in general and film history in particular opened up multiple readings of the film. �ltimately, this essay argues that the e�amination of the dynamic site ofthe e�amination of the dynamic site ofe�amination of the dynamic site of consumption dialectically relocates consumers on the site of cultural production as producers of meanings of a film te�t. te�t..

pre-History: Kawakita nagamasa and osawa Yoshio

Sternberg, Kawa�ita and �sawa Yoshio were co-e�ecuti�es of Daiwa Production, an independent production company founded in 1952 and operated only until mid-1953, foruntil mid-1953, for-1953, for1953, for Anatahan’s production. Howe�er, the film’s opening credit sequence does not list the names of Kawa�ita or �sawa. ��is section illuminates how the two producers behind thes how the two producers behind the how the two producers behind the official credit list�� Kawa�ita, in particular�� came on Kawa�ita, in particular�� came onKawa�ita, in particular�� came on, in particular�� came on in particular�� came on board to produce Anatahan. ��e production history of Anatahan cannot be fully understood without e�amining the careers of these two businessmen, and their in�ol�ements in the international filmtheir in�ol�ements in the international filmin�ol�ements in the international films in the international film in the international filmfilm distribution and co-production projects in the prewar and post-war period.

In his autobiographical essay written in 1980, Kawa�ita recalls the shoc� that he e�perienced in the mid-1920s when watching the distorted-1920s when watching the distorted1920s when watching the distorted when watching the distortedwatching the distorted Japanese culture and customs represented on therepresented on theon the operatic stage production of Madame Butterfly in Germany.

It was intolerable for me; howe�er, I reali�ed that this was perhaps the image of Japan of which �estern people concei�ed and that the le�el of understanding of Japan was still so low. … I felt compelled to find a way to inform the people in the �est of our humanity, morals, customs, and culture as soon as possible. At the same time I thought about a way to inform the Japanese on many practical things in the culture of e�eryday life in the �est, from which the Japanese should learn so much. I �ept on contemplating many different

11TRAnSnATIonALISM AnD FILM GEnRES In EAST ASIAn CInEMA

MIzunoways, and finally came to the conclusion that cinema was the most appropriate medium to accomplish this tas�.5

��is passage clarifies that Kawa�ita’s moti�ation to initiate the foreign-film trading business came from the “unbearable” representation of Japanese culture in the �est based on the ignorance originating from the lac� of global cultural circulation. ��e mutual understanding of “humanity, morals, customs, and culture” through film e�changes between the East and �est remained the base of the cultural mission in his film distribution and production business. Kawa�ita first engaged in the film trading business as a representati�e of �FA. In 1928, at the age of 25, he then established Towa, an independent foreign film distribution company that predominately imported highly acclaimed European films. �hile tra�eling in Europe to purchase distribution rights to films, Kawa�ita occasionally attemptedto films, Kawa�ita occasionally attempted films, Kawa�ita occasionally attempted to introduce Japanese films to the European film mar�ets. He succeeded in bringing remar�able films such as Mädchen in Uniform (1931)� and and Le Paquebot Tenacity (S.S. Tenacity, 1934)� in Japan,1934)� in Japan, but he could not bring Japanese films to the world mar�et. According to Kawa�ita Kashi�o, the wifethe wife wife and business collaborator of Nagamasa, an omnibus film titled Nippon, for instance, was made out of three films that Kawa�ita sent to Berlin in 1929, but Kawa�ita was ad�ised by the distributor not to bring any more Japanese films because “the German audience laughed at the scenes that were not made to be laughed at.”6 ��e laughter was directed at the e�ery day gestures and customs of Japan. Kawa�ita nearly ga�e up on distributing e�isting Japaneseon distributing e�isting Japanesedistributing e�isting Japanese films. But he started to thin� about producing Japanese films that portray Japanese culture more “accurately” to promote better understanding, to e�port to the European countries.

It is important to understand that Towa’s business was built upon the emerging art cinema boom and the taste culture in Japan. Towa gradually gained a stable distribution and e�hibition circuit and mar�et in Japan and prepared for large-scale film production. Towa’s selections of imported films grew each year, as did the number of Japanese critics and foreign film fans. ��us, Kawa�ita gained great respect from critics and fans as a �irtuous cosmopolitan entrepreneur who maintained aed a a

balance between a culturally moti�ated mission and a mar�et-dri�en policy. Towa culti�ated and benefited from the une�plored urban art cinema mar�et in Japan with its highly acclaimed European films, while building a strong networ� with critical circles to incorporate their ad�ice and opinions. Howe�er, as the Japanese film industry was forming its oligarchic structure in the early 1930s, Kawa�ita struggled, but maintained Towa’s independence when Shochi�u predominantly imported mar�etable American films and occasionally inter�ened in the in the the European film trading that Towa depended on. Toho, a distribution and e�hibition company before its establishment of the �ertically integrated Toho Bloc� in 1937, also inter�ened Towa’s business by also inter�ened Towa’s business byalso inter�ened Towa’s business by distributing European films in 1935. ��e difference between Shochi�u or Toho and Towa was that the former had their nation-wide e�hibition chains. Therefore, Kawa�ita tactically built congenial business partnerships with the majors to distribute films through their theater chains, while establishing �arious connections with some independent studios or theaters, in order to ensure Towa’s independence and financial success throughout the 1930s.

A �ertically-integrated film company Toho Eiga Co. (as �nown as Toho and the Toho Bloc�)� was established in 1937 through the acquisitions ofthe acquisitions ofacquisitions ofs of of tal�ie production company PCL and Kyoto-based J� studio owned by a young entrepreneur �sawa Yoshio. In the pre�ious year, Kawa�ita approached �sawa, a Princeton-educated president of J� and �sawa Trading Company, to wor� on co-producing a film by in�iting a German filmma�er and his crew. �pon �sawa’s agreement, Towa and J� began co-financing the contro�ersial Germany-Japan co-production film,ion film,on film, The New Earth (1937)�.7 �sawa’s membership of the e�ecuti�e board of Toho was promising the national e�hibition outlet for this project. Kawa�ita tra�eled to Germany and decided to ha�e Arnold Fanc� for the producer and the director of the high-profile film project.

The New Earth was Kawa�ita’s first production project and the first international co-production project between Japan and the Na�i Germany. �hen he started preparing the project in 1935, the film was to reflect Kawa�ita’s philanthropic ideal of ad�ancing mutual cultural understanding between Europe, America and Asia through cinema and his strong emotional attachment to Germany and

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SAGA oF AnATAHAn AnD JApAnChina, where he had li�ed and recei�ed education. Howe�er, the political climate surrounding him and these three countries had radically changed in the rise of Japanese militarism and Na�i e�pansionese militarism and Na�i e�pansionse militarism and Na�i e�pansion by the time of production in 1936. Germany and Japan became signatories to the Anti-Comintern Pact that year. Imperial Japan, which had established Manchu�uo in Northern China in 1932 after the�uo in Northern China in 1932 after the in Northern China in 1932 after the sudden in�asion, was encouraging migration of Japanese people to Manchuria while ad�ancing its colonial projects towards the South on the Asian continent.

Although The New Earth was a German-Japanese propaganda film shot entirely in Japan, Japan,8 it was not the Imperial go�ernment but Kawa�ita whothe Imperial go�ernment but Kawa�ita whoImperial go�ernment but Kawa�ita who in�ested his company money into the high-profile and large-budget film. �sawa Yoshio also joined as an in�estor forfor The New Earth.9 In concei�ing the story of The New Earth, Kawa�ita was fully aware of the cultural agenda of the Japanese Empire. Hethe Japanese Empire. HeJapanese Empire. He. He endorsed the script de�eloped by German director and producer Arnold Fanc�.10 ��e story faithfullystory faithfully faithfully reflected Na�i cultural policy and Japanese colonialed Na�i cultural policy and Japanese colonial Na�i cultural policy and Japanese colonial and paternal desire projected onto Asia. A young Japanese man who studied in Germany returns with his German lo�er to his home country where his family and his fiancée await. ��e man reali�es that his real tas� as a citi�en of the Empire is to wor� forthe Empire is to wor� forEmpire is to wor� for his belo�ed nation and land culti�ation in the rural areas. �ltimately, his German girlfriend reali�es his national ties and duties and willingly returns to her own country. He then marries his Japanese fiancée, and the new couple migrates to the Japanese Empire’s unculti�ated new land: Manchuria.: Manchuria. Manchuria.

The New Earth was a big commercial success inwas a big commercial success ina big commercial success in Japan and Germany.11 Mountain-film director Fanc� naturally put a �isual emphasis on mountainous a �isual emphasis on mountainous �isual emphasis on mountainous landscape, and con�eniently a�oided the issue of interracial marriage in order to focus on the Japanese hero’s reali�ation of his nationalistic obligations. ��e patience and strong will of traditional Japanese �irtues acted and embodied by the hero as well as by his fiancée, a daughter of the former Samurai family (played by Hara Setsu�o)�, were presented to thesu�o)�, were presented to theu�o)�, were presented to thewere presented to the presented to the German audience. As Michael Bas�ett notes, the, the the ubiquitous Japanese cultural iconographies in this film were “claustrophobically decorated with Na�iwere “claustrophobically decorated with Na�i“claustrophobically decorated with Na�i and Japanese flags, cherry blossom branches, and Japanese lanterns.” ��us the film was made for the��us the film was made for thethe film was made for the

German audience to understand Japanese customs and �irtues that was, howe�er, filtered through the eyes of a German director who had ne�er �isited Japan before the film production.12

I do not wish to reiterate the history and analysis not wish to reiterate the history and analysis reiterate the history and analysis of this much-discussed and commercially successful film, since many historians ha�e documented themdocumented them in detail. Nonetheless, it is worth elaborating on how the film was promoted and recei�ed by three different film was promoted and recei�ed by three different national audiences. �hen the film was released in Japan in 1937, Japanese film critics appreciated thefilm critics appreciated thecritics appreciated the powerful landscape and mise-en-scène and credited Fanc� for the cinematic beauty. Howe�er, critics did not miss the blatant e�oticism projected on Japan,, such as the o�ert emphasis on rather disappearing Japanese customs. According to the boo�the boo� boo� Document Showaowawa, the reception of the film in Germany was hea�ily controlled by ��e Reich Ministry for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda. Joseph Goebbels, the head of the ministry, ordered the press to head of the ministry, ordered the press to treat the film as an important cultural treasure, to appreciate the film, and to report on the premiere screenings (which Kawa�ita and Hara attended)�.13 Meanwhile, Kawa�ita attempted to show the filmKawa�ita attempted to show the film in France and China. ��e French audience saw the��e French audience saw the film but strongly rejected its o�ertly propagandistic messages. ��e film was shown in China, but it. ��e film was shown in China, but it aroused rather strong anti-Japanese sentiments.d rather strong anti-Japanese sentiments. rather strong anti-Japanese sentiments.14

Kawa�ita was saddened by the Chinese reaction, while being satisfied with the film’s reception in Japan and Germany. He continued to pursue his tas� and dream to culti�ate mutual understanding between Imperial Japan and China through hishis ne�t project, The Road to Peace to the Orient (1938)�, in Shanghai.

Meetings with Sternberg

In August 1936, Sternberg too� his pri�ate trip in Japan at the turning point in his career in Hollywood, a year after he left Paramount. His trip in Asia was in search of inspiration, new subjects, and, more than anything else, the ideal en�ironments in which he could e�ercise a great control o�er e�ery aspect of film production. In Japan, Sternberg, a confirmed Japanophile, witnessed the beauty of Japanese tradition and culture with his own eyes. He was also enchanted by a meeting with his enthusiastic Japanese audiences including many filmma�ers and

13TRAnSnATIonALISM AnD FILM GEnRES In EAST ASIAn CInEMA

MIzunocritics. Critics and filmma�ers welcomed Sternberg, informing him of how they had closely studied hisd closely studied his closely studied his celebrated wor�s such as The Salvation Hunters (�S release: 1924/Japan: 1925)�, The Docks of New York (1928)�, Morocco (1930/1931)� and more. �n his way from To�yo to Kyoto, Sternberg �isited his old friends old friend old friend Arnold Fanc� who was at the location shooting on the mountain in Karui�awa for The New EarthEarth. Sternberg saw Fanc� wor�ing in Japan with Kawa�ita under what he considered to be perfect conditions for filmma�ing. Sternberg and Kawa�ita briefly discussed an idea to ma�e a film in Japan. Needless to say, this idea to ma�e a film in Japan. Needless to say, thisthis idea would become nearly impossible to reali�e inwould become nearly impossible to reali�e into reali�e inreali�e in inin the following year when the Sino-Japanese �arfollowing year when the Sino-Japanese �ar bro�e out.�hen Japan did not accept America’s lastro�e out.�hen Japan did not accept America’s last. �hen Japan did not accept America’s last�hen Japan did not accept America’s lastJapan did not accept America’s last warning to withdraw the Imperial army from China in 1941, which led to the Pacific �ar, the collaboration became further impossible. Sternberg had to wait for the materiali�ation of the co-production project until after the war and �.S. occupation.

It was only in 1951 when Sternberg began corresponding with Kawa�ita again on the co-production project, after Kata�ita was able to resume acti�ity in film production and distribution. Arguably, Kawa�ita’s film productions during the war showshow an empathy towards his Chinese collaborators andempathy towards his Chinese collaborators and Chinese audiences, but Kawa�ita’s in�ol�ement with the film industry under Japanese Empire, particularly with the distributions and productions of Imperialdistributions and productions of Imperialproductions of ImperialImperial propaganda films in China as a chief representati�eas a chief representati�echief representati�e representati�e of China Mo�ie Company (�honghua Dianyingompany (�honghua Dianyingmpany (�honghua Dianying Gongsi/Chu�a Denei)� in Shanghai from 1938 to in Shanghai from 1938 to 1945,had resulted in his fi�e-year e�pulsion from the,had resulted in his fi�e-year e�pulsion from the had resulted in his fi�e-year e�pulsion from thethe Japanese film industry from 1947 to 1950 as a Class B war criminal, according to the 1947 law of the purge of public officials initiated by the SCAP (Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers)�. �nce de-purged and returned to Towa, Kawa�ita immediately reinforced his global networ� that he had built in the prewar era and presciently e�plored the new art cinema mar�ets of international film festi�als, loo�ing for a chance to resume the international co-production projects as well as global film and cultural e�changes.s well as global film and cultural e�changes. global film and cultural e�changes.

Kawa�ita met Sternberg in New Yor� in 1952 and agreed to finance the project based on the Anatahan incident after e�changing letters for months.15 �pon his return, Kawa�ita as�ed �sawa Yoshio to wor� with him on this project. �sawa had been bac� to his former job at the �sawa Co. and the

e�ecuti�e board of Toho after the SCAP’s de-purge. During the war, �sawa engaged in the Imperial Japan’s totali�ed propaganda film productions as a president of Toho and, as a result, became classified as a Class B war criminal during the purge.16

It is not difficult to imagine that Kawa�ita and �sawa were e�cited to wor� in full force in the first post-�ccupation year on the high-profile independent co-production after the three-year-long e�ile. ��e drastic change was occurring regarding the place of Japanese films in the international film mar�et at the time when the two re-entered the film industry, as Rashomon’s achie�ements of Golden Lion in Venice and Academy Award for the Best Foreign Film in 1951 pa�ed a way for more Japanese cinema to be e�ported. Furthermore, the end of �ccupation ener�ated the SCAP’s censorship that had legally imposed �arious restrictions on the depiction of war and patriotism, which allowed more freedom for filmma�er to represent the recent history of Japan from the point of �iew of the Japanese. �n this changing socio-cultural ground, Kawa�ita and �sawa established Daiwa Production solely for the Anatahan project in Japan and sought in�estors and collaborators for the large-budget film.17

��e currently a�ailable sources and memoirs on this early stage of the Anatahan pre-production suggest that these two uncredited producers built that these two uncredited producers builtthat these two uncredited producers built the threshold and foundation of the production. A major company Toho was to play an important role in producing Anatahan, for which �sawa and Kawa�ita were on the e�ecuti�e board. Daiwa hired Ta�imurathe e�ecuti�e board. Daiwa hired Ta�imurae�ecuti�e board. Daiwa hired Ta�imura Ka�uo, who had produced a famous Eno�en series for Toho, as a producer to be credited. Ta�imura brought major members of the crew from his networ� in and outside of Toho. Tsuburaya Eiji, soon became best-uraya Eiji, soon became best-raya Eiji, soon became best-�nown for Toho’s Godzilla series starting in 1954, was chosen as a special effect director. �sawa had in�ested in Tsuburaya’s �arious film technologies and machines through his trading company since the 1930s, including a number of screen processing e�periments. The Daiwa e�ecuti�es’ reputation, their connection with Toho, and Sternberg’s fame in the pre-war era attracted many in�estors ande-war era attracted many in�estors and-war era attracted many in�estors and the press to the Anatahan project in a short time.

Sternberg arri�ed in Japan with his familyarri�ed in Japan with his family Japan with his family on August 5, 1952, and immediately began the, 1952, and immediately began the 1952, and immediately began the pre-production in To�yo. �ne of the une�pected troubles came up at the �ery starting point. Daiwa

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SAGA oF AnATAHAn AnD JApAnplanned to use one of the Toho studio lots for its lots for itss for its production; howe�er, according to Kawa�ita Kashi�o, Toho abruptly refused to lend its studio lot, which was the une�pected setbac� for Sternberg and the Daiwa Production e�ecuti�es.18 �sawa used a local connection in his hometown Kyoto and managed tomanaged to rent ��a�a�i Industrial Pa�ilion owned by the city ��a�a�i Industrial Pa�ilion owned by the city of Kyoto. ��is huge multi-purpose space had a highis huge multi-purpose space had a high huge multi-purpose space had a high glass ceiling that was perfect for getting sunlight and building multiple sets. Sternberg and the Daiwa e�ecuti�es rushed to finish the pre-production before the planned shooting set for Decemberned shooting set for Decembered shooting set for December 1952. Sternberg, howe�er, refused to ta�e a short cut and went through a long and painsta�ing process to construct his ideal wor�ing conditions, which required enormous effort to o�ercome language and cultural barriers and a great deal of assistance and understanding from Japanese collaborators.

The prod�ction of The Saga of Anatahanprod�ction of The Saga of Anatahan of The Saga of AnatahanThe Saga of Anatahan

From the mid-August through No�ember in 1952,-August through No�ember in 1952,August through No�ember in 1952,hrough No�ember in 1952, No�ember in 1952, while writing the script, Sternberg researched updated journalistic accounts of the Anatahan incident, had many te�ts translated. He finally chose the memoir written by a sur�i�or Maruyama Michiro as the base of his screenplay of Anatahan.19 He then studied �arious Japanese customs, ukiyo-e, and the tropical flora of Mariana Islands to concei�e the �arious scene settings with assistance of translators and respecti�e specialists.20 He wrote the synopsis in English and then wor�ed with a translator and a young Japanese screenwriter Asano Tatsuo to de�elop the colloquial Japanese dialogue. In this adaptation process, the story came to focus on thirteen men and one woman named Higa Ka�u�o and followed their li�es on the island starting from June 1944 until the moment of the se�en male sur�i�ors’ return (the (the(thethehe media differently reported the number of the men who li�ed at the time of 1944 from thirty-two or thirty-one, which ended in twenty on their return)�..

Sternberg and his crew also created ama�ingly detailed flow charts and storyboards to �isuali�e the dramatic progress in the narrati�e.21 In the flow chart titled “Anatahan Chart,”,””22 different colors specify different feelings (jealousy, nostalgia, etc.)� and actions (�iolence, surrender, etc.)� of each character in each sequence. ��e intensity of each color specifies the intensity of emotion or action, and lines are drawn

to clarify how these emotions or actions of characters interact. The storyboard drawings by Fu�uda Toyoshiro illustrate �isual cues from the framing to small gestures for e�ery single planned shot. Each image is accompanied with Japanese translation of Sternberg’s instructions and e�planation of action, not emotion.23 Instead of using �erbal languages to ma�e the cast understand his idea, Sternberg chose to largely depend on the �isual aids to articulate how meanings of actions in each sequence constitutes a psychological and dramatic flow, in order to minimi�e miscommunications through language.

Sternberg insisted on choosing crew members, in some cases, out of the recommendations offered by the Daiwa e�ecuti�es and Ta�imura. ��e outcome of the search surprised the media and the Japanese film industry, as the lineup was mostly comprised of the young and the anonymous. Many important filmma�ers in Japanese film history, howe�er, grew out of this film production, learning a great deal of �nowledge, collaboration, �arious s�ills and professionalism by carefully obser�ing Sternberg’s wor�.24 To ta�e one e�ample, ��a�a�i Ko�o, cinematographer of Anatahan, was one of them, who joined the crew in the pre-production stage as a still photographer. According to some media reports and the �i�id memoir of ��a�a�i, Sternberg ga�e him torturous assignments to test his s�ills and enthusiasm, which continued for months. ��a�a�i wor�ed hard to meet the director’s e�pectation, but at the same time felt frustration towards Sternberg’s une�pectedly demanding requests and difficult attitudes. ��erefore, when ��a�a�i was informed of the decision made by “finic�y guy” who promoted him to the cinematographer just before the production began, the selection surprised all, e�en ��a�a�i himself, a hard-wor�ing yet 33-year-old freelancing cameraman who had mainly wor�ed as a director who had mainly wor�ed as a director had mainly wor�ed as a director of photography in a second unit before. ��a�a�i. ��a�a�i ��a�a�i presumed, howe�er, that the wor� required him to a play a role as a camera assistant and to follow Sternberg’s technical and aesthetic instructions. �pon recei�ing precise instructions on film stoc� or e�posures of camera and printing process, ��a�a�i gradually learned that Sternberg’s �ision rested on his great �nowledge of cinematography and camera techniques. ��a�a�i also found that Sternberg’s “tyrannical attitudes” were more or less performance to get the best out of his crew on the set. ��a�a�i wrote

15TRAnSnATIonALISM AnD FILM GEnRES In EAST ASIAn CInEMA

MIzuno

press sheet of The Sage of Anatahan (1953; prod�ced by Daiwa prod�ction and distrib�ted by Towa Eiga).

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SAGA oF AnATAHAn AnD JApAnthat, after establishing his career and reputation as one of the most respected cinematographer in Japan, he continued to regard the e�perience of collaborating with Sternberg as one of the greatest influences on his career as a cinematographer.

Sternberg’s choice of actors and actresses appeared unusual in similar �ein: many were less e�perienced in film acting.25 According to the crew’s the crew’sthe crew’s testimonies, it was largely because Sternberg chose the cast based on his first impression by seeing their physical appearance disregarding their acting s�ills. Sternberg went through a long search to see the candidates on their jobs at theaters, cabarets, or geisha houses, to meet his ideal body for “the only woman of the earth” and “a Queen Bee,” although,” although” although Daiwa’s original plan was to cast a popular starto cast a popular starpopular star such as Yamaguchi Yoshi�o or Kogure Michiyo.or Kogure Michiyo. Kogure Michiyo.26 Sternberg chose an eighteen-year-old re�ue dancer Negishi A�emi from the Nichige�i Dancing Team (whose parent company was Toho as well)�, whoparent company was Toho as well)�, who company was Toho as well)�, who had ne�er acted in film. For another instance,instance,, Sternberg found Ami�ura Shiro, an e�ecuti�e of, an e�ecuti�e ofan e�ecuti�e of Toho’s talent agency who had also no e�perience of acting, in a restaurant, and cast him in the role, in a restaurant, and cast him in the role in a restaurant, and cast him in the rolerole of the patriotic sergeant. Some others were lesserpatriotic sergeant. Some others were lesserwere lesser lesser �nown kabuki players, dancers, and �ery few actors who had �ery little e�perience in acting for a film.

��e production began in December 1952 and ended in February 1953 at the ��a�a�i Industrialthe ��a�a�i Industrial��a�a�i Industrial Pa�ilion in Kyoto.27 ��e shooting was almost entirely conducted in the studio.28 Special effects director Tsuburaya projected the scenery of the tropical wood and s�y on the screen behind the e�terior sets in which real tropical trees were transplanted to create lu�uriant tropical foliage. �nce constructed, multiple sets remained for shooting and re-shooting, which was nearly impossible in small Japanese film studios.29 Accompanied by one or two translators,, assistant director Shu Taguchi and a professor from a local uni�ersity in Kyoto, the production team followed the Anatahan Chart, the storyboards, and two types of scripts based on the screenplays based on the screenplay based on the screenplay collaborati�ely written by Sternberg and Asano Tatsuo.30 In Script A, settings and actions were described on the left column, and the dialogues were written on the right. Script B, though practical, was also an unusual script: �ne page shows more detailed notes on �isible components (“Actually Present”)�, e�tra-diegetic audible components

(”Narration”)�, and ambiguously in�isible conte�tual and conceptual notes (“Incidents,” “E�perience of Characters,” and “Tempo”)�, but there is no bo�ed space titled emotion or feeling. The “Tempo” section suggests intriguingly that the film is a symphonic music created by many different players through an orchestration of one conductor.

Despite ha�ing e�tensi�e preparation tools, according to the crew Sternberg ne�er hesitated to alter a large portion of the scenes during the production when necessary. The ending was completely altered as a result of the changes made on the set. ��e ending of the earlier �ersion of the screenplay begins with the returned sur�i�ors meeting with their families and saying good-bye to each other at the airport in To�yo. Just before lea�ing the airport, one of the sur�i�ors, Ta�ahashi, finds the mud of Anatahan on his new shoes and approaches one of the shoeshine women sitting on the floor at the airport. Ta�ahashi then follows his family and lea�es the airport, after all the other sur�i�ors ha�e departed. ��e script reads, “�T�he audience is�T�he audience isT�he audience is�he audience ishe audience is ta�en along a line of shoeshine women who loo� at TAKAHASHI. ��e last woman raises her head to loo� at TAKAHASHI. It is KEIK� – a changed KEIK� – a KEIK� punished by circumstance and ignorance – but ne�ertheless KEIK�.”31 In this �ersion, Kei�o is fi�ed at the site of the airport, which signifies that her place is outside of the Japanese society, as if she is being “punished.” In the final �ersion of the film released in 1953 in Japan, howe�er, “the punishment” of Kei�o remains only ambiguously as psychological torment in the climactic ending scene. After the se�en shots of the se�en smiling sur�i�ors arri�ing at the airport, Kei�o enters into the frame, beautifully dressed in �imono, accompanied with a �oiceo�er, “���e are home at���e are home at��e are home at�e are home ate are home at last – and if I �now anything at all about KEIK�, she too, must ha�e been here.” In the following shot, one of the dead men wal�s towards the screen with a hauntingly gra�e facial e�pression, intercut with the close up of the beautifully illuminated Kei�o’s contemplating face in the dar�. ��e similar��e similar intercuts are repeated four more times as if Kei�o recalls all the dead men one by one. During thisDuring this sequence, the �iewer hears the distant sound of merry ��inawan fol� songs that the men often sang on the island o�erlapping some arguing �oices. �hen the sound gradually disappears, a dramatic

17TRAnSnATIonALISM AnD FILM GEnRES In EAST ASIAn CInEMA

MIzunoscore composed by Ifu�ube A�ira enters. ��roughout the film up to this moment, all cinematic de�ices such as narration, acting, lighting, and camera place the audience in the position of a distant obser�er. Howe�er, this ending with Kei�o’s remembrance finally in�ites the audience to witness how Kei�o suffers from the traumatic memory of the war.

In sum, many e�tant testimonies and production materials suggest that Sternberg and his Japanese crew undertoo� �arious efforts to understand each other and ma�e the film that the director firmly en�isioned. ��e charts, drawings, and scripts that I ha�e introduced abo�e show how communication onshow how communication onhow communication on the set was hea�ily mediated by translated words and �isual cues. ��is collaboration reinforced Sternberg’s emphasis on bodies, mo�ements and interactions rather than on deliberate acting and psychological drama. ��ese constantly mediated processes and the emphasis on bodies and actions resulted in imprinting the apparent impenetrability or plasticity on the film te�t. In addition, Sternberg’s disembodied narration �� added in the post-production process with Japanese subtitles�� e�plains the action,e�ents,Japanese culture e�plains the action,e�ents,Japanese culturee�plains the action, e�ents, Japanese culture and rituals, and reinforces the distance between the spectator and characters. Sternberg added a descripti�e te�t to the film’s opening credit sequence,, “A Postscript to the Pacific Conflict,” but the layered and mediated cinematic commentary on the “Pacific conflict” bewildered the Japanese audience who saw it in the theaters from June to July in 1953.

Critical Reception

Before and during Sternberg’s stay in Japan, there was massi�e co�erage of the real Anatahan incident.massi�e co�erage of the real Anatahan incident.co�erage of the real Anatahan incident.f the real Anatahan incident. real Anatahan incident. �hen the media reported the return of the sur�i�ors and treated them as a group of unfortunate war heroes, the public seemed to be sympathetic to the story. Towards the end of 1951 the media, howe�er,he media, howe�er,media, howe�er, began reporting the highly dramati�ed tales about the mysterious deaths of fi�e men and their lo�emysterious deaths of fi�e men and their lo�edeaths of fi�e men and their lo�es of fi�e men and their lo�e of fi�e men and their lo�e affair with Higa Ka�u�o.32 Daiwa e�ecuti�es were aware of such unfa�orable public reactions towards the Anatahan incident, which led them to question why Sternberg chose the particular story to be made into a film. �pon his arri�al in August 1952, Sternberg told the journalists that he was not interested in the real Anatahan incident. He proudly announced that his �ersion of the Anatahan story is somewhat independent from the real incident and promised that the film would meet the e�pectations of the Japanese audience whom he had lo�ed since his first �isit to Japan in 1936.

The producers seemingly welcomed the inter�iews with Sternberg by respected critics, renowned scholars and filmma�ers, since it could be a good opportunity to disseminate the counter-argument raised by the yellow journalism. In con�ersation with a group of scholars and journalists, one commentator mentioned that the film abouted that the film about that the film about Anatahan might in�o�e “unpleasant feeling”ight in�o�e “unpleasant feeling” in�o�e “unpleasant feeling”

Assistant prod�cer Sh� Taguchi translates Sternberg’s

direction to Japanese actors on set.

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SAGA oF AnATAHAn AnD JApAnabout the war among the Japanese. Sternberg replied that he belie�ed that “Japanese peopled that he belie�ed that “Japanese people that he belie�ed that “Japanese peopled that “Japanese people that “Japanese people are �ery strong people” who could admit and o�ercome mista�es in the present or the past.33 In response to the question about why the Anatahan incident attracted him so much, Sternberg replied:d:

��e reason why I decided to ma�e a film adaptation of the Anatahan incident was not because the incident is pertinent to Japanese nor because it happened to non-American people. How do human beings beha�e in the most unfortunate situation? ��is point is what I am most interested in. It doesn’t matter what �ind of racial bac�ground these people ha�e. ��is great story is almost as great as Robinson Crusoe Story. … I am a humanist, and I lo�e Japan. I will ne�er ma�e a film to displease the Japanese people.34

��us, Sternberg as�ed the Japanese to understanded the Japanese to understand the Japanese to understand that his film of the Anatahan incident was going towas going to going to be inherently about the Japanese, but more about the uni�ersal allegory of isolated human beings. At the same time, he encouraged the Japanese audiencesd the Japanese audiences the Japanese audiences to be strong, objecti�e and rational to e�amine the human beha�iors and e�perience during wartime.

In response, Na�ano Yoshio, a scholar at the �ni�ersity of To�yo, rejected Sternberg’s call toed Sternberg’s call to Sternberg’s call to rational or objecti�e thin�ing and instead e�o�edd uncontrollably traumatic physiological response to any mnemonic traces that would e�o�e the unwantedwould e�o�e the unwantede�o�e the unwanted memory of the past. ��e mnemonic traces in this conte�t are both the film and any stories about the Anatahan incident, which might bring bac� themight bring bac� thebring bac� the wartime memory from which many of the Japanese were still �i�idly suffering. According to Na�ano,still �i�idly suffering. According to Na�ano,ing. According to Na�ano,. According to Na�ano, the major difference between the Robinson Crusoe story and that of the people on the Anatahan island is that the latter left Japan by force of the Imperial regime and ended up e�periencing the war and the isolation on the island, while the former lea�es his own country �oluntarily to see� a great ad�enture. Na�ano elaborated on this point by highlightingd on this point by highlighting on this point by highlightingon this point by highlightingthis point by highlighting Japan’s nationally specific memory of the war::

To be honest, I ha�e sympathy towards those people �who e�perienced the war on the front� who can’t afford for loo�ing

at the parable from an objecti�e and rational �iewpoint. Perhaps, I cannot e�en completely penetrate how much they are suffering from the burden that war imposed on their psychology, because I �new that I was ne�er going to be conscripted. It might be difficult to as� foreigners who had ne�er e�perienced a totalitarian regime li�e the Japanese did, to understand such pain.35

Admitting that Sternberg’s comments had ad a a logic in terms of encouraging the Japanese to mo�e forward, Na�ano supported Sternberg to ma�e the film but as�ed not to forget about the fact that there were still many traumati�ed people who emotionally reacted to the war.

Meanwhile, what accelerated public disgust toward the incident was Higa’s ubiquitous public appearance. Higa was settling in her hometown in ��inawa under the �S �ccupation, but frequently tra�eled to the mainland to appear in maga�ine to the mainland to appear in maga�ineto the mainland to appear in maga�ineto appear in maga�ine in maga�ine inter�iews and entertainment shows, dri�en by a strong urge to defend herself from false accusations made by the media. She toured the country with a theater troupe and acted in a stage play called The Queen Bee of Anatahan. She also reenacted her own life in Anatahan in an independently-produced low-budget documentary-drama film entitledmentary-drama film entitled-drama film entitled entitled This is the Truth of Anatahan! thatwas released inApril 1953,twohat was released inApril 1953,twowas released in April 1953, two months before the release of Sternberg’ss before the release of Sternberg’s before the release of Sternberg’s Anatahan.36 ��e public, intellectuals in particular, maintained indifference or critical �iews towards her. As a result, by the time Anatahan played in theaters, the publicplayed in theaters, the publicin theaters, the publictheaters, the public, the public was tired of hearing about the Anatahan incident no matter how much they claimed their authenticity.ed their authenticity. their authenticity.

The Saga of Anatahan was distributed by Towawas distributed by Towa and premiered in June 1953 in two first-run-theaters in Kyoto and in To�yo. ��e official e�hibition began on June 28 at ��eatre Gin�a, To�yo. ��e film then��e film then then tra�eled to other major cities and then to smaller cities in Japan. Kawa�ita’s Towa, which distributed the film in the domestic and international mar�et, ad�ertised the film in Japan through major and local newspapers by posting many ads shortly before the release in June. ��e film, howe�er, failed to attract the audiences in Japan; as Sternberg noted,it was a unanimous critical; as Sternberg noted,it was a unanimous critical as Sternberg noted, it was a unanimous critical failure. The critical opinions towards the film andThe critical opinions towards the film andhe critical opinions towards the film ands towards the film and towards the film and Sternberg were often redirected towards the Japanese producers. In a roundtable discussion published in

1�TRAnSnATIonALISM AnD FILM GEnRES In EAST ASIAn CInEMA

MIzunoKinema Junpo,37 the journalists lambasted the film by se�erely critiquing Sternberg’s direction,his e�oticSternberg’s direction, his e�otic �iew, the cast’s amateurish acting, and his idea of ma�ing a film out of the story in the first place. ��ey critici�ed Kawa�ita and �sawa for granting Sternberg complete control o�er an e�pensi�e film production that only objectified the Japanese on screen.

Some Japanese intellectuals continued to rail against the real incident and Higa Ka�u�o. Curiously, some Japanese critics disgusted about the incident e�pressed their �iews as representati�e of national opinion. Kitagawa Fuyuhi�o, a famous critic and no�elist, critici�ed Sternberg’s sympathy towards Kei�o and the men on the island in the film. He pointed out the sympathy elicited for the sur�i�ors in the final scene of their return to Japan, which I elaborated in the pre�ious section.38 Kitagawa questioned: “�hat does the scene tell us about Sternberg’s idea about Japan?” and continued: “Is he critici�ing cynically that those men who did such ridiculous things are being welcomed as heroes in Japan? �r is he seriously celebrating the good luc� of these men in the scene as a mere fact of being faithful to the reality?” In Kitagawa’s �iew, the returning men deser�e punishment for their actions so that the scene must depict their grief and regret in order to ma�e a moral statement critici�ing their “ridiculous beha�iors on the island.” Kitagawa also detested the final sequence of Kei�o’s recollection, since “it is unnecessary to depict that woman so normal.” He insisted that “Sternberg should not depict Japan if he really wants to show his affection for this country.” ��us, while insisting in his essay on how much the Japanese public as a whole detested the incident as a national shame, Kitagawa spo�e as a national representati�e and suggested that Sternberg did not understand Japanese postwar sentiments.

��e film’s theater pamphlet carried a message by Sternberg to the Japanese audience. ��e comment emphasi�ed that Sternberg wanted to transform the real Anatahan story into an abstract tale about human isolation that would be identifiable to any �iewer in the world.39 He also noted that he wished the film to solicit deeper understanding of the beauty of Japanese culture from the world audience. Sternberg left Japan soon after the release of the film. Many journalists critici�ed the film, and some e�en ridiculed it and Stenberg’s direction. Sternberg’s sincere desire to fill in the gap of cultural �nowledge between Japan and

other countries – as amply demonstrated in both countries – as amply demonstrated in both his �oiceo�er narration and his writings �� stri�ingly resembles the language and the idea e�pressed in the autobiographical memoir of Kawa�ita.

Although the media often discussed the film as a Japan-America co-production (gassaku)�, Kawa�ita in fact circulated the film not through a distributiona distributiondistribution route of Japanese films. Instead he distributedInstead he distributed Anatahan as a “foreign film made in Japan,” throughas a “foreign film made in Japan,” througha “foreign film made in Japan,” through“foreign film made in Japan,” throughin Japan,” through”through throughthrough Shochi�u’s theater chain speciali�ing in foreign films.40 Howe�er, Kawa�ita brought the film to the Venice Film Festi�al in August 1953 as an in�itation piece from Japan; in this conte�t, he presented Anatahan as a “Japanese film” to the European mar�et. ��e film’s nationality was con�eniently altered and made fle�ible in order to be seen and promoted in the global film mar�et. Media co�erage of Media co�erage ofMedia co�erage of Anatahan was, howe�er, in the shadow of detailed reports about Mi�oguchi Kenji’s Ugetsu at the Venice Filmat the Venice Filmthe Venice Film Festi�al of 1953. Ugetsu recei�ed a standing o�ation and won the Sil�er Lion of the year.41 ��e media reported Kawa�ita accompanying and introducing Mi�oguchi to the audiences in Venice as a member of the Daiei studio’s representati�e groups that promoted Ugetsu. Ironically, after the year-long e�pensi�e production in Japan, it was not Anatahan but Ugetsu that allowed Kawa�ita to accomplishallowed Kawa�ita to accomplish Kawa�ita to accomplish his tas� of bringing Japanese film to Europe.

Although Anatahan was preconcei�ed by Kawa�ita and Sternberg to be a film that disseminatedthat disseminated disseminatedd an “accurate image” of Japan, ultimately they could“accurate image” of Japan, ultimately they could, ultimately they couldultimately they could not find common ground as to what an “accurate as to what an “accurateas to what an “accurate image” meant. ��e rapid transformations occurring in political and social climates, as well as in the Japanese film industry, were affecting audience e�pectations in both Japan and the rest of the world. For the purpose of targeting different audiences in different countries, Anatahan went through two separate reedits since the initial release, as I ha�e mentioned earlier. Kawa�ita tra�eled to Europe with the print of Anatahan in the summer of 1953. �n his return, ta�ing the ad�ice of some European buyers, he replaced Sternberg’s narration with a Japanese boy’s aw�wardly spo�en English �oice before distributing it in Great Britain.42 Sternberg’s commentary, which reflects his wish to introduce the beauty of Japanese tradition to the world, was considered an unnecessary mediation by a �estern �oice. Kawa�ita’s substitute narration reflects the mar�et-oriented need for Japanese

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SAGA oF AnATAHAn AnD JApAn

film to be more “authentically” Japanese �� and not to be mediated by an American director’s �oice.

Kawa�ita’s substitution of Sternberg’s narration reflected the o�erall Japanese reception of the film. ��e Japanese public refused to ta�e seriously or ignored the comple� te�t of Anatahan and, either e�plicitly or implicitly, they regarded it as a mere reflection of e�oticism, colonial desire, and unnecessary paternal sympathy of an American filmma�er. For some, Sternberg’s �oiceo�er createdo�er created created an objecti�e and rational stance �is-à-�is the screen, while for others it was the decisi�e de�ice that �eptit was the decisi�e de�ice that �ept was the decisi�e de�ice that �ept Japanese audiences away. Many critics put the filmMany critics put the filmany critics put the film aside as “foreign” or remained indifferent as the filmed indifferent as the film indifferent as the film disappeared from the media discourse. ��is negation and indifference, along with other nationalist claims, can be read as two interwea�ing sentiments towards America in Japan around 1952 and 1953. A new nationalism arose in Japan in its quest for the nation's political and economic autonomy in reaction to Japan's continued subjugation to America e�en after the end of the occupation. Japan simultaneously and ironically began rushing towards the economic growth and consumer culture that were often equated as Americani�ation. Many film critics offilm critics ofcritics of the time thus interpreted the e�planatory foreign �oices and the objectified images of their national

subjects in Anatahan as �iolent cinematic and cultural disconnect within the conte�t of ambi�alent national sentiments towards the pro�imity between Japan and America. Although Sternberg incessantly spo�e of his wish that the film was for Japan and the Japanese, the film was increasingly regarded and treated as a “foreign” film, literally and figurati�ely, in Japan, as if putting the film outside of the discourses of collecti�e memory and/or national history./or national history.or national history.

Concl�sion

Tracing the history of Anatahan from the prewar years through the year of its release in the wa�e ofthrough the year of its release in the wa�e of the year of its release in the wa�e of the �S �ccupation in Japan illuminates how the specific political and cultural circumstances helped to produce multiple meanings of the film. In other words, e�amining this history shows how different people projected their interests in creating the film as well as how they interpreted the film from different different �iewpoints. E�amining the laborious efforts made by Sternberg and his Japanese production team helps us to understand the hea�ily mediated and collaborati�e nature of this little-�nown international co-production, which resulted in adding comple� layers to the film te�t. ��e Japanese reception of the film reflects a collecti�e wish to forget the defeated,

Sternberg greets on the page of a theatre pamphlet (Matz�zaka Cinema news 98 (Tokyo, c.a.1953)).

21TRAnSnATIonALISM AnD FILM GEnRES In EAST ASIAn CInEMA

MIzuno

Sachiko Mizuno is a PhD candidate in the Department of Film, TV, and Digital Media at �ni�ersity of California, Los Angeles. Her special interests are East Asian cinemas, e�perimental and documentary films, urban modernity and cinema, and method of film historiography. She is currently wor�ing on a PhD dissertation about gender and modernity in To�yo film culture during the 1920s and 1930s.

Acknowledgements: I am indebted to Dong Hoon Kim, Rowena S. Aquino and Janet Bergstrom for their comments at �arious stages in de�eloping this essay and to Meri �on Sternberg and Tana�a Fumihito for granting me the pri�ilege of using their �aluable collections.

REFEREnCESBooks and ArticlesBas�ett, Michael., Michael. The Attractive Empire: Transnational Film Culture in Imperial Japan. Honolulu: �ni�ersity of Hawaii Press,Honolulu: �ni�ersity of Hawaii Press, 2008..

and de�ote time to de�elop the rising nationalistic sentiment in the post-occupation era. �n the one hand, this unwilling recollection of wartime memory was e�pressed in some critics' reference to theto the the collecti�e rejection of the Sternberg’s inter�ention for the sa�e of forgetting. �n the other hand, the film was dismissed as a �isuali�ation of tri�ial anda �isuali�ation of tri�ial and�isuali�ation of tri�ial and personal memory, only pertinent to a small number of Japanese who underwent similar e�periences.underwent similar e�periences.

In reinforcing my point of the collaborati�e authorship of Anatahan, I would li�e to introduce the fragmented but intriguing record of Sternberg’s letter addressed to cinematographer ��a�a�i Ko�o. addressed to cinematographer ��a�a�i Ko�o.addressed to cinematographer ��a�a�i Ko�o. Sternberg’s letter politely as�s ��a�a�i to film some footage for his 1958 reediting of the film, which remar�ably shows the “tyrannical” director paying great respect to his important collaborator. Sternberg also detailed his instructions referring to the art of the 18th century Japanese ukiyo�e�ee masters in thein the the letter.43 He directed ��a�a�i to re-photograph a-photograph aphotograph a series of e�treme long shots of a na�ed woman ona na�ed woman onna�ed woman onan onn on the beach “in the fashion of �Su�u�i� Harunobu,”in the fashion of �Su�u�i� Harunobu,”�Su�u�i� Harunobu,” whose woodbloc� printings called shunga were famous for sensual postures of male kabuki actors and their lustrous se�ual relationship with their young male ser�ants. He also instructed ��a�a�i to ��a�a�i to to ma�e the ocean wa�es in empty scenery shots to be li�e the highly styli�ed big wa�es with white edges and splashes created by wind, seen in Katsushi�a Ho�usai’s The Great Wave off Kanagawaff Kanagawaf Kanagawa. Following Sternberg’s instructions,��a�a�i filmed from behind’s instructions,��a�a�i filmed from behinds instructions,��a�a�i filmed from behind,��a�a�i filmed from behind ��a�a�i filmed from behind��a�a�i filmed from behind a nude woman running towards the ocean, using an

actress whose body profile resembled that of Negishi A�emi, in a long static frame. Sternberg replaced some e�isting shots with the new footage in 1958.

�hat came after this 1958 reedited film was Sternberg’s endorsement of the 1958 �ersion as the authentic and original film, and his painsta�ing effort to redistribute the film in the �S.44 Sternberg’s final attempt of reediting and redistributing the filmthe film demonstrates his awareness of the changing tastes of �S audiences in the 1960s. ��e difficulty and failure of the process ha�e been painfully imprinted�e been painfully imprinted been painfully imprinted on the surface of the film, particularly �isible on the inconsistency of lighting and grainy te�ture between the old and the new footage, with multiple titles such as The Devil’s Pitchfork (1954)�, Anatahan (1954)�, and The Saga of Anatahan that was used for both the 1953 Japanese �ersion and his 1958 “original” �ersion.

In his 1965 autobiography, Sternberg ended his reflection on Anatahan with a long quotation from Philippe Demonsablon’s article published in Cahiers du cinema, which was his fa�orite re�iew written on the film. Demonsablon recogni�ed thatthat Sternberg’s narration comments on actions, not emotions, pointing out that the spectator’s pleasure lies in the �ery brea�, in the disconnect “between the detached �oice and the desire of the characters on screen.”45 E�cept for a few, many Japanese critics and general audiences did not see the subtle effect of the audio-�isual e�pression, being too caught up in the dar� abyss between national history and memory, between the national and the foreign, and in the hasty rush towards 1950s project of economic miracle.

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SAGA oF AnATAHAn AnD JApAnFilm Technology Company, Inc. “Restoring Josef �on Sternberg’s The Saga of Anatahan,,” Nitrate Won't Wait: A History of Film Preservation in the United States. Ed. Anthony Slide. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland �� Co, 1975-1976/1992: 184-192.Anthony Slide. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland �� Co, 1975-1976/1992: 184-192. Slide. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland �� Co, 1975-1976/1992: 184-192.. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland �� Co, 1975-1976/1992: 184-192. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland �� Co, 1975-1976/1992: 184-192.Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland �� Co, 1975-1976/1992: 184-192.: 184-192.184-192.Kawa�ita, Kashi�o., Kashi�o. Kashi�o. Kawakita Kashiko: Eiga hitosuji ni �Kawakita Kashiko: A Straight Road to

Film�. To�yo: Nihon Tosho Center, 1973/1997.. To�yo: Nihon Tosho Center, 1973/1997.To�yo: Nihon Tosho Center, 1973/1997. 1973/1997.1973/1997.Kawa�ita, Nagamasa. “�atashi no rire�isho: Kawa�ita Nagamasa” �My Resume, Kawa�ta, Nagamasa. “�atashi no rire�isho: Kawa�ita Nagamasa” �My Resume, Kawa�ta Nagamasa. “�atashi no rire�isho: Kawa�ita Nagamasa” �My Resume, Kawa�taNagamasa. “�atashi no rire�isho: Kawa�ita Nagamasa” �My Resume, Kawa�ta

Nagamasa�, Nihon Keizai Shinbun. To�yo: Nihon Kei�ai Shinbunsha (April 3 – May 2, 1980)�.)�..Kitagawa, Fuyuhi�o. “. “ “Anatahan,,” Bungei Shunjyu 10.9 (September 1953)�: 88-90..9 (September 1953)�: 88-90.9 (September 1953)�: 88-90. (September 1953)�: 88-90.September 1953)�: 88-90.)�: 88-90.88-90..Iijima Tadashi. “Gai�o�u eiga hihyo: Anatahan �Foreign film Re�iew: The Saga of Anatahan�”

Kinema Junpo Junpounpo no.68 ( July 15, 1953)�: 99-100. ( July 15, 1953)�: 99-100.July 15, 1953)�: 99-100.)�: 99-100. 99-100.��a�a�i, Ko�o and Ishiwatari Hiroshi. and Ishiwatari Hiroshi.and Ishiwatari Hiroshi.. Himawari to kyamera: satsuei kantoku Okazaki Kozo

ichidaiki �Sunflower and Camera: Director of Cinematography Okazaki Kozo�. To�yo: San’ichi Shobo, 1999.. To�yo: San’ichi Shobo, 1999.To�yo: San’ichi Shobo, 1999..Na�ano, Yoshio. “Sternberg tono hitoto�i” �A Moment with Sternberg�. All Yomimono (�ctober

1952)�:183-184.:183-184..NHK document showa shu�aihan, ed., ed. Documento Showa ��Showa ��howa �� �Document Showa - 4�. To�yo:. To�yo: To�yo:

Kado�awa shoten, 1986., 1986.1986..�gi, Masahiro. “Josef �on Sternberg �anto�u no Anatahan no setto o ta�unete” �Visiting the

Production Set of Josef �on Sternberg’s Anatahan�.. Kinema Junpo no. 57 (Feb 15,o. 57 (Feb 15,7 (Feb 15,Feb 15, 1953)�: 34-37.)�: 34-37. 34-37.

�llier, Claude. “�ne a�enture de la Lumière.”.”” Cahiers du cinema no. 168 ( July 1965)�: 28-37.no. 168 ( July 1965)�: 28-37.168 ( July 1965)�: 28-37. ( July 1965)�: 28-37.July 1965)�: 28-37.)�: 28-37. 28-37. Rosenbaum, Jonathan. “Aspects of Anatahan.” Placing Movies: The Practice of Film

Criticism. Ber�eley: �ni�ersity of California Press, 1995: 87-94., 1995: 87-94. 87-94. Shimi�u, Chiyota, “Venice eigasai ni shusse�i site” �Report on Venice Film Festi�al�., “Venice eigasai ni shusse�i site” �Report on Venice Film Festi�al�. “Venice eigasai ni shusse�i site” �Report on Venice Film Festi�al�.. Kinema

Junpounpo no.73 (Sept. 15, 1953)�: 28-31.no.73 (Sept. 15, 1953)�: 28-31..73 (Sept. 15, 1953)�: 28-31.73 (Sept. 15, 1953)�: 28-31. (Sept. 15, 1953)�: 28-31.Sept. 15, 1953)�: 28-31.t. 15, 1953)�: 28-31. 15, 1953)�: 28-31.: 28-31.28-31.Sternberg, Josef �on. Fun in the Chinese Factory.. New Yor�: ��e Macmillan Company, 1965., 1965.1965.._______. “. “Anatahan no yume” �Dream of Anatahan�. All Yomimono (�ctober 1952)�:�ctober 1952)�:)�:

180-183.�einberg, Herman. Josef von Sternberg. New Yor�: Arno Press, 1966/1978.New Yor�: Arno Press, 1966/1978., 1966/1978.1966/1978.

Unpublished SourcesAnatahan Script A �� Script B, Anatahan Storyboards (Meri �on Sternberg Pri�ate Collection)�. (Meri �on Sternberg Pri�ate Collection)�.Meri �on Sternberg Pri�ate Collection)�.)�.Anatahan Scrapboo�s (Kawa�ita Memorial Museum)�. (Kawa�ita Memorial Museum)�.Kawa�ita Memorial Museum)�.)�.A Translated Letter from Josef �on Sternberg to ��a�a�i Ko�o, A Recording of Inter�iew with

��a�a�i Ko�o (Tana�a Fumihito Pri�ate Collection)�. (Tana�a Fumihito Pri�ate Collection)�.Tana�a Fumihito Pri�ate Collection)�.)�.��eater Pamphlet; Josef �on Sternberg’s The Saga of Anatahan, Matzuzaka Cinema News no.98

(To�yo, c.a.1953; Author’s Pri�ate Collection)�, c.a.1953; Author’s Pri�ate Collection)� c.a.1953; Author’s Pri�ate Collection)�; Author’s Pri�ate Collection)�Author’s Pri�ate Collection)�)�Scrapboo�s, Herman �einberg Collection (New Yor� Public Library of Performing Arts)�. (New Yor� Public Library of Performing Arts)�.New Yor� Public Library of Performing Arts)�.)�.

End notes

1 Josef �on Sternberg, Fun in the Chinese Factory (New Yor�: ��e Macmillan Company, 1965)�, 283.New Yor�: ��e Macmillan Company, 1965)�, 283., 1965)�, 283.1965)�, 283.)�, 283. 283.2 ��e film had fa�orable re�iews in Paris, according to Sternberg’s autobiography listed abo�e. 3 Primary e�amples are Claude �llier, “�ne a�enture de la lumière,” Cahiers du cinema no. 168 ( July 1965)�, 28-37; Hermanno. 168 ( July 1965)�, 28-37; Herman168 ( July 1965)�, 28-37; Herman ( July 1965)�, 28-37; HermanJuly 1965)�, 28-37; Herman, 28-37; Herman 28-37; Herman �einberg, Josef von Sternberg (New Yor�: Arno Press, 1978, c1966)�;New Yor�: Arno Press, 1978, c1966)�;, 1978, c1966)�;1978, c1966)�;)�;; Jonathan Rosenbaum, “Aspects of “Aspects of“Aspects of Anatahan,,” Placing Movies: The Practice of Film Criticism (Ber�eley: �ni�ersity of California Press, 1995)�, 87-94; Rosenbaum, “Sternberg’s Sayonara Gesture,”Ber�eley: �ni�ersity of California Press, 1995)�, 87-94; Rosenbaum, “Sternberg’s Sayonara Gesture,”, 1995)�, 87-94; Rosenbaum, “Sternberg’s Sayonara Gesture,” 1995)�, 87-94; Rosenbaum, “Sternberg’s Sayonara Gesture,”)�, 87-94; Rosenbaum, “Sternberg’s Sayonara Gesture,” 87-94; Rosenbaum, “Sternberg’s Sayonara Gesture,”, “Sternberg’s Sayonara Gesture,” “Sternberg’s Sayonara Gesture,”,”” Film Comment XIV. 1 ( Jan-Feb 1978)�, 56-59., 56-59. 56-59. 4 Besides the personal collections ac�nowledged abo�e, I also conducted my research at the Kawa�ita Memorial Institute Library,also conducted my research at the Kawa�ita Memorial Institute Library,conducted my research at the Kawa�ita Memorial Institute Library,my research at the Kawa�ita Memorial Institute Library,research at the Kawa�ita Memorial Institute Library, the Kawa�ita Memorial Institute Library, Kawa�ita Memorial Institute Library, �aseda ��eater Museum, and National Film Center. ��e business documents such as correspondences and contracts regarding, and National Film Center. ��e business documents such as correspondences and contracts regarding and National Film Center. ��e business documents such as correspondences and contracts regardingegardinggarding Anatahan ha�e been stored at the Kawa�ita Memorial Library. ��ey are not yet open for research.�e been stored at the Kawa�ita Memorial Library. ��ey are not yet open for research. been stored at the Kawa�ita Memorial Library. ��ey are not yet open for research.. ��ey are not yet open for research. not yet open for research.open for research. for research.5 Kawa�ita Nagamasa, “�atashi no rire�isho: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �My Resume: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �,”, “�atashi no rire�isho: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �My Resume: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �,” “�atashi no rire�isho: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �My Resume: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �,”: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �My Resume: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �,” Kawa�ita Nagamasa �My Resume: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �,” �My Resume: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �,”�My Resume: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �,”: Kawa�ita Nagamasa �,” Kawa�ita Nagamasa �,” �,”�,”,”” Nihon Keizai ShinbunShinbunhinbun (April 3-May 2, 1980; no.6 April 8)�, 24. �n Kawa�ita and Towa, see also Kawa�ita Kashi�o,3-May 2, 1980; no.6 April 8)�, 24. �n Kawa�ita and Towa, see also Kawa�ita Kashi�o,, 1980; no.6 April 8)�, 24. �n Kawa�ita and Towa, see also Kawa�ita Kashi�o,; no.6 April 8)�, 24. �n Kawa�ita and Towa, see also Kawa�ita Kashi�o,)�, 24. �n Kawa�ita and Towa, see also Kawa�ita Kashi�o,, 24. �n Kawa�ita and Towa, see also Kawa�ita Kashi�o,. �n Kawa�ita and Towa, see also Kawa�ita Kashi�o,, Kawakita Kashiko: Eiga hitosuji ni �Kawakita Kashiko: One Straight Road to Film� (To�yo: Nihon Tosho Center. 1973/1997)�, 61-62; (To�yo: Nihon Tosho Center. 1973/1997)�, 61-62;To�yo: Nihon Tosho Center. 1973/1997)�, 61-62;)�, 61-62; 61-62; Towa Eiga no Ayumi �History of Towa Film, 1928-1955� (To�yo: Towa Eiga Kabushi�igaisha, 1955)�. (To�yo: Towa Eiga Kabushi�igaisha, 1955)�.To�yo: Towa Eiga Kabushi�igaisha, 1955)�., 1955)�.6 Kawa�ita Kashi�o,Kawa�ita Kashi�o, Kawakita Kashiko: Eiga hitosuji ni �Kawakita Kashiko: A Straight Road to Film� (To�yo: Nihon Tosho (To�yo: Nihon ToshoTo�yo: Nihon Tosho Center, 1973/1997)�, 61-62; 25-26., 1973/1997)�, 61-62; 25-26.1973/1997)�, 61-62; 25-26.)�, 61-62; 25-26.61-62; 25-26. 7 ��e film’s alternati�e English title A Daughter of the Samurai was the direct translation of the German title (1937, Japanese title:the direct translation of the German title (1937, Japanese title:direct translation of the German title (1937, Japanese title: Atarashiki Tsuchi / Die Tochter des Samurai)�..8 ��e writing team for Document Showaowawa inter�iewed Fanc�’s wife about how the offer to ma�e the film in Japan came about. According to this inter�iew and the boo�, Kawa�ita recei�ed the offer from his business friend in Germany after a go�ernment official contacted Fran� and as�ed if he wanted to ma�e a film in Japan.ial contacted Fran� and as�ed if he wanted to ma�e a film in Japan.al contacted Fran� and as�ed if he wanted to ma�e a film in Japan.ed to ma�e a film in Japan. to ma�e a film in Japan. Documento Showa ��owa ��wa ��, ed. NHK document Showa ed. NHK document Showaed. NHK document ShowaNHK document Showaowawa

23TRAnSnATIonALISM AnD FILM GEnRES In EAST ASIAn CInEMA

MIzunoshu�aihan (To�yo: Kado�awa shoten, 1986)�, 124-125. (To�yo: Kado�awa shoten, 1986)�, 124-125.To�yo: Kado�awa shoten, 1986)�, 124-125., 1986)�, 124-125.1986)�, 124-125.)�, 124-125.124-125..9 ��ere is no record that indicates that the Japanese go�ernment pro�ided the funding support for the production.indicates that the Japanese go�ernment pro�ided the funding support for the production.that the Japanese go�ernment pro�ided the funding support for the production. 10 Both Kawa�ita and �sawa were not officially credited as producers of the film. German director Arnold Fanc� had theBoth Kawa�ita and �sawa were not officially credited as producers of the film. German director Arnold Fanc� had theGerman director Arnold Fanc� had the director Arnold Fanc� had the credits of producer, co-director, and co-writer. 11 Another �ersion ofAnother �ersion of The New Earthhe New Earthe New Earthew Earthw Earth was made by Japanese filmma�er Itami Mansa�u. Itami was hired to co-direct the film with Fanc�, but he refused to wor� with Fanc� and remained silent about the reason why he detested the wor� (Some accountswith Fanc� and remained silent about the reason why he detested the wor� (Some accountsFanc� and remained silent about the reason why he detested the wor� (Some accountsremained silent about the reason why he detested the wor� (Some accountsed silent about the reason why he detested the wor� (Some accounts silent about the reason why he detested the wor� (Some accountswor� (Some accountsome accountsme accountsaccounts note that it was his anti-war stance that he maintained during the wartime)�. Itami did not e�en show up on the set for filming,maintained during the wartime)�. Itami did not e�en show up on the set for filming, during the wartime)�. Itami did not e�en show up on the set for filming,Itami did not e�en show up on the set for filming, and hishis The New Earth did not get enough critical and commercial attentions.did not get enough critical and commercial attentions.12 For more details of the production, see Michael Bas�ett,Michael Bas�ett,Bas�ett,, The Attractive Empire: Transnational Film Culture in Imperial Japan (Honolulu: �ni�ersity of Hawaii Press, 2008)�; Peter B High,Honolulu: �ni�ersity of Hawaii Press, 2008)�; Peter B High,)�; Peter B High,; Peter B High, The Imperial Screen: Japanese Film Culture in the Fifteen Years’ War, 1931�19��5 (Madison: �ni�ersity of �isconsin Press, 2003)�. ��e quote is on page 126 inMadison: �ni�ersity of �isconsin Press, 2003)�. ��e quote is on page 126 in, 2003)�. ��e quote is on page 126 in. ��e quote is on page 126 in The Attractive Empire. 13 Documento Showaowawa – 4, 137-138., 137-138.137-138.14 Ibid., 139.Ibid., 139.139.15 Sternberg pu��led the journalists at the press conference held in To�yo in August 1952 by telling them that he �new thejournalists at the press conference held in To�yo in August 1952 by telling them that he �new thein To�yo in August 1952 by telling them that he �new thethem that he �new thethat he �new the incident by reading only four lines of the description reported in The New York Times in 1951. 16 �sawa was promoted to the president of Toho in 1943. He resigned in March 1947, se�en months prior to the official, se�en months prior to the official se�en months prior to the official announcement of SCAP’s purge that enacted in �ctober, partly because he too� the blame for intensifying labor disputes that came to be �nown as the “Toho stri�es.” For �sawa’s presidency at Toho in relation to the Toho Stri�e from 1946 to 1948, see.” For �sawa’s presidency at Toho in relation to the Toho Stri�e from 1946 to 1948, see” For �sawa’s presidency at Toho in relation to the Toho Stri�e from 1946 to 1948, see For �sawa’s presidency at Toho in relation to the Toho Stri�e from 1946 to 1948, seeFor �sawa’s presidency at Toho in relation to the Toho Stri�e from 1946 to 1948, seeor �sawa’s presidency at Toho in relation to the Toho Stri�e from 1946 to 1948, see�sawa’s presidency at Toho in relation to the Toho Stri�e from 1946 to 1948, see, see see Inoue Masao,, Bunka to toso: Toho sogi 19��6�19��8 ��The Struggle for Culture: Toho Strike 19��6�19��8� (To�yo: Shin�y�sha, 2007)�, (To�yo: Shin�y�sha, 2007)�,To�yo: Shin�y�sha, 2007)�,, 2007)�,2007)�,)�, 218..17 Mori Iwao, a Toho e�ecuti�e who was also just released from the e�pulsion just li�e Kawa�ita and �sawa, tra�eled to Americaa Toho e�ecuti�e who was also just released from the e�pulsion just li�e Kawa�ita and �sawa, tra�eled to America who was also just released from the e�pulsion just li�e Kawa�ita and �sawa, tra�eled to Americajust li�e Kawa�ita and �sawa, tra�eled to America Kawa�ita and �sawa, tra�eled to America, tra�eled to America tra�eled to America and Europe from March to May in 1951. �pon �sawa’s request to represent him, Mori met Sternberg in New Yor�. Mori and. �pon �sawa’s request to represent him, Mori met Sternberg in New Yor�. Mori and�pon �sawa’s request to represent him, Mori met Sternberg in New Yor�. Mori andMori met Sternberg in New Yor�. Mori and met Sternberg in New Yor�. Mori and Sternberg discussed some details to proceed with theto proceed with the proceed with the with the the Anatahan project. Mori Iwao, Iwao,, Watashi no geikai henreki �My Itinerancy of the Show Business� (To�yo: Seiado �idan, 1975)�.(To�yo: Seiado �idan, 1975)�.To�yo: Seiado �idan, 1975)�., 1975)�.1975)�.)�.. 18 Kawa�ita Kashi�o, the wife of Nagamasa, wrote in her memoir that Toho suddenly refused to lend the studio space a fewthe wife of Nagamasa, wrote in her memoir that Toho suddenly refused to lend the studio space a fewwife of Nagamasa, wrote in her memoir that Toho suddenly refused to lend the studio space a few months before the production began. Kawa�ita Kashi�o, Kawa�ita Kashi�o, Kawakita Kashiko: Eiga hitosuji ni �Kawakita Kashiko: A Straight Road to Film� (To�yo: Nihon Tosho Center, 1973/1997)�, 61-62. (To�yo: Nihon Tosho Center, 1973/1997)�, 61-62.To�yo: Nihon Tosho Center, 1973/1997)�, 61-62., 1973/1997)�, 61-62.1973/1997)�, 61-62.)�, 61-62.61-62.19 ��e two memoirs by Maruyama Michiro became the base of the fictional film; Maruyama Michiro,two memoirs by Maruyama Michiro became the base of the fictional film; Maruyama Michiro,memoirs by Maruyama Michiro became the base of the fictional film; Maruyama Michiro,; Maruyama Michiro, Maruyama Michiro, Michiro, Anatahan �Anatahan� (To�yo: Towa-sha, 1951)�. ��e boo� was later republished in September 1952, which was co-authored with another sur�i�or,To�yo: Towa-sha, 1951)�. ��e boo� was later republished in September 1952, which was co-authored with another sur�i�or,, 1951)�. ��e boo� was later republished in September 1952, which was co-authored with another sur�i�or,��e boo� was later republished in September 1952, which was co-authored with another sur�i�or, Tana�a Shu�ichi (Maruyama Michiro and Tana�a Shu�ichi, (Maruyama Michiro and Tana�a Shu�ichi,Maruyama Michiro and Tana�a Shu�ichi,a Michiro and Tana�a Shu�ichi, Michiro and Tana�a Shu�ichi,, Anatahan no Kokuhaku ��The Confession of Anatahan� (To�yo: Towa- (To�yo: Towa-To�yo: Towa-sha, 1952)�)�., 1952)�)�.20 ��a�a�i Ko�o and Ishiwatari Hiroshi, and Ishiwatari Hiroshi,and Ishiwatari Hiroshi,, Himawari to kyamera: satsuei kantoku Okazaki Kozo ichidaiki �Sunflower and Camera: Director of Cinematography Okazaki Kozo� (To�yo: San’ichi Shobo, 1999)�, 61-90. (To�yo: San’ichi Shobo, 1999)�, 61-90.To�yo: San’ichi Shobo, 1999)�, 61-90.)�, 61-90. 61-90.21 The collecti�e process was recounted by the primary members of the production, and documented in Tana�a Junichiro, etThe collecti�e process was recounted by the primary members of the production, and documented in Tana�a Junichiro, ethe collecti�e process was recounted by the primary members of the production, and documented in Tana�a Junichiro, ete collecti�e process was recounted by the primary members of the production, and documented in Tana�a Junichiro, et al., “Taiyo ha hitotsushi�a nai: Sternberg �ara wareware ga nani o eta�e” ����e Sun is �ne and �nly’: �hat �e Learned from“Taiyo ha hitotsushi�a nai: Sternberg �ara wareware ga nani o eta�e” ����e Sun is �ne and �nly’: �hat �e Learned fromTaiyo ha hitotsushi�a nai: Sternberg �ara wareware ga nani o eta�e” ����e Sun is �ne and �nly’: �hat �e Learned from” ����e Sun is �ne and �nly’: �hat �e Learned from ����e Sun is �ne and �nly’: �hat �e Learned from���e Sun is �ne and �nly’: �hat �e Learned from��e Sun is �ne and �nly’: �hat �e Learned from’: �hat �e Learned from: �hat �e Learned from Sternberg�. Kinema Junpo no.65 (July 15, 1953)�, 83-89.22 ��e article on Anatahan in Cahiers du cinema no.168 ( July 1965, 34-35)� carries the chart.no.168 ( July 1965, 34-35)� carries the chart.July 1965, 34-35)� carries the chart., 34-35)� carries the chart.)� carries the chart.ies the chart. the chart. 23 From Meri �on Sternberg pri�ate collection. 24 ��e music director Ifu�ube A�ira was also a relati�ely un�nown composer at the time (Ifu�ube later became �nown for Toho’sat the time (Ifu�ube later became �nown for Toho’s(Ifu�ube later became �nown for Toho’s Godzilla in 1954 as Tsuburaya)�. Ifu�ube composed se�eral different music scores based on the requests for this film and finali�ed. Ifu�ube composed se�eral different music scores based on the requests for this film and finali�ed Ifu�ube composed se�eral different music scores based on the requests for this film and finali�edomposed se�eral different music scores based on the requests for this film and finali�edse�eral different music scores based on the requests for this film and finali�ed the hauntingly beautiful score in collaboration with Sternberg. See Togashi Yasushi, “1953 Yasushi, “1953Yasushi, “1953, “1953 “1953 Anatahan,,” Ifukube Akira no uchuAkira no uchukira no uchu. ���e Cosmic of Ifu�ube A�ira� (To�yo: �nga�unotomosha, 1992)�, 70-81. Also see Kobayashi Atsushi and Inoue Ma�oto (eds)�,(To�yo: �nga�unotomosha, 1992)�, 70-81. Also see Kobayashi Atsushi and Inoue Ma�oto (eds)�,To�yo: �nga�unotomosha, 1992)�, 70-81. Also see Kobayashi Atsushi and Inoue Ma�oto (eds)�,1992)�, 70-81. Also see Kobayashi Atsushi and Inoue Ma�oto (eds)�,70-81. Also see Kobayashi Atsushi and Inoue Ma�oto (eds)�,(eds)�,eds)�,)�, Ifukube Akira no Eigaongaku �Music for the Motion Pictures by Ifukube Akira� (To�yo: �ai�u shuppan, 1998)�.(To�yo: �ai�u shuppan, 1998)�.To�yo: �ai�u shuppan, 1998)�., 1998)�..25 ��ere are many interesting technical details from ��a�a�i’s li�ely memoir as a head camera operator under Sternberg’s direction of cinematography. 26 “Anatahan o eiga�a; hiroin ha Yamaguchi Yoshi�o �a Kogure Michiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill Be o eiga�a; hiroin ha Yamaguchi Yoshi�o �a Kogure Michiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill Beo eiga�a; hiroin ha Yamaguchi Yoshi�o �a Kogure Michiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill Beeiga�a; hiroin ha Yamaguchi Yoshi�o �a Kogure Michiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill Beiga�a; hiroin ha Yamaguchi Yoshi�o �a Kogure Michiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill BeYamaguchi Yoshi�o �a Kogure Michiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill Beamaguchi Yoshi�o �a Kogure Michiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill BeYoshi�o �a Kogure Michiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill Beoshi�o �a Kogure Michiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill BeKogure Michiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill Beogure Michiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill BeMichiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill Beichiyo” �Film Adaptation of Anatahan: ��e Heroin �ill Be Either Yamaguchi Yoshi�o or Kogure Michiyo�,, Hokkoku Shinbun II ( July 31, 1952)�. From Anatahan Scrapboo�s, Kawa�ita Memorial Library.27 “Anatahan Monogatari: Kyoto de seisa�u �aishi” �Anatahan Story: Production will start in Kyoto�,, Kinema Junpo no.50 (No� 1,no.50 (No� 1,.50 (No� 1,No� 1, 1952)�, 79., 79. 79.28 ��e film also has some scenery shots and archi�ed documentary footage showing Japanese families welcoming returning soldiers. A recorded inter�iew with ��a�a�i Ko�o, date un�nown. Courtesy of Tana�a Fumihito. 29 �gi Masahiro, a critic who �isited the studio, Cary Grant, and many others claimed that they had ne�er seen such elaborate claimed that they had ne�er seen such elaboratehad ne�er seen such elaborate sets and a large open studio. See �gi, “Josef �on Sternberg �anto�u noSee �gi, “Josef �on Sternberg �anto�u no“Josef �on Sternberg �anto�u noJosef �on Sternberg �anto�u no Anatahan no setto o ta�unete” �Visiting the Production” �Visiting the Production �Visiting the Production Set of Josef �on Sternberg’s’ss Anatahan�, Kinema Junpo no. 57 (Feb. 15, 1953)�, 34-37; see also ��a�a�i, Himawari to kyamera: satsuei kantoku Okazaki Kozo ichidaiki, 70.70.30 From Meri �on Sternberg’s pri�ate collection. 31 ��e quote is from the narration for the final scene, which is written in the Script A. Ibid..32 A few of the many e�amples are “’�atashi wa joobachi deha nai’ Anatahan Higa Ka�u�o no sugao” ��I am not a Queen Bee’: wa joobachi deha nai’ Anatahan Higa Ka�u�o no sugao” ��I am not a Queen Bee’:a joobachi deha nai’ Anatahan Higa Ka�u�o no sugao” ��I am not a Queen Bee’:Queen Bee’:ueen Bee’:Bee’:ee’:

24 FALL 2009

SAGA oF AnATAHAn AnD JApAnBare Face of Higa Ka�u�o of Anatahan�,, Asahi Weekly (December 7, 1951)�, 16; “Anatahan no shinso” �Truth about Anatahan�,, 16; “Anatahan no shinso” �Truth about Anatahan�, 16; “Anatahan no shinso” �Truth about Anatahan�,, Yomiuri Weekly (March 1, 1952)�, 16; “Su�uwareta Higa Ka�u�o: Anatahan an�o�u no tenshi” �A Dar� Angel of Anatahan:(March 1, 1952)�, 16; “Su�uwareta Higa Ka�u�o: Anatahan an�o�u no tenshi” �A Dar� Angel of Anatahan:, 16; “Su�uwareta Higa Ka�u�o: Anatahan an�o�u no tenshi” �A Dar� Angel of Anatahan:16; “Su�uwareta Higa Ka�u�o: Anatahan an�o�u no tenshi” �A Dar� Angel of Anatahan:Higa Ka�u�o: Anatahan an�o�u no tenshi” �A Dar� Angel of Anatahan:iga Ka�u�o: Anatahan an�o�u no tenshi” �A Dar� Angel of Anatahan:Ka�u�o: Anatahan an�o�u no tenshi” �A Dar� Angel of Anatahan:a�u�o: Anatahan an�o�u no tenshi” �A Dar� Angel of Anatahan: Rescued Higa Ka�u�o�,, Asahi Weekly (March 1, 1952)�, 8.(March 1, 1952)�, 8., 8. 8..33 Josef �on Sternberg, “, “ “Anatahan no yume.” �Dream of Anatahan�,, All Yomimono (�ctober 1952)�, 181.34 Ibid.Ibid.35 Na�ano, Yoshio, “Sternberg tono hitoto�i” �A Moment with Sternberg�,, “Sternberg tono hitoto�i” �A Moment with Sternberg�,“Sternberg tono hitoto�i” �A Moment with Sternberg�,, All Yomimono (�ctober 1952)�, 184.4.36 Anatahan no shinso ha koreda! ���is is the Truth about Anatahan��. Released in April, 1953. Truth about Anatahan��. Released in April, 1953.ruth about Anatahan��. Released in April, 1953.. Released in April, 1953. Released in April, 1953. Shin-daito eiga Production. 7 reels, B���. Dir: Morino Jiro. 37 Kishi Matsuo, et al. “Su�uiwo motometa Sternberg: Anatahan hihyo �adan�ai” �Sternberg hunted sal�ation: critical Matsuo, et al. “Su�uiwo motometa Sternberg: Anatahan hihyo �adan�ai” �Sternberg hunted sal�ation: criticalMatsuo, et al. “Su�uiwo motometa Sternberg: Anatahan hihyo �adan�ai” �Sternberg hunted sal�ation: critical roundtable discussion on Anatahan�,, Kinema Junpo no.68 ( July 15, 1953)�, 44-49.68 ( July 15, 1953)�, 44-49.( July 15, 1953)�, 44-49.July 15, 1953)�, 44-49.)�, 44-49. 44-49.38 Kitagawa Fuyuhi�o, “, “ “Anatahan,,” Bungei Shunjyu 10: 9 (September 1953)�, 88-90. (September 1953)�, 88-90.September 1953)�, 88-90.)�, 88-90.88-90.. 39 ��eater Pamphlet; Josef �on Sternberg’s The Saga of Anatahan, Matzuzaka Cinema News no.98 (To�yo, c.a.1953)�., c.a.1953)�. c.a.1953)�.)�.. 40 “Re�iew, Anatahan/The Saga of Anatahan.” Kinema JunpoJunpounpo no.67 ( July 1, 1953)�, 113.July 1, 1953)�, 113., 113. 113. 41 Anatahan was shown as a matinee on August 24 at the Venice. Ugetsu was at 8:00 p.m. on the same day, which was the prime p.m. on the same day, which was the primep.m. on the same day, which was the primewas the prime the prime time. ��e media reported on the Venice mainly discussed on the Venice mainly discuss on the Venice mainly discuss Ugetsu, and rarely comment on the selection and reception ofthe selection and reception ofselection and reception of Anatahan. See, for e�ample, Shimi�u Chiyota, “Venice eigasai ni shusse�i site” �Cinema Tra�elogue from Europe: Report on Venice Film, “Venice eigasai ni shusse�i site” �Cinema Tra�elogue from Europe: Report on Venice Film “Venice eigasai ni shusse�i site” �Cinema Tra�elogue from Europe: Report on Venice Film Festi�al�,, Kinema JunpoJunpounpo no.73 (Sept. 15, 1953)�, 28-31.no.73 (Sept. 15, 1953)�, 28-31..73 (Sept. 15, 1953)�, 28-31.73 (Sept. 15, 1953)�, 28-31. (Sept. 15, 1953)�, 28-31.Sept. 15, 1953)�, 28-31.t. 15, 1953)�, 28-31. 15, 1953)�, 28-31., 28-31.28-31.42 A short report on Kawa�ita’s comment on this regard was published inA short report on Kawa�ita’s comment on this regard was published inshort report on Kawa�ita’s comment on this regard was published in Kinema Junpo Junpounpo. He e�pected to release Anatahan through distributor London Films in England and to further release in Germany, Sweden, Norway, and South Africa. Heor London Films in England and to further release in Germany, Sweden, Norway, and South Africa. He London Films in England and to further release in Germany, Sweden, Norway, and South Africa. Hefurther release in Germany, Sweden, Norway, and South Africa. Hein Germany, Sweden, Norway, and South Africa. Heand South Africa. HeSouth Africa. He told the press “because there is a problem in Sternberg’s English narration, I decided to replace it with an English �oice with Japanese-accent.” ��is print, with a British authori�ation mar� in the beginning, is a�ailable for �iewing at the National Filmthe National FilmNational Film Center, Museum of Modern Art, To�yo. See “Anatahan oshu �o�ai �ettei; Kawa�ita Towa Eiga shacho �i�o�udan” �Anatahan’s European Distribution is Decided: President Kawa�ita of Towa Film Co. Returns and Tal�s�,is Decided: President Kawa�ita of Towa Film Co. Returns and Tal�s�,s Decided: President Kawa�ita of Towa Film Co. Returns and Tal�s�,, Kinema Junpo no.72 (September 1,72 (September 1, (September 1,September 1, 1953)�, 87.)�, 87.87.43 ��e letter that ��a�a�i possesses was translated into Japanese for him. I would li�e to than� Tana�a Fumihito, a filmma�ers was translated into Japanese for him. I would li�e to than� Tana�a Fumihito, a filmma�er was translated into Japanese for him. I would li�e to than� Tana�a Fumihito, a filmma�er and a close friend of the late ��a�a�i, who shared with me this precious letter.44 Sun Technology Company, Inc., “Restoring Josef �on Sternberg’sSun Technology Company, Inc., “Restoring Josef �on Sternberg’s“Restoring Josef �on Sternberg’s The Saga of Anatahan,,” Nitrate Won’t Wait: A History of Film Preservation in the United States,, ed. Anthony Slide ( Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland �� Co, 1975-1976/1992)�, 184-192.ed. Anthony Slide ( Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland �� Co, 1975-1976/1992)�, 184-192.Anthony Slide ( Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland �� Co, 1975-1976/1992)�, 184-192. Slide ( Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland �� Co, 1975-1976/1992)�, 184-192.Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland �� Co, 1975-1976/1992)�, 184-192.1975-1976/1992)�, 184-192.1992)�, 184-192.)�, 184-192.184-192. 45 Joseph �on Sternberg,Joseph �on Sternberg,n Sternberg,, Fun in a Chinese LaundryLaundryaundry (New Yor�: Macmillan, 1965)�, 291.New Yor�: Macmillan, 1965)�, 291., 1965)�, 291. 291.