rocky road crossing the river - china's stock market history and issues
TRANSCRIPT
Jonas Short: 4123861 T12214
Introduction to Chinese Financial Markets
The Rocky Road Crossing the River: The Chinese Stock Market and I ts Current Issues
Section I: Introduction
In the year 1990 there was no stock exchange in China. In a little more than 2 decades, 2,352
companies listed on the Shanghai Stock Exchange (SSE), and the Shenzhen Stock Exchange
(SZSE) with a combined market capitalisation of $3.3 trillion US dollars. This figure is larger
than the entire gross domestic product of both Canada and Australia put together. As of 2011
the total market capitalisation of listed companies equated to 46.3% of China’s GDP (World
Bank 2011). There are over 55 million individual stock holders (Bloomberg, 2012), a figure
that was at 134.9 million in 2008 (Luo and Yao, 2009), or roughly 10% of the population.
However, given its young age and breakneck growth (London’s stock exchange was founded
in 1801, China’s market cap is larger), many problems abound in China’s stock market
modernization. This essay will seek to identify these problems followed by recommendations
to the Chinese government, but only before the unique characteristics of the Chinese stock
markets are explained. This will be followed by concluding thoughts and recommendations to
tie in China’s problems with its prospects for the future.
Section II: China’s Stock Market Idiosyncrasies
China currently operates under a segmented market meaning that there are different types of
shares and ownership structure, each with their own rules and restrictions. The segmented
ownership structure refers to the different rights that an ownership of a share can offer. There
are three different types: legal person share, state owned share, and public share. The public
shares are freely tradable as are common in most stock markets in the developed nations.
Legal person shares refer to state approved institutions, usually firms under the control of the
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same local government (Su, 2003). The state owned shares are managed by the State Asset
Management Bureau (SAMB), the key difference is that SAMB pass on dividends to the
Ministry of Finance, meaning an institution or individual does not receive dividends unlike
legal person shares (ibid.). Xu Lilai (2011) claims that non-tradable shares (legal and state
owned shares) equate to more than two thirds of all listed shares in the SSE. Though this was
reformed by 2005 when the CRSC agreed to make all non-tradable shares available to the
public, ending decades of split-share ownership. However, the plan to do this in 2006 was
scrapped as an announcement lead shares tumbling, so the policy was never fully
implemented (De Bondt, Peltonen, and Santabarbara, 2011). However, the government did
allow firms to end split-share ownership under privately agreed terms with existing
shareholders, in some cases administering more shares to them as compensation (Yeh et. al,
2009). This is a fair compromise in my opinion, given the fact that existing tradable shares
would reduce in value if a glut of non-tradable shares suddenly became available. Indeed, all
new IPOs must make their shares tradable (Neftci, and Yuan Menager-Xu, 2007) the
difference is, some companies agreed to have shares tradable, but not in full circulation. The
segmented share classes relate to different types of shares, with different restrictions. The
share classes involve A, B, H, S, N, and L shares. A-shares are available to domestic Chinese
investors, and a small section of CRSC-approved foreign investors with a Qualified Foreign
Institutional Investor (QFII) licence. These shares are traded solely in RMB. B-shares can
only be purchased in foreign currency, so as expected, the market is a lot thinner than A-
shares; the total market capitalisation of B-shares is 0.47% of A-shares in the SSE and 2.39%
of A-shares in the SZSE (Wu, 2010). H-shares are mainland based companies, which are
listed in Hong Kong. This type of share follows the guidelines as any typical share would
when available on the Hong Kong stock exchange. The other share types also relate to
foreign listings, the L-shares and N-shares are share types which are listed on the London and
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New York stock exchanges respectively. In February of 2001, the government permitted
domestic investors to purchase B-shares providing it was made using foreign currency
deposits. While previously, there was quite a disparity in terms of B-shares being able to
command a discount, as discovered by the work of Ahlgren, Sjo, and Zhang (2009) the A-
share premium was caught up by the B-share after February 2001. Illustrating how the
relaxation of government restrictions decreases the disparity between different share types. In
November 2002 the Chinese government permitted the sale of A-shares to foreign investors.
However, they must be approved by the CSRC for admission onto the QFII program, and are
subject to many restrictions. They are capped with how much capital these institutional
investors can deploy, as well as displaying years of experience, and holding a certain number
of assets under management. The restrictions were eased last year however; capital quota was
extended to $80bn, which is eight times more than the quota in September 2006, which
according to Ting, Yen, and Chiu (2008) at the time accounted for 10% of the total amount of
investment in both stock exchanges. In addition, firms were required to have a minimum of
$5bn dollars under management, though this has been reduced to $500mln (Financial Times,
2012). In 2005 both the Company Law and the Securities law were amended (Luo, Morgan,
and Yao, 2010) to allow short selling, margin trading, and commercial banks to invest in the
equity market. The move towards margin lending and short selling was extended in 2012, to
allow all qualified fund managers the chance to engage in these services through the
establishment of the new Centralised Securities Lending Exchange, which facilitates
borrowing securities without the need of a brokerage firm as was previously the requirement
(Financial Times, 2012). The leadership of the CSRC under Guo Shuqing appeared to be
accelerating China’s reform process; however, on March 18th 2013 he was replaced by Bank
of China chairman Xiao Gang (Bloomberg, 2013).
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Section III: Lack of Financial Innovation
This issue encompasses three further distinctions that make the Chinese stock market unique
namely; psychology, hedging, and investment professionalism.
While psychology should be less of a determinant in pricing a stock than a firm’s
fundamentals; behavioural psychology in stock markets comes unto its own during manias.
These are extreme price-misalignments that can be attributed not to economic fundamentals,
but to a herd mentality. The consequences of the herd mentality can mean that stocks are
wildly overvalued during the boom phase, and undervalued during the bust phase. Luo and
Yao (2009) attribute three factors to investment psychology during the boom phase ‘greed’,
‘envy, and ‘speculation’, and during the bust phase ‘fear’, ‘lack of confidence’ and
‘disappointment’, Luo and Yao (2009) acknowledge that the shortcomings of behavioural
psychology are prevalent all over the world, they assert that these factors function uniquely in
China. Lim and Brooks (2009) believe that the investors in the Chinese stock market behave
like noise traders, who purely speculate, and treat the market like a casino. This issue of herd
mentality is exacerbated by restriction in financial innovation, and lack of investment
professionalism. Since the CSRC limits the use of hedging tools to offset risk, the
overvaluations in stock prices can be particularly stark. Another impact is that profits can
only be made in a bull market. Many investors are convinced that rises are the general trend
while falls are only temporary (Cheng, 2009). This tendency towards over optimism reached
a pinnacle when the average P/ E ratio of all the companies listed on the SSE was 73 in
November 2007, compared to less than 20 for the companies on the S&P 500. Considering
that in normal cases, maximum acceptable P/E ratio should not exceed the discount rate
acceptable to investors. For example, in 2000, taking the interest rate of five-year time
deposits (2.304% after deducting the interest rate tax) as the discount rate, then the maximum
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acceptable P/E ratio is 43.4. This represents a sizeable diversion from the mean (ibid.).
However, the good times did not last, and the bubble popped when ‘fear’, and ‘lack of
confidence’ soon led to abject ‘disappointment’ as by 4 November 2008, the SSE composite
index went down to 1,707. By this time, the average P/ E ratio of Chinese companies was less
than 20 (Luo and Yao, 2009). After a period of wild volatility, rational prices begin to surface
after a crisis when normality resumes. Shiller (1981) proposes a method of analysing how
volatile a stock market is by its fluctuation post an event. It is the famous testing method of
Variance Limit. It measures the proportion of the fluctuation of share prices (variance) to that
of the post-event rational stock prices (variance), which reflect whether it is fluctuating
excessively. In the view of Cheng (2009), it can, on the whole, represent the extent of
speculation in the market. According to Shiller’s calculation, the fluctuation of the S&P 500
Index from 1878 to 1978 is 5.6 times that of the post-event rational stock prices. Cheng
(2009) selected the data sample from the Shanghai Stock Exchange from January 1993 to
December 2000 to test the variance limit, and found that fluctuation of the Shanghai Stock
Exchange Composite Index was 69 times that of the post-event rational stock prices.
However, the author feels that this is a crude analysis given that each event is different, and
therefore the market will have behaved differently. The ‘event’ could be a mania, an
unexpected political development, or a medical catastrophe, and each event would evoke a
different market response of varying severity. In any case, what is clear is that an issue of
psychology proposed by Luo and Yao (2009) has been exacerbated by a lack of viable
alternatives for capital; this all points to China’s stock market not reflecting the macro
picture. Research published by Fidelity International (2011) found that every time a country
reaches an average personal income of $5,000 per capita, their stock market booms.
However, once China surpassed that mark the SSE dropped from 6000 to roughly 2200 as of
April 2013 as evidenced in figure 1.
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Fig 1: The 2006 boom and 2008 bust - to April 2013 (Yahoo Finance, 2013).
According to the Securities law, buying on the margin (borrowing money to buy stock) is
forbidden mainly for the sake of keeping away all possible risks and their proliferation.
However, Cheng (2009) believes that the introduction of the mechanism will assist in
guaranteeing the stable functioning of the spot market, where transactions are conducted
instantly. Liu and Shen (2000) conducted research analysing the risk of systematic failings in
the Chinese stock market as a result of a lack of alternative investment products, and found
that systematic risks account for a rather high proportion of overall risk. In the US, the UK
and France, the proportions of systematic risk to risks on the whole are 26.8%, 34.5% and
32.7%, respectively. However, in China, the proportion is high at 65.7%. Without a
mechanism allowing the necessary hedging tools to offset risks such as short selling,
developed debt markets, or a liberalized foreign exchange market, it will be very difficult to
avoid systematic risk. However, De Bondt, Peltonen and Santabarbara (2011) disagree with
the fact that a combination of Chinese herd mentality exacerbated by financial restriction
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have been responsible for the boom and bust culture. As stated in section II, De Bondt et al
use a statistical approach to determine long-term price misalignments, and judge them as
booms and busts. Through their analysis, they have come to the conclusion that liberalizing
equity market reforms and positive excess liquidity, as measured by M2 or loan growth
beyond nominal GDP, help in explaining a significant part of the identified positive
misalignments of stock prices from their long-run equilibrium value.
In addition, a developed market needs experienced players in order to navigate the rational
path for more inexperienced individuals and institutions. In many other industries, China has
welcomed joint ventures with foreign firms in order to gain the necessary expertise to move
to a more sophisticated and innovative development stage. However, the government has
been slower to welcome foreign involvement in the Chinese stock market. Luo, Morgan and
Yao (2010) go further to assert that because of the lack of professional investment
knowledge, the Chinese investors buy shares randomly regardless of the performance of the
company. As a result, not only the banking sector stocks but virtually all the share prices have
been highly manipulated by the market index. The next section will go into greater detail
regarding how China’s retail investors have been unfairly treated as participants in their own
stock exchanges.
Section IV: Corporate Governance
The importance of effective corporate governance is difficult to overstate. This section will
discuss the Chinese deficiencies in enforcing good practice. Three themes will be underlined
within this section, namely accountability, short-term investing, and market manipulation.
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Since the establishment of the stock market, the Chinese government has found it difficult to
relinquish majority control of State Owned Enterprises (SOEs). The stock market has mainly
been used as a tool to generate capital for expansion or –as is the case with some State
Owned Banks (Fraser and Howie 2011)- to clear-up a problematic balance sheet (Xu, 2011).
As previously mentioned in section II, the half-measure by the government of relinquishing
non-tradable shares has not fully sorted the issue of accountability in corporate governance,
the majority of shares are still not in full circulation. Indeed the fact that more than half of the
stocks are not floating has led to many consequences. It artificially magnifies the scale of
China’s stock market, greatly reduces its stability, and simplifies manipulation by the market
makers (Cheng, 2009). The market makers are defined as those that can quote both the buy
and sell prices of a stock, in other words, can dictate the movements of a company’s share
price (Radcliffe, 1997). Cheng (2009) identifies the market makers who manipulate the
Chinese stock market as often either institutional investors, fund companies, listed companies
and/or their dominant shareholders, other institutional investors and substantial capital
holders. The process of manipulation by the market makers includes five stages:
concentration of shares over time, lifting the share price, causing share price turbulence,
pushing up the share price to a high level, and then selling the shares. The key issue lies in its
unfairness, while market makers benefit, it is at the expense of the minority shareholders
(often individual investors), who are caught out by information asymmetry and are taken
along for the proverbial roller coaster ride, further driving up prices (Xu, 2011). There is
evidence that retail investors are tiring of this from reduced active brokerage accounts. Since
they make up 80% of daily turnover in the SSE and SZSE, they are a powerful force (CNBC,
2013).
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Section V: Recommendations and Conclusion
Since the start of reform period, Deng Xiaoping has exercised caution with a gradualist
approach; crossing the river by feeling for stones. This method should continue, but at a
quicker pace. In order to make the booms and busts less stark, this essay recommends
introducing more avenues of finance. This would make the stock market less volatile as other
avenues would be explored. For example, instead of merely selling out of the stock market,
investors could have a flight to safety in Chinese government bonds, as has been the case
with the US in the financial crisis of 2008, this would make it easier for the Chinese
government to borrow money (because more demand for government bonds reduces its
interest rate), so a stimulus similar to 2008 can be applied once again to help China out of
turmoil.
A longer term measure would involve making the Chinese currency fully convertible. Given
China’s reliance on the export industry this would have to be done gradually, but a fully
convertible Yuan will allow Chinese investors to hedge their risk allowing them to sell Yuan
to invest abroad. In addition, a fully convertible currency would mean that one company
would finally be valued homogeneously because purchasing A shares in RMB would be just
as easy as purchasing H shares in HKD.
In addition, allowing more players into the market is a huge step in both correcting corporate
governance, improving the professionalism of the market, and the operation of state owned
enterprises. Recommended action involves removing the threshold of the QFII completely,
allowing foreign participants in the market. Greater professionalism will introduce a
contrarian nature to the market, making downturns shorter and less painful. For example,
during a mass selloff market, experienced foreign professionals could buy shares in a bear
market, which could help to revive the stock market in times of trouble. Furthermore, Chiu,
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Ting, and Yen (2008) state that auditing practices would also be improved through adding
more foreign players. QFII licensees will demand that companies employ accounting
standards similar to the West. This will provide greater accountability resulting in fewer
fraudulent companies misleading domestic investors. However, Western regulators do not
necessarily guarantee against fraud, Enron was once the doyenne of the NYSE but it was
built on fraudulent accounting and lost investors billions of US dollars (PBS, 2001). This
brings me to my next point, liberalising the sell-short mechanism.
Selling short involves borrowing shares from a company and selling them immediately, with
a guarantee to buy them back at a later date hoping that the price will have dropped and
therefore pocketing the difference. The idea of making money when a stock falls in price is
often viewed with discomfort throughout the world. However, short sellers serve a vital role
in the operation of a stock market. Their incentive to find stocks which will fall in price has
meant that the short sellers often spot fraud before regulators. James Chanos was made a
well-known name around Wall Street after shorting Enron stock before the company was
revealed to be fraudulent (ibid.). In addition, short sellers serve to balance the market making
booms less pronounced and busts less painful. This is because while most market players will
drive up prices by buying with a herd like mentality, short sellers will help balance the
market by selling short the same stocks.
Allowing private shareholders to have a better say in how listed companies function will no
doubt improve performance as more accountability will usually lead to better practice, which
has been the case over the rest of the world (Tang and Wang, 2011). This will be done by
floating all shares rather than having some stock in non-full circulation. While it is clear that
the government do not want to ‘sell out’ to foreigners, a gradualist approach will suit all
parties. It will make clear that the path to further reform is consistent, sending positive signals
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to the stock market, as well as ensuring a smooth transition as companies will get
progressively used to having private investors telling them what to do. Greater accountability
will limit the ability market makers have to manipulate investors, since multiple shareholders
are harder to collude and thus will be less inclined to commit financial crimes.
It is remarkable that China’s stock market is so early in its narrative given how fast it has
developed. However, it is not an accurate reflection of China’s macro economy. In order for
China’s stock market to be an accurate reflection of the macro environment, China must
ensure greater accountability for listed companies. In order to stem the harmful effects of the
stock market, greater liberalisation on market tools, as well as more mature alternative
markets for individuals to invest in can ensure that the stock market does not become such a
boon for savers, and a danger for the wider economy. However, should the Chinese
government take on the essay’s recommendations, it would become a truly international stock
market. Given that the stock markets will accurately reflect China’s macro economy, the
secondary market could see a tremendous boom, much the same as China’s GDP has
dramatically increased. This boom would also be more balanced given that the sell-short
mechanism would be liberalised. Previously non-tradable shares would be made available to
the public allowing for a more predictable system governed by the soundness of companies
and the will of the domestic investors, not manipulators. In order for China to reach this level,
incoming Chairman Xiao Gang must cross the river a little faster.
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