resettlements and water bodies - report by force & giz

Project Report

Documentation of water bodies

and their linkages with

(planned) Resettlement Colonies

and informal settlements

Prepared for

Prepared by

FORCE

as a part of the GIZ funded project

“Sanitation Beyond Sewers”: Water bodies

and their linkages with the informal

settlements - Contract No. 83190839

Documentation of water bodies and their linkages with (planned) Resettlement Colonies and informal settlements

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Contents 1 Introduction to the study: ................................................................................... 7

1.1 “Sanitation Beyond Sewers”: Water Bodies and their linkages with

Informal Settlements.................................................................................................... 7

1.2 Background........................................................................................................ 7

1.3 Research Objectives ........................................................................................ 8

1.4 Scope of the study & Limitation .................................................................... 8

1.5 Methodology ...................................................................................................... 9

2 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................ 10

3 Context.................................................................................................................. 12

3.1 Urban Planning & Slum policies in Delhi ................................................... 12

3.1.1 Existing Legislation ................................................................................ 12

3.2 Resettlement colonies in Delhi .................................................................... 13

3.2.1 Institutional framework of Resettlement Colonies........................... 15

4 Project Learnings – Water Bodies................................................................... 17

4.1 Sourcing of Raw Data for Water Bodies .................................................... 17

4.2 Mapping of Water Bodies .............................................................................. 17

4.3 Key Findings .................................................................................................... 18

5 Project Learnings – Resettlement Colonies.................................................. 22

5.1 Sourcing Data and Mapping ......................................................................... 22

5.2 Key FIndings .................................................................................................... 23

6 Linkage of water bodies and Resettlement Colonies.................................. 25

6.1 Project Hypothesis and our finding ............................................................ 25

6.2 Impact of Resettlements on Water Bodies ................................................ 26

7 Summary of Findings of GIS Mapping ........................................................... 28

7.1 Summary of Findings..................................................................................... 28

7.2 Summary of Conclusions.............................................................................. 29

8 Case Studies........................................................................................................ 31

8.1 Case study assessment methodology ....................................................... 32

8.2 CASE STUDY 1 – SAVDA GHEVRA............................................................. 32

8.2.1 Introduction .............................................................................................. 32

8.2.2 History ....................................................................................................... 33

8.2.3 Resettlement Colony as per plan......................................................... 34


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8.2.4 Resettlement Colony Existing Situation assessment & linkage

with water bodies ................................................................................................... 34

8.2.5 Water Supply............................................................................................ 35

8.2.6 Sanitation .................................................................................................. 36

8.2.7 Water Body ............................................................................................... 38

8.3 Case Study II - Jahangirpuri Resettlement Colony .................................. 40

8.3.1 Introduction .............................................................................................. 40

8.3.2 History ....................................................................................................... 41

8.3.3 Resettlement colony as per plan ......................................................... 41

8.3.4 Resettlement colony existing situation .............................................. 42

8.3.5 Water Supply & Sanitation .................................................................... 43

8.3.6 Peripheral area existing situation assessment................................. 44

8.3.7 Water Body ............................................................................................... 45

8.3.8 CONCLUSIONS ........................................................................................ 46

8.4 Case Study III – Kalyanpuri Resettlement Colony ................................... 47

8.4.1 Introduction .............................................................................................. 47

8.4.2 History ....................................................................................................... 47

8.4.3 Resettlement Colony as per Plan......................................................... 47


8.4.5 Water & Sanitation .................................................................................. 49

8.4.6 Water Body ............................................................................................... 49

8.4.7 Conclusion ............................................................................................... 50

8.5 Case Study – IV Mangalapuri ....................................................................... 50

8.5.1 Introduction .............................................................................................. 50

8.5.2 History ....................................................................................................... 51



8.5.5 Water bodies ............................................................................................ 53

8.5.6 Conclusions ............................................................................................. 54

8.6 Case Study – V Madanpur Khadar .............................................................. 54

8.6.1 Introduction .............................................................................................. 54



8.6.4 Water Body ............................................................................................... 57


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8.6.5 Conclusion ............................................................................................... 58

8.7 Case study VI – Mangolpuri .......................................................................... 58

8.7.1 Introduction .............................................................................................. 58

8.7.2 History ....................................................................................................... 59



8.7.5 Water Bodies............................................................................................ 61

8.7.6 Conclusions ............................................................................................. 61

9 Overall Conclusions & Recommendations based on Case Studies ........ 62

9.1 Conclusions ..................................................................................................... 62

9.2 Recommendations.......................................................................................... 64

10 References ........................................................................................................... 64

11 Acknowledgments and Thank You…………………………………………….65


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List of Maps

Map 1 Resettlement Colonies in Delhi ......................................................................... 1

Map 2 Water bodies in Delhi ............................................. Error! Bookmark not defined.

Map 3 Water Bodies Status .......................................................................................... 19

Map 4 Resettlement Colonies & Water Bodies.............. Error! Bookmark not defined.

Map 5 Resettlement Colonies - Water Bodies Distance ......................................... 25

Map 6 Resettlement Colonies Case Studies............................................................. 31

Map 7 Savda Ghvera Location Map .............................................................................. 1

Map 8 Savda Ghevra Trajectory map ........................................................................... 1

Map 9 Water Body in Savda Gevrah ........................................................................... 39

Map 10 Location map of Jahangirpuri ......................................................................... 1

Map 11 Location map of Kalyanpuri........................................................................... 47

Map 12 Location map of Mangalapuri ........................................................................ 50

Map 13 Madanpur Khadar Location Map..................................................................... 1

Map 14 Mangolpuri Location Map................................................................................. 1


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List of Figures

Figure 1 Water bodies status ............................................ Error! Bookmark not defined.

Figure 2 Savda Ghevra Resettlement Colony Layout ............................................. 34

Figure 3 Water supplied by DJB Tankers in Savda Ghevra .................................. 35

Figure 4 Water ATM in Savda Ghevra ........................................................................ 36

Figure 5 Newly constructed CTC in Savda Ghevra ................................................... 1

Figure 6 Toilet connected to side drain in Savda Gevrah........................................ 1

Figure 7 Side Drians in Savda Gevrah ......................................................................... 1

Figure 8 Open plots filled with drain water ............................................................... 38

Figure 9 Imaginary Picture of Water Body before the establishment of

Resettlement Colony in Savda Gevrah ...................................................................... 39

Figure 10 Water Body Existing Situation in Savda Gevrah ................................... 40

Figure 11 Land use breakup of Jahangirpuri Resettlement Colony ...............Error!

Bookmark not defined.

Figure 12 Planned layout of Jahangirpuri Resettlement Colony ......................... 42

Figure 13 Satellite Image of Jahangirpuri Resettlement Colony With Water

Body .................................................................................................................................. 42

Figure 14 Houses in Jahangirpuri................................................................................. 1

Figure 15 K Block Slum near Bhalaswa water body in Jahangirpuri .................. 45

Figure 16 Side Drains in K Block Slum, Jahangirpuri .............................................. 1

Figure 17 Water Body Existing Situation in Jahangirpuri ..................................... 46

Figure 18 Kalyanpuri Resettlement Colony Layout ................................................ 48

Figure 19 Houses in Kalyanpuri .................................................................................... 1

Figure 20 Ongoing Metro Rail Construction in Kalyanpuri water body .............. 49

Figure 21 Mangalapuri Resettlement Colony Layout.............................................. 51

Figure 22 Houses in Mangalapuri Resettlement Colony ........................................ 52

Figure 23 Satellite Image of Madanpur Khadar with water bodies....................... 56

Figure 24 Madanpur Khadar Resettlement Colony ................................................. 56

Figure 25 People using handpumps in Madanpur Khadar .................................... 57

Figure 26 Mangolpuri Resettlement Colony Layout................................................ 59

Figure 27 Satellite Image of Mangolpuri with resettlement colonies .................... 1

Figure 28 Water body converted to park in Mangolpuri......................................... 61

List of Tables

Table 1 Chronology of the agencies responsible for Resettlement Colonies ... 16

Table 2 Resettlement Colonies Case Studies & Year of Establishment ............. 32

Table 3 Resettlement Colonies & water, sewerage situation ................................ 62


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1 Introduction to the study:

Since November 2014, the Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation (M/o HUPA)

and Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) are jointly implementing

the “Inclusive Cities Partnership Programme” (ICPP) in the framework of Indo-German

Technical Cooperation. With a duration of three years, the programme supports the agenda

of Government of India (GoI) in making affordable housing available to the urban poor, with

a focus on the improvement of housing and living conditions in slum settlement. The

program makes an effort in synergizing with other relevant urban development programs of

GoI so as to contribute in making Indian cities more inclusive.

1.1 “Sanitation Beyond Sewers”: Water Bodies and their linkages with

Informal Settlements

This study, was conducted by Forum for Organised Resource Conservation and

Enhancement (FORCE), funded by GIZ as a part of its ICPP program. The main purpose of

the study is to find out the relation between the water bodies in Delhi and their linkages

with the Planned Resettlement Colonies and Informal Settlements.

This report will first give a background about the water bodies and the resettlement

colonies in Delhi, followed by the objectives and the methodology followed to do the study.

It will then discuss in detail about the urban planning & slum policies, existing legislations

related to the resettlement colonies. Later it will give a detailed report of all the

resettlement colonies case studies followed by the conclusions and the recommendations.

1.2 Background

Resettlement Colonies

According the DUSIB Act, 2010 “jhuggi” means a structure whether temporary or pucca, of

whatever material made, with the following characteristics, namely:- (i) it is built for

residential purpose; (ii) its location is not in conformity with the land use of the Delhi Master


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Plan; (iii) it is not duly authorized by the local authority having jurisdiction; and (iv) it is

included in a jhuggi jhopri basti declared as such by the Board, by notification.

Resettlement colonies concept in Delhi was started in 1962 after the cabinet approval of the

Juggi Jhompri Resettlement Scheme (JJR). In this scheme, no slums were to be removed

without first enabling alternative housing for those being displaced. ‘Resettlement colonies’

were built to house residents evicted from Jhuggi Jhopri clusters (JJC). As a result of that

scheme (and its modifications) at present there are 86 resettlement colonies in Delhi.

Water Bodies

The Oxford dictionary defines Water bodies as a ‘Body of Water forming a physiographical

feature’. These may be natural or man-made. Delhi has 1012 such water bodies.

Unfortunately, most are in a severely dilapidated condition. In a judgement given by the

Delhi High Court on a PIL against the deteriorating condition of the water bodies in Delhi, it

is now mandatory for the government to maintain every Water body as a Water Body. As a

result of the judgement, the court has set up a Monitoring Committee to check the progress

in improvement of the water bodies since May, 2011.The reports of this committee form

one of the data sources of this study.

1.3 Research Objectives

The objectives of the research are:

1. To understand the linkages between planned habitations for the poor in Delhi with

the city’s surface water resources.

2. Try and understand how the planning of resettlement colonies can be strengthened

further with special reference to water bodies.

1.4 Scope of the study & Limitation

The study has two major components

1. Mapping of water bodies and resettlements in Delhi. Analysis of attributes and

geospatial observations to find status of each separately and their linkages.

2. Case study of 6 resettlement colonies to validate the findings from the GIS

analysis and to further explore the linkages between resettlement colonies and

water bodies.


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1.5 Methodology

The study has used both quantitative and qualitative methods to arrive at its conclusions are

recommendations. Data was collected both from secondary and primary sources. The

methodology followed was:

Clearly define study objectives and work plan (in consultation with GIZ)

Collate raw data about total resettlements and water bodies in Delhi (Secondary data collection from DDA and Delhi Government. Includes official list of water bodies & resettlements, layout

plans of all resettlements, Water Body attributes master data )

Refine and append to data from other secondary sources

GIS Mapping of Resettlements and Water Bodies on Delhi map

Analysis using the GIS maps for research questions of the study

Identification of 6 Resettlements for case studies (based on GIS analysis)

Primary Data Collection for Case Studies (field visits, informal interviews with residents)

Analysis, Documentation and Presentation


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2 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The study gave some interesting insights into the status of water bodies and the result of

the interaction between water bodies and resettlement colonies.

1) Out of a total of 906 water bodies that were mapped, 35 % were dry, 21 % were wet

and clean ,10 % are filled with sewerage and 34 % are built up or non traceable.

2) There are significant variances in the number and status of water bodies base on

their districts and owning agencies. The eastern side of the city (towards the west

bank of the River) has the maximum number of untraceable water bodies while the

western face of the city has the maximum dried water bodies. Central and New Delhi

districts have very few water bodies. Of the agencies, Delhi Government has the

largest number and DDA the highest percentage of defunct water bodies.

3) We believe a deeper analysis of these skews is needed. It will give valuable insights

into the growth patterns of urban areas and the resultant threats to their

environmental assets. It may help government evolve a graded environmental

protection policy that takes care of the unique challenges faced at each stage.

4) Of the 86 Resettlement areas in Delhi, 45 were made in the first phase ( JJR) and 41

in phase II ( SRS)

5) There is a trend of making resettlements towards the north and north west districts

of Delhi. The reasons for this seemingly anti-people choice of creating ghettos of

displaced persons, needs to be investigated more. Also its environmental

implications and those for the Smart City program need to be explored.

6) 100% resettlements are located within 2 km of a water body. Of these 80% are

located within 1 km. Further 25% of all water bodies are located within a 2 km radius

of resettlements even though resettlements occupy only 1.4% of Delhi’s area.

7) The above seems to indicate that resettlements are being made in areas that are

either reclaimed water bodies or in their immediate catchments.

8) Of the water bodies located within 2 km of resettlements, 48% are built up or

untraceable, 25% are dry and 10% sewage filled. When compared with the city

average, the percentage of encroached water bodies is significantly higher.

9) Case studies of 6 resettlements show that it takes minimum 10 years for a

resettlement to get sewer lines made.


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10) Atleast one or more water bodies near a resettlement act as a sink for its sewage

upto the time sewer lines connected to trunk lines are provided in the area.

11) Even after sewer lines are provided, in most cases, the water body continues to take

sewage from the slums that come up within and around the resettlement.

12) Where there is no need for a sewage sink, water bodies get filled up and sold. In

some cases, government agencies themselves encroach. This seems to indicate that

unless there is a visible utility, community does not allow water bodies to exist

13) The case studies show a worse picture of water bodies than the statistics from

government sources did. It may indicate the need for updation of the data.

14) At layout stage, DDA does not seem to take cognisance of water bodies even within

the planned resettlement area. This indicates their apathy towards water bodies.

15) In the interest of water body protection from filling up, further analysis needs to be

done on the trajectory taken by a water body as a resettlement starts to come up

near it. This can help policy makers decide on strategies for ensuring utility of water

body through the stages of evolution of the resettlement.


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3 Context

3.1 Urban Planning & Slum policies in Delhi

With India’s rapid urbanization, cities play a vital role in the economic development of the

country. As the largest commercial centre of the North, Delhi attracts an immense, constant

flow of migrants. In the four years after independence Delhi’s population grew from 0.7

million to 1.7 million. Today, population growth remains extremely high for several years

the average rate has been of 1000 persons per day (Saini, 2009).

This growth places a great deal of pressure on the city’s infrastructural development. As a

result much of this development is haphazard and unplanned, leading to serious

consequences on Delhi’s environmental conditions and the quality of life of its inhabitants,

particularly the poor. Currently only 25% of people live in planned settlements while the

rest live in substandard housing. 49% live in slums and unauthorised colonies (Times of

India, Oct 4 2012), whilst around 18% live in resettlement colonies.

In 1955, the Delhi Development Authority was formed in 1955 to deal with this rapid

urbanisation. Currently the governance structure regarding Delhi’s urbanisation is complex

it is monitored by national, state and local bodies, all of which have overlapping

responsibilities.

3.1.1 Existing Legislation

3.1.1.1 Slum Areas Improvement & Clearance Act, 1956

Section-3 of this act deals with the declaration of Slum Areas; Section-4, 5, 6, 7 & 8 explains

how a particular area can be improved; Section-9, 10 & 11 deals with the declaration of a

Slum Area as a clearance area and then how to pass slum clearance orders in order to get

the area cleared and redeveloped; Section- 12 to 18 deals with the acquisition of

land/property in Slum Areas on the basis of 5 years gross rent or 3 years net rent of the

property in question.

Under this Act, in the last 33 years, Slum Wing, DDA is able to clear and acquire only few

pockets, and for this, thousands of court cases are going on.


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3.1.1.2 The Delhi Development Act, 1957

With the help of Section-37 (power of authority of levy betterment charges), Section-38

(assessment of betterment charge by authority), Section-39 (Settlement of betterment

charge by arbitrators) and Section-40 (payment of betterment charges); betterment charges

from the sub-standard areas can be collected, but after completing the development.

Modifications should be with respect to levy of betterment charges simultaneously along

with the development and collection as arrears of land revenue.

3.1.1.3 The Delhi Municipal Corporation Act, 1957

3.1.1.4 Other Acts

i) Urban and (Ceiling & Regulation) Act, 1976;

ii) Transfer of Property Act, 1982;

iii) The Delhi Development Authority (Disposal of developed nazul land) Rule-1981;

iv) Land Acquisition Act, 1894;

v) The Registration Act, 1908;

vi) Building Bye-laws, 1983

vii) Delhi Urban Art Commission Act, 1973

viii) The Delhi Lands (restriction on transfer) Act, 1972

ix) The Delhi Fire Prevention & Fire Safety Act, 1986

x) Builders Obligation under Delhi Apartment Ownership Act, 1986, etc. also solve the

problems of sub-standard areas, but in an indirect way.

3.2 Resettlement colonies in Delhi

Implementation of shifting of JJR Scheme/development of resettlement colonies/jhuggi

clusters and their rehabilitation with different names is going on since more than 50 years.

Initially, the scheme by the name of JJR (Jhuggi Jhompri Resettlement) scheme was

approved by the Cabinet in 1960-62, then modified from time to time specially in terms of

size of residential unit, quantity and quality of physical and social infrastructure, cost of

development and magnitude of the problem.

Number of jhuggies were 12749 in 1951, increased to 22415 in 1956, 42815 in 1961,

decreased to 42668 in 1966, increased to 98709 in 1980, 1,13,386 in 1983, 1,71,000 in 1985

and 2,40,000 at present. These figures are after subtracting the number of families already


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resettled on developed sites. A total of 44 JJ Resettlement colonies were developed till

1992. These developments were done in following three phases, as details given at the end

of the paper.

Phase-I – It was upto 1974, developing 18 JJ colonies in a total area of 598.4 hect. With

52864 plots with a break-up of 49019 of 21 sq. mt. and 3845 of 67 sq.mt.

Phase-II – It was during 1975-80, developing 16 large resettlement colonies in a total area of

968 hect., carving out 1,48,262 plots each of 21 sq. mt.

Phase-III – It was from 1981 onward, developing 9 colonies mostly parts of old colonies,

except Kondli carving out 14,915 plots with a break-up of 7285 of 26 sq. mt. and balance of

21 sq. mt.

Map 1 Resettlement Colonies in Delhi


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Prior 1992, the terminology used for the Resettlement colonies is JJ resettlement colonies,

after 1992 it was changed to Squatter Resettlement Site (SRS) as there was a change in the

agency dealing with the resettlement colonies. Institutional framework of the resettlement

colonies is explained in detail in the next section.

After 1992, a separate department for Slum Upgradation and Rehabilitation (SUR) was

formed under Municipal Corporation of Delhi and 41 Squatter Resettlement sites were

developed were developed till now.

3.2.1 Institutional framework of Resettlement Colonies

At present the agency responsible for the improving the quality of the life of Slum & JJ

Dwellers in the capital city of Delhi is Delhi Urban Shelter Improvement Board (DUSIB).

DUSIB has come in existence under Delhi Urban Shelter Improvement Board Act, 2010

which has been passed by the Legislative Assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi

on the 01st April, 2010 and has come in force by the orders of Hon’ble Lt. Governor of Delhi

on 1st July, 2010.

Until 2010, many of the responsibilities of the DUSIB rested with the Slum and Jhuggi Jhopri

(JJ) Department, which was set up as a part of the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) in

1962. The Slum and JJ Department was not set up under any specific statute but was given

responsibility for implementing the provisions set out in the 1956 Slum Areas (Improvement

& Clearance) Act. It was never a stable agency: in 1967 the Slum and JJ Department was

transferred from the MCD to the Delhi Development Authority (DDA), from municipal to

state control.3 And between 1974 and 1980 it was transferred back and forth between the

MCD and the DDA, finally moving back to the MCD in September 1992. In 2008 the MCD

rejected a proposal from the Delhi government “to split and decentralise the MCD and to

establish a separate agency for slum and urban poverty concerns”. Two years later,

however, the Delhi Urban Shelter Improvement Board (DUSIB) was set up under the DUSIB

Act.

YEAR AGENCY RESPONSIBLE FOR RESETTLEMENT COLONIES

1962 MCD, Slum & JJ Department

1967 Delhi Development Authority (DDA)

1974 MCD

1980 DDA

1992 MCD, Slum Upgradation & Rehabilitation (SUR) department was established


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2008 MCD rejected Delhi Govt. proposal to establish a separate agency for slum & urban

poverty concerns

2010 Delhi Urban Shelter Improvement Board (DUSIB) by DUSIB act, 2010

Table 1 Chronology of the agencies responsible for Resettlement Colonies


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4 Project Learnings – Water Bodies

4.1 Sourcing of Raw Data for Water Bodies

Popular perception is that Delhi is a dry, highly urbanised city with very few water bodies.

However, that is not the case. Delhi, though largely urbanised, is neither very dry nor short

of Water Bodies. Delhi gets 611 mm of rainfall – much more than the neighbouring states of

Rajasthan and Haryana (parts). As a part of a Delhi Court monitored assessment of Delhi’s

water bodies, it has been recorded that there are 1012 water bodies in NCT area. Of these,

629 have been directed by the Delhi High Court to be ‘Protected as Water Bodies’. However,

on ground, not more than 906 water bodies are traceable.

The Honourable Delhi High Court, through a Court Monitoring Committee had also ordered

a survey and record of the size, location and related details of each water body. The findings

of this study are based on the Court Monitoring Committee data sourced by FORCE from the

Delhi Parks and Gardens Society (whose CEO is the Chairman of the Court Monitoring

Committee).

4.2 Mapping of Water Bodies

Using the information available in the Court Monitoring Committee report, raw data about

the names, location, district, status and size of the water bodies was collated. The Water

Bodies were then mapped and analysed using GIS tools. The Maps included statistical

information about the Water Bodies on the parameters listed above. Several thematic maps

were also developed to visually showcase the findings for each of the above parameters.

The figures below illustrate some of the key findings of this exercise.


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4.3 Key Findings

Of the 906 Water Bodies that we were able to map, approx. 35 % of the water bodies were

dry, 34 % were built up or non traceable, 10 % are filled with sewerage while 21 % had clean

water in them.

Overall 79 % of the overall water bodies in Delhi in are either encroached or dry or

encroached.

This thematic map showing water bodies layered on a base map of municipal wards of Delhi

throws up some interesting observations.

1) Water Bodies are starkly visible by their almost complete absence in Central Delhi.

All other parts of Delhi have a fairly high number. An analysis of district wise

distribution of water bodies bears out this observation – Central district has the least

number of water bodies. New Delhi district, situated to its south west, also does not

have many water bodies.

2) Further observation of the map shows that the eastern part of the city especially

towards the west bank of the Yamuna river has relatively lesser number of water

bodies. This is again borne out by the chart that shows that the East, South East and

North East districts have lesser number of water bodies than those on the South and

Western periphery of the city.

District wise Water Bodies

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

Central

Distt

New

Delhi

North

Distt

South

Distt

South

East

South

West

Distt

West

Distt

East

Distt

North

East

Distt

North

West

Distt

Districts

No

. o

f w

ate

r b

od

ies

Series1

Chart 1- Number of Water Bodies – District


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The reasons for this skew needs to be investigated. It may indicate a merging of

conventional water bodies into the flood plain of the river. This would further strengthen

the case for protection of the flood plain. Alternatively, it may indicate the price paid for

growth since the eastern part of the city has grown fastest in the past decade.

Map 2 Water Bodies Status

The Water Body status map overlaid on the district map

of the city shows an almost equal proportion of wet, dry

and encroached water bodies. The Pie Chart alongside

gives the statistics. Approx. 35 % of the water bodies

are dry, 21 % of are wet and clean ,10 % of them are

filled with sewerage and 34 % of them were builtup or

non traceable.

It is noteworthy that 79 % of the water bodies in Delhi in are either encroached or dry or

both.

Map 2 also indicates a higher concentration of dried water bodies along the western

periphery of the city. At the same time it shows a significantly higher proportion of water

bodies that are not traceable from central Delhi towards the eastern periphery of the city.

This observation too is borne out by a district wise statistical comparison.

Status of Water Bodies

0%20%40%60%80%

100%

Centra

l Dist

t

New Del

hi

North D

istt

South

Dist

t

South

East

South

Wes

t Dis

tt

West

Dist

t

East D

istt

North E

ast D

istt

North W

est D

istt

District

Pe

rce

nt Untraceble /Build up

No. of Wet Lakes

No.of Dry Lakes

Chart 2- Status of Water Bodies

Chart 3- District wise % of Water Bodies Status


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Of the total number of water bodies, South East has the highest proportion of completely

built up Water bodies, North East has the next highest closely followed by New Delhi and

East districts.

The trends noticed in this map too warrant further investigation. They may give useful

insights into the evolutionary path followed by water bodies vis a vis that of the

habitation around them.

This map differentiates Water Bodies on the basis of their ownership. As can be seen, most

water bodies are owned by the Delhi Government (Revenue Office of the Block

Development Officer). The Delhi Development Authority is the second largest owner. A few

are owned by other departments such as MCD, Waqf Board, PWD etc.

Map 2- Water Bodies - Ownership

Chart 4- Water Bodies- Ownership wise status


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As the chart above shows, in percentage terms, Water Bodies owned by DDA suffer the

most – majority are either built up or untraceable. However, in absolute numbers, the Delhi

Government’s performance is the worst with 249 built up or untraceable water bodies

(more than 25% of all water bodies in Delhi!). The other owners, including MCD, though

owning very few water bodies have a better track record of maintaining them.

This observation has implications for the mechanisms adopted by different agencies for

protecting water bodies. It needs to be studied further whether the difference in status is

because of the lack of interest, lack of ability or other pressures. The success of Waqf

Board, PWD, Forest and ASI departments needs to be studied to help make guidelines that

can help other agencies protect their water bodies better.

Further, GIS based analysis of water body status in the different districts was done. The

results showed skews in various water body status parameters. We believe a deeper

analysis of these skews is required. It will give valuable insights into the growth patterns

of urban agglomerates and the resultant threats to their environmental assets. It may

help the authorities evolve a graded environmental assets protection methodology that

takes care of the unique challenges faced at each stage.

Chart 5- % status – ownership wise


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5 Project Learnings – Resettlement Colonies

5.1 Sourcing Data and Mapping

As per the records available with DDA, there are 86 Resettlement colonies in Delhi made

from 1962 till date. The Resettlements have been broadly classified into two types – Jhuggi

Jhopri Resettlements (JJR) and Squatter Resettlement Colonies (SRS). The difference in

nomenclature is because of an administrative realignment within the government after the

first phase of resettlements upto 1990.

All 86 Resettlements have been mapped in this project using GIS tools.

It is difficult to find validated data about the current status of the Resettlement Colonies in

Delhi. Hence, for the GIS mapping, the original layout plans made by DDA for each of the

resettlements were sourced from DDA itself. These were then analysed to extract data such

as year of launch, total area, number of houses, area of each plot/flat and other facilities

provided. These plans were also used to plot the original boundaries of the resettlements

on the current map of Delhi in the Mapping exercise. Details of the Resettlements have

been appended along with their respective mapped polygon.

Map 3 - Resettlement Colonies in Delhi


- 23 -

5.2 Key FIndings

As the map above shows, the resettlements are largely clustered in the West and North

West districts. There are no resettlements in the Central and New Delhi districts and on the

southern periphery of the city.

Further detailing, was done to explore trends in direction / district choices made by the

government in making resettlements. For this, the JJR and SRS resettlements were

differentiated on the map. The JJR resettlements were the first phase and the SRS

resettlements were made in the last 2 decades. Map 5 shows the results of this mapping

Map 4 – JJR and SRS Resettlement Colonies in Delhi

The map above shows that there is a trend of shifting of the habitations of the poor towards

the northern periphery. Most of the SRS resettlements have been made in the North West

district. There is no movement at all towards the southern or eastern periphery of the city.

This is despite the fact that the workplaces of most of the family members of the displaced

settlements are likely to be in the west, south, southwest or east districts. Hence, for those

family members, it will be a challenge to commute from the poorly connected and distant

northern part of the city.


- 24 -

The reason for this trend needs to be explored. It may be due to the availability of large

swathes of land in that district or with the high water table and large number of water

bodies in the area. Its future implications for the groundwater regime and the water

bodies also needs to be studied so that corrective actions are taken before they are

destroyed beyond redemption.

Map 5 – Ward wise Resettlement Colonies in Delhi

On superimposing the layer of Municipal wards of Delhi on the Resettlements map, it is

interesting to note, that all 86 resettlements are concentrated in 48 wards of the city. Of

these 7 wards have heavy concentration of resettlements i.e more than 50% of the area of

the ward is occupied by the planned resettlements.

This observation needs to be explored further. Is there a tendency for planning authorities

to create ghettos of displaced people’s colonies? Is the choice dictated by reasons that are

favorable to the poor or in the interest of smart city planning? It may be useful for

prioritization of basic infrastructure planning at Ward level. Since such wards are likely to

be densely populated, the number of beneficiaries would be highest if these wards are

given priority.


- 25 -

6 Linkage of water bodies and Resettlement Colonies

6.1 Project Hypothesis and our finding

The hypothesis of our study was that there is a tendency of planning authorities to locate

resettlement areas within or in the vicinity of water bodies. The reasons are possibly that

these areas are traditionally considered uninhabitable and hence are available in large un-

built chunks for development.

Analysis with GIS tools was done to check the validity of our hypothesis. The Map below

formed the basis of our analysis. As can be seen, it has a base layer of Delhi districts, a layer

of all water bodies in Delhi and a layer of all resettlements in Delhi. Additionally buffer zones

of radius 1 km, 1.5 km and 2 km from the periphery of the resettlement colony were

plotted.

Map 2 Resettlement Colonies - Water Bodies Distance


- 26 -

The surprising results of the analysis are as follows:

100% of the resettlements have one or more water bodies within a 2 km distance ! Since

the water bodies are a natural feature of the landscape, the correct interpretation of this

figure is that 100% of the resettlements have come up within a 2 km distance of 1 or more

water bodies.

A further break up shows that 10 % of the resettlement colonies have water bodies within

the boundary of the resettlement colonies i.e they have been built in the water body or in

the immediate vicinity of the water body. 80 % of the resettlement colonies lie within a

distance of one kilometre from the water bodies i.e. and 10 % of the resettlement colonies

lie within a distance of 2 km from the water bodies.

Further, a count was done of the total number of water bodies within 1.5 km of a

resettlement. We found 227 water bodies i.e 25 % of the total water bodies in Delhi are

lying within 1.5 km from the resettlement colonies. As a result some resettlements have as

many as 30 water bodies within that radius !

This statistic becomes even more significant in light of the fact that the resettlement areas

occupy on 1.5% of the area of the whole city but have 25 % water bodies of the whole city in

their immediate neighbourhood.

This finding proves that our hypothesis is correct. The statistics indicate an overwhelming

incidence of resettlements coming up in the immediate proximity of water bodies. This

clearly indicates that a conscious decision is being made by the planning authorities to

locate resettlements in water bodies or in their immediate catchments. Those

resettlements which have multiple water bodies in this zone are clearly the most

disadvantaged because they are likely to be within an overall depressed zone unfit for

human habitation and prone to drainage failures.

6.2 Impact of Resettlements on Water

Bodies

An analysis of the status of water bodies within

the 2 km radius of the resettlements shows

that 48% of the water bodies are encroached

Chart 5-Status of Water bodies near resettlements


- 27 -

or not traceable. 42% are free of encroachments– though they may be dry or filled with

sewage. 10% have sewage flowing in.

These statistics are the same as the statistic for all water bodies in Delhi ( pl refer to Chart

page 18). Hence, prima facie it seems that the presence of a resettlement does not impact a

water body any differently from how it is impacted in the rest of the city.

Approx 25% of the water bodies around the resettlements are dry as compared to a city

average of 35%. This observation is in line with the fact that most of the resettlements are

in North, North West, North East and West districts. All these are districts – particularly

North and North West – with high water tables. Hence, the incidence of dried water bodies

is less than the city average.

Further analysis of water bodies based on their ownership shows that the percentage of

water bodies that are encroached or untraceable is highest in case of DDA . Not only are a

higher % of the BDO owned water bodies free, even the encroached ones fare better

because most are encroached partially but still exist as water bodies. In case of DDA, the

Water Bodies have disappeared altogether.

Ownershipwise status of WaterBodies near Resettlements

5033

9

47

25

13

33

21 25

3

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

BDO DDA MCD Forest PWD DJB

Owner

No

.of

wate

rbo

die

s

NA

Built up

Free

More research needs to be done to find why DDA owned water bodies fare much worse

than others. Also it needs to be explored whether the resettlement itself was the cause of

the encroachment or disappearance of the water body.

Chart 6- Water Bodies- Ownership wise status


- 28 -

7 Summary of Findings of GIS Mapping

7.1 Summary of Findings

Mapping of Water Bodies and Resettlement Colonies and their attributes was done as a part

of the GIZ funded study “Sanitation Beyond Sewers”. On the base map of Districts of Delhi,

layers of Water Bodies and Resettlement Colonies of Delhi were superimposed. The key

findings and conclusions of this analysis were:

1) There is a significant difference in the attributes of Water Bodies across districts of

Delhi. These differences, in some cases seem to defy logic – for example a higher

proportion of dry water bodies in north and East Delhi (despite a higher annual

rainfall and higher water table in the area) than that in South Delhi.

Studying the reasons for these differences was outside the scope of this study.

However, these need to be studied in greater detail. They can give valuable insights

into the human and infrastructure growth factors that determine the well being or

the destruction of water bodies.

2) 35 % of the water bodies were dry, 21 % of them were wet and clean ,10 % of them

are filled with sewerage and 34 % of them were builtup or non traceable. Overall 79

% of the overall water bodies in Delhi in are either encroached or dry or

encroached.

3) There is a significant difference in the attributes of Water Bodies across districts of

Delhi. These differences, in some cases seem to defy logic – for example a higher

proportion of dry water bodies in north and East Delhi (despite a higher annual

rainfall and higher water table in the area) than that in South Delhi.

4) In percent terms, Water Bodies owned by DDA are in the worst condition - majority

are either built up or untraceable. However, in absolute numbers, the Delhi


- 29 -

Government’s performance is the worst with 249 built up or untraceable water

bodies (more than 25% of all water bodies in Delhi!).

5) There are 86 Resettlement Colonies made since 1962. These are mostly in West and

North West districts of Delhi. Further they seem to be concentrated in some wards.

7 Municipal wards are more than 50% covered with Resettlement Colonies. 41 other

wards play host to balance 79 resettlement colonies.

6) 100% of the resettlements have come up within a 2 km distance of 1 or more water

bodies.

7) 25% of all water bodies in Delhi are placed within 1.5 km of a resettlement even

though the total area occupied by resettlements is only 1.5%.

8) 48% of such water bodies are encroached or untraceable. 25% are dry and 10% are

sewage filled.

9) Percentage of water bodies owned by DDA which are encroached or untraceable is

the highest. However, Delhi Government’s record in absolute terms is much worse.

7.2 Summary of Conclusions

Based on the above key findings, we arrive at three major conclusions:

1) There is a high number of Water Bodies in Delhi. They are spread all over the city.

Their spead and number, make them a strong possibility for water conservation and

recharge to groundwater.

2) However, the water bodies are in a very bad state. 48% are encroached – fully or

partially, 35% are dry. Urgent attention needs to be given to their revival. A deeper

district wise, ownership wise and other analysis may give valuable insights into the

developmental needs of a water body so that it also adapts to the changing

catchment.


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In percentage terms, the status of a water body seems to degrade under the

ownership of DDA vis a vis that of the BDO or Forest authorities. Since BDO

represents village lands, Forest takes care of water bodies in forest areas and DDA of

water bodies in urbanised parts of Delhi, it is a clear indication that the shift of

catchment from rural to urban causes a fall in the status of water bodies. A deeper

study needs to be done to understand the reasons why and remedial measures that

may be taken.

3) Our hypothesis for the study stands proved i.e. the data shows an overwhelming

skew towards re-location of displaced persons in areas that are in or near a water

body and its catchment. These area, usually are depressed areas. Here sanitation

planning becomes a challenge because of slope alignment problems. It has caused

inability of sewage to flow out into sewerage trunk lines (and hence flooding of

resettlement areas)


- 31 -

8 Case Studies

The key conclusion of the GIZ-FORCE study on Water Bodies and Resettlements was that

resettlements have been located in areas that are in the immediate vicinity of water bodies.

80% have one or more water bodies within 1 km radius. The implications of this are that

making adequate sanitation provisions will be a challenge in these areas.

To further validate this finding, 6 resettlements were studied in greater detail. Another

objective of the case studies was to see the impact that the presence of resettlements had

on the water bodies in their vicinity.

The selection of the six colonies for doing case studies was based on the following

parameters:

• Those resettlement colonies which have water bodies within their layout

• Spatial spread over the city

• Year of establishment of the colony – atleast one case study each from different

phases of resettlement was selected.

Map 3 Resettlement Colonies Case Studies


- 32 -

S.no Resettlement Colony Name Year of Establishment

1 Savda Ghevra 2006

2 Mangolpuri 1975

3 Jahangirpuri 1978

4 Kalyanpuri 1979

5 Mangalapuri 1984

6 Madanpur Khadar 2002

Table 2 Resettlement Colonies Case Studies & Year of Establishment

8.1 Case study assessment methodology

Our analysis was based both on secondary data and primary data. The data was collected

from the following sources:

1. The original Resettlement Colony as per plan made by DDA.

2. Field visits and interviews with residents to assess the current situation of

Resettlement colony and the peripheral area (squatters) with special reference

to:

a. Water supply

b. Sanitation (Toilet, Sewer, Drainage and SWM)

c. Linkage with the water bodies

d. Water body existing situation and their linkage with the Resettlement

Colony and squatters

8.2 CASE STUDY 1 – SAVDA GHEVRA

8.2.1 Introduction

Savda Ghevra resettlement colony is Sited on 187 acres on the western periphery of the city

which is Located off National Highway 10, about 30 kilometres from Connaught Place, the

de facto centre point of Delhi and is based within a largely rural landscape . It is part of the

Mundka assembly constituency and the Mundka municipal ward.


- 33 -

The Savda Ghevra JJ Resettlement

Colony was established in 2006 in

Phases I and II. It is the newest

resettlement colony resulting from the

most recent wave of evictions and

relocation in Delhi.

It is difficult to find an official estimate

of the population living in the colony,

but an NGO active in the area reports

that it exceeds 46,000. Electoral rolls

indicate there are 14,707 voters from

the colony.

8.2.2 History

As mentioned earlier resettlement colony was

established in 2006 but people started moving

to colony after 2007. At present the families

living at the Savda Ghevra resettlement colony

are originally from various states of

India, People had been living at their

original sites of habitation in Delhi

from where they were evicted for 10 to 50

years. People were shifted from various parts

of Delhi like Lalbagh, Geeta Colony, Anand

Vihar, Rainy well, Khan Maket, Nizamuddin,

Nangal Dewat, Tagore Garden, Yamuna

Pushtha etc.

Map 5 shows the locations from where people were relcoated to Savda Ghevra.

Raghubir Nagar which is located 17 kms from Savda Ghevra was the nearest area from

where the people were relocated whereas Lal Bagh is the far most area which is at a distant

of 40 KMs from the colony.

Map 5 Savda Ghvera Location Map

Map 4 Savda Ghevra Trajectory map

Map 8 Savda Ghevra


- 34 -

8.2.3 Resettlement Colony as per plan

Resettlement colony is planned in two phases, phase I & II in around 80 hectares land. As

per the Layout the colony is planned for 17,156 plots in both phases by maintaining a

density of 189 persons / ha. A third phase of the colony was started for the provision of

7,620 flats on five-storeyed buildings under JNNURM, BSUP scheme.

Figure 1 Savda Ghevra Resettlement Colony Layout

Although work on these five-storeyed buildings continues, there are no residents in these

flats.

Water supply and sewerage system was not mentioned anywhere in the layout. The reason

for that is that a separate plan for those was to be prepared by Delhi Jal Board in parallel.

No water body is identified in the plan. Neither is a canal that is passing through the north

eastern part of the colony.

8.2.4 Resettlement Colony Existing Situation assessment & linkage with water bodies

After having discussions with various people living in the resettlement colonies the following

observations were made.

When the original residents had arrived in 2006, they found a barren land filled with water

upto 1 foot level and to start living there people had emptied the water from the land and

laid the mud roads.

The inference from this observation is that Savda Ghevra itself is low lying land prone to

water logging and flooding.


- 35 -

8.2.5 Water Supply

When people had shifted to the colony in 2006 there was no efficient or enough water

supply system. Two Delhi Jal Board (DJB) tankers used to supply the water which was

insufficient for their daily needs, so people used to travel upto 3 kms to Ghevra village to fill

the water from the stand posts available there.

Even today in 2015 there is no water supply line laid, still majority of the people are

dependant on the DJB tankers for their daily needs. Few people have installed hand pumps

in an individual or group based effort to supplement their water availability.

Recently in 2013, a private entrepreneur “Jal Suvidha” had come up with a concept called

water ATMs where people can get RO Purified water at Rs. 0.3 / litre at installed devices at

various locations in the colony. People can get access to this service by using the smart card

provided by the agency, where they have to recharge the card. As per the discussion with

the people it is estimated that around 10 – 15 % of the households in the colony are using

water ATMs.

Figure 2 Water supplied by DJB Tankers in Savda Ghevra


- 36 -

Figure 3 Water ATM in Savda Ghevra

8.2.6 Sanitation

Toilet

When people arrived here in 2006 they did not have any individual toilets so people were

dependant on the community toilets constructed by the Government. In 2006 only one

community toilet complex (CTC) was constructed in each block which consists around 600 –

1250 plots which was insufficient for the people living in the block. So they had very huge

queue to access the toilets. What was worse that often even these CTCs were locked.

Because of these situations majority of the people

defecate in open. The presence of huge open lands all

around made this easy..

As per the discussion with the people at present around 60

% of the households in the colony have constructed the

individual toilets and the rest are dependent on the CTC.

Recently govt. has constructed two CTCs in each block.

Figure 4 Newly constructed CTC in

Savda Ghevra


- 37 -

Sewerage & Drainage

Even though the resettlement colony was established 9 years back there is no sewerage

system laid so far. Side drains within the colony – storm water drains - were constructed by

the government in the initial years. However, no provision was made for a planned outfall

for these drains. Hence, a few drains empty themselves in the open plots within the colony.

However, a majority of the drains outfall is the canal passing in the northwest of the colony.

As there is no sewerage

system in the colony, some

of the people who have

constructed toilets have

constructed septic tanks

under their house as there

was no space left for the

septic tank in the 12.5 sq.m

plot allotted. However, a

majority of the households

have connected their toilet

directly to the open drains which is causing a very huge

pollution to the canal.

Figure 6 Toilet connected to

side drain in Savda Gevrah

Figure 5 Side DraIns in Savda Gevrah


- 38 -

Figure 7 Open plots filled with drain water

8.2.7 Water Body

As per the government data on water bodies, there were 3 water bodies near the

settlement (marked in the map below). However, none of those water bodies are traceable.

2 of those water bodies are now within the path of a canal. The third seems to have been

completely built over since it is totally untraceable.

There was a fresh water canal towards the north of the site which was primarily used for

agricultural purpose and for fishing by the people living in the north. It is located at a

distance of 250 m from the centroid of phase I and 500m from the centroid of phase II.

All drains of the colony are connected to the canal. The assumption at the planning stage

would be that these being storm water drains, they will carry rainwater runoff into the

canal. However, as there is no sewer network laid in the colony, the drains also carry

sewage. Also, since there is no planned system of garbage disposal, much of the area’s

garbage also gets disposed off here. Hence, the canal, has effectively been transformed into

a dirty nullah.


- 39 -

Map 6 Water Body in Savda Gevrah

Figure 8shows the imaginary picture of the water body in Savda Gevrah and Figure 9 shows

the present situation of the water body. If we compare both the pictures we can understand

the situation of impact of resettlement colony on the water body.

Figure 8 Imaginary Picture of Water Body before the establishment of Resettlement Colony

in Savda Gevrah


- 40 -

Figure 9 Water Body Existing Situation in Savda Gevrah

Conclusion:

This case study further illustrates the inferences made in the GIS Analysis. It shows that a

resettlement located within the immediate catchment of 1 or more water bodies is prone

to chronic sanitation problems caused by lack of natural drainage outfalls (except the

water body itself). As the state of the canal shows, the case study also proves that water

bodies do suffer due to the presence of resettlements in the vicinity. It also highlights a

major planning shortcoming i.e. that even after so many years, civic authorities have not

been able to provide basic water and sanitation infrastructure in the area.

8.3 Case Study II - Jahangirpuri Resettlement Colony

8.3.1 Introduction

Jahangirpuri is located in the Northern eastern

side of Delhi, about 15 kilometres from

Connaught Place, the de facto centre point of

Delhi. Colony was divided in three MLA

Constituencies Badli (B, C, I, J & K Block), Adarsh

Nagar (A, G & H Block), Burari ( D, E Block )

Assembly. It’s a part of Pipal Thaia ward of Delhi

Municipal Corporation.


- 41 -

8.3.2 History

Jahangirpuri was chosen as a site for resettlement of the refugees from Pakistan and Punjab

in the 1978 . A total of

25,020 households were

relocated to this site from

various parts of the city like

Majnu ka tilla, Daryaganj &

Inderpuri etc.

Figure 10 Land use breakup

of Jahangirpuri

Resettlement Colony

8.3.3 Resettlement colony as per plan

The total area of the scheme spread in an area of 400 hectares and 25,020 plots were

planned in this area at a density of 203 plots / ha. Unlike in current day resettlements, here

each allottee was given a plot of land measuring 25 m2. In the plan there were additional

facilities like dispensary, hospital, parks, community centre, commercial areas, primary

school, higher secondary school, college, district playground and open spaces. Detailed

landuse breakup of the resettlement colony is shown in Error! Reference source not found..

Figure 11 shows the planned colony layout.

As can be seen, the water body located within the Jahangirpuri area is not considered in the

planning process.

Map 7 Location map of Jahangirpuri


- 42 -

Figure 11 Planned layout of Jahangirpuri Resettlement Colony

Figure 12 Satellite Image of Jahangirpuri Resettlement Colony With Water Body

8.3.4 Resettlement colony existing situation

At present Jahangirpuri presents a mix of Slum

characteristics and refugee resettlement pattern.

There are 11 blocks in the colony with plotted

housing scheme, which are interspersed with jhuggi-

jhopri clusters. Each plot now has multi-storeyed

houses made with scant regard to civic construction

Figure 13 Houses in Jahangirpuri


- 43 -

norms. Since this is one of the oldest resettlements, it has grown beyond recognition both

vertically and horizontally. Not only has each plot become a set of flats, many slums have

also come up in the empty spaces in the area and around it. At present there are 8 slums in

the Jahangirpuri which are located in blocks H1, H 2, H4, CD Park, Gujarati Basti, G Block,

Dhobhi Ghat, Bangali Basti and K block.

As discussed earlier there are around 25,020 plots in the colony, at present most of those

plots were four floor buildings. If we assume an average of four households living in one plot

then the total households in the colony will be around 1 lakh households. As per Census

2011, the average household size in Delhi is 4.8 so the approximate population residing in

the colony is around 4.8 lakhs.

8.3.5 Water Supply & Sanitation

In 1970’s Jahangirpuri was in peripheral area of the Delhi, so there were no water or sewer

lines laid in that area. In order to provide the services to the people, DDA had come up with

some temporary solutions. In the initial stages a series of tube wells were laid and pumped

into the syntax tanks, people used to go to that syntax tank and fill the water.

No sewer lines were laid for many years. DDA had laid the internal storm water drainage

network in this area but they had faced a problem of dumping the waste water as there was

no outfall for those internal drains. To solve this problem, DDA has changed the original

layout plan and reserved some of the low lying plots to dump the waste water. Hence, the

water bodies observed in the area are those that have been made as a result of this

planning. (source: DUSIB, SE Planning).

Upto 1992 there were no sewer lines in the area. In 1992, Delhi Jal Board laid the water

supply and sewer lines in the colony. Because of difficulty in connecting this sewage system

to a trunk system, a Sewage Treatment Plant was also set up near Coronation Pillar. The

treated waste water is then discharged into the nearby nullah for final disposal in the

Yamuna river.

It is important to note that from 1978 to 1992 (infact it is only by 1997 that most

households took sewage connections) the sewage of the resettlement was being disposed

off in the internal storm water drains all of which were emptying into the water bodies


- 44 -

mentioned above. The water bodies therefore, were less of rainwater collection points and

more of sewage collection points.

As a result, at present almost all the households in the colony have access to water supply

and sewer connected toilets. They also have a door to door solid waste collection system.

The main source of the DJB to supply water in the colony is Wazirabad Water Plant which is

pumped through a Booster Pumping Station at CD Park, Jahangirpuri. The sewage generated

is treated in the STP nearby. Hence, currently, Jahangirpuri resettlement has adequate

water and sanitation provisions.

8.3.6 Peripheral area existing situation assessment

The story, however changes when we move to the slums. As discussed above there are

around 8 slum pockets in the resettlement colony area in the areas blocks H1, H 2, H4, CD

Park, Gujrati Basti, G Block, Dhobhi Ghat, Bangali Basti and K block.

All of these slums mushroomed after the resettlement colony was established here. Most of

the slums had come up in the areas near to the water bodies and the land parcels which

were reserved for some institutional buildings, parks and open spaces as per the plan.

The land near to the water bodies was considered by DDA as unfit for normal

establishments due to its susceptibility to flooding and high moisture content in the soil.

Another reason was the sewage flowing into them. However, since the land was empty,

slums came up there. The other slums came up in other vacant spots. The main reason for

forming of slums in the reserved land is due to delays by government in establishing or

utilising the reserved parcel for the planned use.


- 45 -

Figure 14 K Block Slum near Bhalaswa water body in Jahangirpuri

Almost all the households in slums have access to electricity and water supply but are no

sanitation facilities. Most of them are

dependant on community toilets and

majority of the male persons are

defecating in the open. Households living

along the road side have drainage

connections which are connected to the

trunk sewer along the main road and the

households living internally have small

drains which is connected to the water

bodies.

In our field visit we have observed that the

waste water outlet of the toilets in the slums located in K Block are directly connected into

the water body which is creating an insanitary condition.

8.3.7 Water Body

As mentioned earlier there is one water body near the K block slum. In our interviews with

the residents, we found that before the establishment of the colony the water body

Figure 15 Side Drains in K Block Slum,

Jahangirpuri


- 46 -

situation was much better and there were plenty of fresh water available in it. And before

the sewer was laid in the colony this water body was used for dumping all the waste water

generated in the colony. After 1992, waste water generated from the colony was diverted to

sewers but the waste water generated in unauthorised settlements is still flowing into the

water body which is polluting the water body and the ground water quality. It also seems

like the water body is quietly, illegally being slowly filled up by the populations nearby for

the purpose of reclaiming and selling that land.

Figure 16 Water Body Existing Situation in Jahangirpuri

8.3.8 CONCLUSIONS

This case study also echoes the findings of the Savda Ghevra study viz, that resettlements

near water bodies suffer from difficulties in implementing planned disposal of sewage

systems. It also shows that the water bodies also suffer since they become an interim site

for disposal of waste till the planned facilities come up for the resettlement. What it also

important to note is that using a water body as a sewage disposal site even as an interim

measure sets a dangerous precedent that sets the norm for any subsequent developments

in the area.


- 47 -

8.4 Case Study III – Kalyanpuri Resettlement Colony

8.4.1 Introduction

Kalyanpuri resettlement colony is located in the East district of Delhi. It’s a part of the

Patparganj layout which houses four resettlement colonies Tirlokpuri, Kiichiripur,

Himmatpuri and Kalyanpuri. It’s a part of the Kondli and Mayur Vihar wards of MCD.

Map 8 Location map of Kalyanpuri

8.4.2 History

The colony which was established in 1976 is divided into 11 blocks (Block 11 to 21). Majority

of the population in the colony were relocated from the areas of Okhla, Ashram & Delite

Cinema. As per the layout 4503 plots were planned in the colony with an average of 410

plots per block. As per the original Allottees in Kalyanpuri when they came here in 1976

wheat fields were there in this land, they have cleared the land and constructed the houses.

8.4.3 Resettlement Colony as per Plan

As discussed earlier as per the layout plan 4503 plots were planned in the colony with an

average of 410 plots per block. In the plan there were additional facilities like dispensary,

hospital, parks, community centre, commercial areas, primary school, higher secondary


- 48 -

school and open spaces. This plan also did not mention the water bodies in the area. Hence,

those were not considered as a factor in the planning stage.

Figure 17 Kalyanpuri Resettlement Colony Layout


As per one NGO estimate at present there are

around 840 households in each block with an

average number of 5 members per household.

Approximate population as per the NGO is

around 46000.

After the establishment of the colony few

Juggies have come up. At present there are five

slums; 18th

block Indira camp, 20th block Indira

camp, Juggi at 21st

block beside Lal Bahadur

Sastry hospital, and Juggi inside the 11th

block.

As per the same NGO in all, a rough estimate of

the population would be at a little over 60,000.

Figure 18 Houses in Kalyanpuri


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8.4.5 Water & Sanitation

As per our interviews with the original Allottees in Kalyanpuri, upto 1985 there was no

water or drainage facility available. In those days people had to take water from the taps in

the parks. Later the governtment installed hand pumps. In 2001, a sewer line was laid in this

area and people were

asked to take

connections. As a

result, at present

almost all households

in the resettlement

colony have all the

basic facilities like

water, toilet,

electricity and sewer

connection.

Figure 19 Ongoing Metro Rail Construction in Kalyanpuri water body

Internal drains were laid by DDA. However, since there was no planned outfall for the

drains, they were designed to discharge in the water body nearby,

The main source of the water supply in this colony is from Sonia Vihar Water Treatment

Plant. The waste water generated in the colony is pumped to the STP located at Kondal and

then diverted to Yamuna River.

8.4.6 Water Body

There is a large water body (Sanjay Lake) located in the North West part of the colony. It is a

large water body. However it does not have much water at present. Infact, the peripheral

area of the water body is being encroached by a Delhi government fire station and metro

rail columns are also being constructed inside the water body. This encroachment is much

more serious than that by slum dwellers because a large portion of the lake has been filled

up and compacted for setting up the pillars, for giving them a stable buffer and for enabling

access to men and machines for construction and maintenance works.


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The outfall for most of the drains in the Kalyanpuri layout is this water body only. Hence all

the waste water from the colony that has not been diverted to sewers and all the sewage

from the slums in the area is polluting the water body.

8.4.7 Conclusion

This case study illustrates yet again that the presence of a water body is not factored into

the planning process. It becomes a sink for the garbage & sewage of the resettlement in the

time before sewerage facilities are introduced. Unfortunately this becomes a permanent

feature because it is emulated by the poor living in slums.

8.5 Case Study – IV Mangalapuri

8.5.1 Introduction

Manglapuri resettlement colony is located in the South Western part of the Delhi near to

the Indira Gandhi International airport. It’s a part of Dwarka assembly constituency, Phase 1

of colony is a part of Dabri ward and phase 2 is a part of Sagarpur ward.

Map 9 Location map of Mangalapuri


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8.5.2 History

The Resettlement colony was established in 1984 in two phases, phase 1 and phase 2. In

both phase 1 and 2 Plots were allotted to the people in 1984 but people started coming

after 1985. Whole resettlement was planned for 1216 plots and majority of the people were

relocated to here from Okhla, Nangloi, Toadpur, CRPF Camp and Dhaula Khana.


As mentioned earlier the whole resettlement colony was planned for 1216 plots, the area

occupied by plots in the layout is 2.51 hectors. In the plan there were additional facilities

like dispensary, hospital, parks, community centre, commercial areas, primary school, higher

secondary school and open spaces. Here also, no mention has been made in the layout plan

of the water body that exists close by.

Figure 20 Mangalapuri Resettlement Colony Layout


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When people came here in 1984 there were wheat fields in this land. For 11 years, till 1995

there was not even a community toilet there. In 1995 the government constructed two

community toilet blocks. People used to get water from tankers and hand pumps till 2000.

After the resettlement colony was established DDA has laid many layouts around the

colony, now if we look at the Mangalapuri area whole area will look like a planned

settlements.

Till 1995, people living in the resettlement colony did not have any basic facilities of water

and sewer. In our interviews, people have reported that after 1995 because of some

political intervention people were benefitted with the water and sewer network. At present

almost all households have all the basic facilities like water, toilet, electricity and sewer.

Since this resettlement is near Dwarka – a planned sub city – it has access to trunk sewer

lines. As a result, the internal sewer lines have been linked to the trunk sewers. The internal

storm water drains have also been linked to the larger storm water drains.

Figure 21 Houses in Mangalapuri Resettlement Colony


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8.5.5 Water bodies

As per our GIS mapping analysis, there are 8 water bodies within the 1.5 km buffer zone of

the area. Of these, 2 are within the 1 km buffer. In our interviews with the original allottees

of the area, we found that they could recollect those water bodies. They place the two

water bodies as one being in Nasirpur and one near Palam harijan basti - around 1 km

distance from Mangalapuri. However, as per our observation and their interviews, now both

the water bodies were vanished, they are filled up and encroached.


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8.5.6 Conclusions

It cannot just be a coincidence that all three water bodies near this settlement – part of a

rapidly growing Dwarka Sub City - have vanished – completely encroached and built up.

Prima Facie, it seems that compared to other resettlements, this area was better placed in

terms of availability of planned outfalls for its storm water drains and sewage. Hence the

water body did not play the role of being the sink for sewage as it did in the earlier case

studies. It needs to be investigated whether, the absence of a visible functional benefit –

such as sewage disposal – from a water body, becomes a reason for its destruction. The

findings of this case study open up a new area of research.

8.6 Case Study – V Madanpur Khadar

8.6.1 Introduction

Mandanpur Khadar is located in South East Delhi by the Yamuna River Bank. It’s a part of

Badarpur ward of Municipal Corporation of Delhi.

Map 10 Madanpur Khadar Location Map


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As per the layout of Madanpur Khadr, it was established in the year 2002 in an area of 9.6

hectares and a total of 2332 plots were allotted to people who were relocated from the

slums in areas of Nehru Place, Hauz Khas, Chankya Puri, Sarojini Nagar, Nizamuddin and

Kaliji. The fact that this resettlement was in the Yamuna floodplain was not reflected in the

layout plan. Also, the one water body, as per government records, was also not shown in

the layout plan.


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Figure 22 Satellite Image of Madanpur Khadar with water bodies


People started coming to this place from 2003. In our interviews with residents they said

that they were taken there and left on barren lands without providing any infrastructure

facilities in the colony. There was no water supply and no sewer lines laid. However,

community toilets with tanks had been made in each area. Also internal storm water drains

had been laid. After seeing the situation people shifted to this area only after installing the

hand pumps in their allotted plot area as there was no water supply facility either through a

pipeline or by DJB tankers.

Figure 23 Madanpur Khadar

Resettlement Colony


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At present Madanpur Khadar is a home to 15000 families. Each plot has been converted into

buildings which are are three storied (G+3 ) structures. Over the times after the

resettlement colony was established, a slum has also developed in this area “Kabaadhi

Basti”. It was developed on a private land, around 150 households are staying there. Most

of them are the migrants from West Bengal who are engaged in Rag Picking works. These

people also lack all the facilities like water, toilet and sewer connection. They are dependent

on Delhi Jal Board water tankers and the community toilets.

Even after 12 years of establishing the colony the residents still don’t have basic facilities

like water and sewer connection. Delhi Jal Board is supplying the water by tankers two times

a day and there is also a private operator who is supplying RO water to the households at

Rs. 20 per 20 litres bottle. Figure 24 People using handpumps

Almost 50 % of the households in

the colony uses the RO water.

Some households – particularly in

B2 block - have toilets attached to

septic tanks. Most of the

households who don’t have

individual toilets are dependent

on community toilets which have

been constructed by the government.

Since there is no sewer, the sewage moves through the open drains in the area. The internal

drains empty into large trunk drains that then empty themselves directly into the river.

Hence, all the sewage from the resettlement is being dumped, untreated, into the river.

8.6.4 Water Body

As per the GIS Analysis, there is one water body within the Madanpur Khadar area.

However, our field survey and interview with people did not show any evidence of the

water body. It has been completely encroached and built upon.


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Apart from the water body, Madanpur Khadar is also on the River floodplain since the

Yamuna River passes through the north east and south west direction of the resettlement

colony. The area is therefore highly flood prone. Recently in 2010 flooding was happened in

this area.

All the drains of the colony, carrying sewage too, directly discharge into the Yamuna River

without any treatment. Further contamination happens during Ganesh Chaturthi festival

when a huge procession happens which leads to Yamuna River every year. Hundreds of idols

of Lord Ganesha are submerged for Visarjan in the river.

8.6.5 Conclusion

Like the earlier case study of Mangalapuri, in this case too, it seems that since the officially

demarcated Water body did not have any functional utility for a rapidly expanding area, it

was filled up and built upon. Also, like all the prior case studies, the river, acting as water

body has taken on the role of the interim sewage sink for the area.

8.7 Case study VI – Mangolpuri

8.7.1 Introduction

Mangolpuri is located in the central part of the Delhi, it was established in 1975. it’s a part

of the Rohini Zone in North Delhi Municipal Corporation and Mangolpuri assembly

constituency.

Map 11 Mangolpuri Location Map


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8.7.2 History

Mangolpuri resettlement colony was started establishing in 1975 and developed in various

stages till 1986. Many of the people were relocated from the areas like R.K Puram, India

gate, Karol bagh. After 1984 government has started resettling the 1984 riots affected

people. In the Resettlement colony they were allotted plots and the riot affected people

were offered flats in Punjabi colony.


Resettlement colony was planned in 25 blocks, Block A to Block Y, it was established in the

1975. In the plan there were additional facilities like dispensary, hospital, parks, community

centre, commercial areas, primary school, higher secondary school and open spaces.

However, though there are 3 water bodies, as per the government’s list, within the

boundary of the resettlement, none of those find any mention in the layout plan.

Figure 25 Mangolpuri Resettlement Colony Layout


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When people came here in 1975 the whole land was barren without any infrastructure

facilities, there were no water or drainage facilities at that time.

One of the water bodies was famed for its good quality water. So, people used to get water

from the water body located in the northern part of the colony for general purposes. Many

people had installed the handpumps and it was used for drinking water purposes also.

Till 2000, there was no water supply or sewer facilities. So, till 2000 people used to defecate

in open. Also, all the sewage of the area used to flow through storm water drains. For the

drains flowing at the southern end, carrying more than half of Mongolpuri’s sewage, the

natural drainage was into a big nullah connected to the Najafgarh drain. Hence all the

untreated sewerage that was discharged into it, was finally flowing into the Yamuna river.

For the northern part of the resettlement, their drains were diverted into the sweet water

body mentioned above. This water body, hence, soon became a sewage and garbage filled

pit. It served as the sewage sink for many years till most people took up sewage connections

after 2000. After that, the nearby slum residents slowly started filling the water body up

with malba. Today, the water body is untraceable. It is completely filled and partially built

up. The rest of its area is an open ground which is used for open defecation. Even today,

however, it remains the lowest point in the area and hence gets flooded during the rains.

Figure 26 Satellite Image of

Mangolpuri resettlement

colony with water bodies


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After 2000, the government lay the water and sewer network and after that majority of the

problems faced by the residents were solved. At present almost all households have all the

basic facilities in the colony.

8.7.5 Water Bodies

As per the list provided by the Department of Environment and Forests, GNCT there should

be three water bodies within the colony and five within 1 km radius. But as per our

observations in the colony two of those water bodies were not traceable and one water

body was converted to a park.

As per the discussion with the local residents it was known that there were three more

water bodies other than the three water bodies mentioned in the list. Out of these three

new water bodies one water body was converted to park, second was encroached by slum

and the other one was converted to park and water show was being conducted in that site

once in a year.

Figure 27 Water body converted to park in Mangolpuri

8.7.6 Conclusions

The Mongolpuri Case study was perhaps the most revealing because it actually showcased

the transition of a water body from a pristine water source to a sewage sink and finally into

nothingness. It also showed how, a water body can be maintained as one, by making it a

recreational area (water show). This case study, more than the others, highlights the issue

of layout planning for resettlements being done without any reference being made to the

water bodies in the area – despite there being so many of them. This seems to reflect the

callous attitude of planners towards water bodies.


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9 Overall Conclusions & Recommendations based on Case Studies

9.1 Conclusions

Table 3 shows the resettlement colony establishment year and the time taken for providing

the water and sewerage services in the colonies along with the water bodies status of the

colonies.

Colony Estb.

Year

Water Supply Sewer Water Body status

Jahangirpuri 1978 Yes, Around 1992 Yes, Around 1992 Sewage & garbage of surrounding

slum

Kalyanpuri 1979 Yes, 1985 Yes, 2001 Sewage & garbage of surrounding

slum. Being built in by DMRC

Mangol Puri 1975 Yes, Around 2000 Yes, Around 2000 Untraceable / park

Mangalapuri 1984 Yes, Around 1995, Yes, Around 1995 Untraceable/park

Savda Ghvera 2006 No Network, DJB

Tankers

No Sewer Sewage & garbage

Madanpur Khadar 2002 No Network, Hand

pumps DJB Tankers

No sewer Sewage

Table 3 Resettlement Colonies & water, sewerage situation

As can be seen, sewerage facilities reach the colonies at least 10 years after the colony has

been made. Storm water drains in all the colonies carried sewerage in the period upto

taking of sewer connections by households. In-fact, even today, the storm water drains

carry sewerage because of slums or small unauthorized settlements that have come up in

the empty spaces left for community facilities.

In all case studies, the water bodies have played the role of being sewage (and in many

cases garbage) sinks. Where the laying of a sewer line, connected to a trunk line or STP, has

made this role redundant, the water body has typically been filled up and sold as pockets of

land for construction.


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In all case studies, the apathy of the planning authorities is apparent. No water body, even

when present within the planned area, was mentioned as one in the layout plans. The

implementing agencies and the maintenance agencies also seem to have been equally

apathetic. None have bothered to put in place preventive measures to protect the water

body nor have they made any effort to clean them up and restore them once the sewage

inflow stopped / reduced.

The studies have also brought out a sad fact. That communities themselves, along with the

government, judge a water body purely on its apparent, immediate utility. As long as it is

serving the function of sewage disposal it remains as a water body – however dirty. As soon

as that function is no longer required, it is only a matter of time before it gets converted

into a piece of saleable land. Government also tends to use this ‘land’ for public utilities.

From the perspective of the resettlement colonies, it is apparent that their being in the

immediate vicinity of multiple water bodies has been a disadvantage. Most areas are flood

prone or water logging prone. It also seems that this factor also makes it difficult for

agencies to install sanitation infrastructure that is seamlessly linked to the city

infrastructure. The ones which seem to be better off are ones which have been so densely

constructed that the levels of land have risen enough to prevent such problems. The

artificial drainage outfalls (as sewers, STPs and large drains) have also helped.

The case studies have also raised many questions, notable among them being:

1) There are reports of water bodies that do not exist in the government records. At

the same time, there is absolutely no public memory of some water bodies.

2) The government statistics based on which the GIS mapping was done showed that

10% of water bodies are sewage filled, 30% are dry. However, the case study

numbers reflect a different picture with a much higher % of sewage filled and dry

water bodies.

3) The sequence of events that led to the current status of the water bodies needs to

be explored further. Only then will we be able to understand how best water bodies

can be protected from decimation.


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9.2 Recommendations

• Water bodies should be identified at the planning stage. The objective may be to

protect them in their pristine form.

• Alternatively, the agencies may take a pragmatic view and plan for usage of the

water body as an intermediate water or sanitation service provider.

• In the above case it should have a clearly designed withdrawal and restoration plan

after that need is over

• In this age of utilitarianism, it seems to be important to assign a publically visible

civic role to Water Bodies. This may be as storage for rainwater runoff and treated

waste water. Resettlements planned near water bodies suffer in the planning for

sanitation services. Hence, there is need for a conscious shift away from

resettlements near water bodies

• There is a need for ‘Interim’ Sanitation planning or a decentralized approach to

Sewerage disposal

• The size of the plot being allotted to the households is very small, 12.5 sq.m. plot

size is too small for the construction of the individual toilet. Yet, people want to

make them on the footpaths or on the rooftops as it’s the basic necessity. If no

sewer is laid in the colony then the households are constructing either pit toilets or

they are discharging the toilet waste directly into the drains. There is a need to plan

for the demand for household toilets by poor either by providing innovating ideas for

construction of house in limited space or provide them the enough space

considering the design of toilet.

10 References

1. Association of Metropolitan Development Authorities (AMDA). “Planning and

Development of Sub - Standard Areas.” n.d.

2. Véronique Dupont, EPW Slum Demolition in Delhi since 1990s - An Appraisal

3. Re-Thinking Re-Settlement Colonies, MHT & MHS, 2011

4. Planning the slum, Savdah Ghevra, CPR, www.citiesofdelhi.cprindia.org

5. District Mental Health Programme in India: A Case Study of Jahangirpuri, 2005

6. Society, Delhi Parks & Gardens.

http://delhi.gov.in/wps/wcm/connect/5729c88046fee8e38b49ab45bc83684d/ORDER%5B1%5D.pdf?

MOD=AJPERES&lmod=733930692&CACHEID=5729c88046fee8e38b49ab45bc83684d.” 23 May 2011.

delhi.gov.in. Document. 09 July 2015.


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11 Acknowledgments and Thank You

Working on the project ‘Linkages between Water Bodies and Resettlements’ has been a very

enlightening experience. For the first time, a study has explored the linkages between the

urbanization pattern followed by a city administration especially for habitations for the poor

and the water bodies in the city. Despite this being a limited study, it indicates that, from

the planning stage itself, the urban poor are being shortchanged in their right to dignified,

comfortable habitation. The study has also shown that there seems to be a pattern in the

deterioration of status of water bodies – several combinations of cause and effect

relationships – are being indicated. These need to be explored further before a definitive

action plan for policy makers can be prepared.

First and foremost I’d like to thank GIZ for giving us the opportunity to partner in such an

interesting study and a very special thanks to Aparna Das, for her vision, guidance and

mentorship. A special thanks also to Shubham Mishr for his ideas and painstaking efforts in

the GIS mapping and the preparation of the final product for mass dissemination. I’d also like

to put on record my admiration and appreciation for the hard work of the GIZ Intern who

was part of this project – Rajiv Reddy - as also that of the FORCE Project Team members –

Mamta Singh and Aparna Singh. We also appreciate the support of DDA and Delhi Parks and

Gardens Society in sharing the details of the Resettlement Colonies and Water Bodies in

Delhi.

We hope that the findings of this study will be carried forward in further research and are

able to contribute towards policy measures that improve both – urban poor habitations and

water bodies.

With Best Regards

Jyoti Shoarma

President, FORCE

Ph: 8745017926

Email: [email protected]

resettlements and water bodies - report by force & giz

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