research paper a conceptual exploration of

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ResearchEJTHR Tourism


European Journal ofTourism, Hospitality and Recreation



European Journal ofTourism, Hospitality and Recreation

RESEARCH PAPERA CONCEPTUAL EXPLORATION

OF TRADITIONAL CLUBS IN LONDON

Hadyn IngramCoventry University, United Kingdo

Rafael Pires BasanezLondon School of Commerce, United Kingdom

ABSTRACT: The world of traditional clubs in London may be regarded as an anachronism in the modern age of technology and electronic communication. However, traditional Lon-GRQ�FOXEV�QHYHUWKHOHVV�FRQWLQXH�WR�WKULYH�DQG�ÁRXULVK��:KLOH�WKHUH�LV�FRQVLGHUDEOH�OLWHUDWXUH�about the theory and practice of hospitality management, traditional club operations, mem-bership and management have not been explored in an academic way. The aim of this pa-per is to attempt to remedy this research gap by presenting a historical review of the emer-gence of the club over time. Subsequently, the current state of traditional clubs in London LV�DQDO\VHG�DQG��FOXEV�DUH�FODVVLÀHG�LQ��FDWHJRULHV��DFFRUGLQJ�WR�WKHLU�DLPV�RU�SURYHQDQFH��A review of the literature on Sociology, Economics and Hospitality leads to the proposal of a model of the elements of the traditional club, where tradition seems to be the operative word. Finally, the connections between traditional clubs and hotels are contrasted in a table. 7KH�SDSHU�FRQFOXGHV�WKDW��WKH�ODFN�RI �GHÀQLWLYH�LQIRUPDWLRQ�RU�D�VLQJOH�SURIHVVLRQDO�DVVR-ciation about traditional London clubs hampers analysis, but more research is needed about the nature of club membership, employees and management. Keywords: Clubs, Traditional Clubs, London, Hospitality Management

RESUMEN: El mundo de los clubes tradicionales en Londres puede ser visto como un ana-cronismo en la era moderna de la tecnología y comunicación electrónica. Sin embargo, los FOXEHV�WUDGLFLRQDOHV�GH�/RQGUHV�VLJXHQ�SURVSHUDQGR�\�ÁRUHFLHQGR��$O�FRQWUDULR�GH�OD�JHVWLyQ�hostelera, cuya teoría y práctica tienen una considerable literatura, las operaciones, adhesión y gestión de los clubes tradicionales no han sido explotadas de una manera académica. El ob-jetivo de este artículo es suprimir este fallo en el dominio de la investigación y presentar una revisión histórica del aparecimiento de los clubes a lo largo del tiempo. A continuación, será DQDOL]DGR�HO�HVWDGR�DFWXDO�GH�ORV�FOXEHV�WUDGLFLRQDOHV�HQ�/RQGUHV��\�VH�KDUi�OD�FODVLÀFDFLyQ�GH�54 clubes en 9 categorías según sus objetivos o proveniencia. Una revisión de literatura sobre Sociología, Economía y Hostelería lleva a la propuesta de un modelo sobre los elementos de XQ�FOXE�WUDGLFLRQDO��GRQGH�¶WUDGLFLyQ·�SDUHFH�VHU�OD�SDODEUD�FODYH��$O�ÀQDO��ODV�FRQH[LRQHV�HQWUH�clubes tradicionales y hoteles son contrastadas en una tabla. El artículo concluye que, la falta de información conclusiva o de una asociación profesional de clubes tradicionales en Londres GLÀFXOWD�HO�DQiOLVLV��SHUR�HV�QHFHVDULD�PiV�LQYHVWLJDFLyQ�VREUH�OD�QDWXUDOH]D�GH�ORV�PLHPEURV��

Hadyn Ingram is professor at the London School of Commerce and at Coventry Uni-versity, London Campus. He still owns a hospitality business as serviced apartments in Salis-bury but has found time to write more than 100 books, journal articles and conference pa-pers on hospitality management issues. Author’s email: [email protected];

Rafael Pires Basañez is Assistant Restaurant Manager at a prestigious gentlemen’s club in London.

CONCEPTUAL EXPLORATION OF TRADITIONAL CLUBS160

funcionarios y gestión de estos clubes. Palabras clave: clubes/asociaciones, clubes tradicio-nales, Londres, gestión hostelera

RESUMO: O mundo dos clubes tradicionais em Londres pode ser visto como um anacronis-mo na era moderna da tecnologia e comunicação eletrónica. No entanto, os clubes tradicionais ORQGULQRV�FRQWLQXDP�D�SURVSHUDU�H�D�ÁRUHVFHU��$R�FRQWUiULR�GD�JHVWmR�KRWHOHLUD��FXMD�WHRULD�H�prática gozam de considerável literatura, as operações, adesão e gestão dos clubes tradicionais não têm sido exploradas de uma forma académica. O objetivo deste artigo é tentar colmatar esta lacuna no domínio da investigação e apresentar uma revisão histórica do surgimento dos clubes ao longo do tempo. Subsequentemente, é analisado o estado atual dos clubes tradicio-QDLV�HP�/RQGUHV��H�SURFHGH�VH�j�FODVVLÀFDomR�GH��FOXEHV�HP��FDWHJRULDV�GH�DFRUGR�FRP�RV�seus objetivos ou proveniência. Uma revisão de literatura sobre Sociologia, Economia e Ho-telaria conduz à proposta de um modelo acerca dos elementos de um clube tradicional, onde ¶WUDGLomR·�SDUHFH�VHU�D�SDODYUD�FKDYH��3RU�ÀP��DV�FRQH[}HV�HQWUH�FOXEHV�WUDGLFLRQDLV�H�KRWpLV�são contrastadas numa tabela. O artigo conclui que, a falta de informação concludente ou de XPD�DVVRFLDomR�SURÀVVLRQDO�GH�FOXEHV�WUDGLFLRQDLV�ORQGULQRV�GLÀFXOWD�D�DQiOLVH��PDV�p�QHFHV-sária mais investigação acerca da natureza dos membros, funcionários e gestão destes clubes. Palavras-chave: clubes/associações, clubes tradicionais, Londres, gestão hoteleira

INTRODUCTION

Clubs are associations of like-minded people who meet to-gether for various reasons. Traditional clubs have been a featu-re of western society for many centuries. Gentlemen’s clubs are considered to have their origins in the Italian Renaissance, in formal academies of Humanists and informal groups of people VWXG\LQJ�FODVVLFDO�WH[WV�WRJHWKHU��/|IÁHU��7KH\�GHYHORSHG�WKURXJK�WKH�(QOLJKWHQPHQW�DQG�PDQ\�IRFXVVHG�XSRQ�VFLHQWLÀF�or philanthropic goals. In England, they developed through me-eting at coffee houses, where business was done in a social envi-ronment. Walton (2000: 66) comments on the social history of gentlemen’s clubs which “FUHDPHG�RII �WKH�PRVW�DIÁXHQW”. In London, they proliferated in the 1850s around Pall Mall and ‘offered a masculine environment, with membership controlled by vote as well as subscription level, with their imposing libraries, smoking rooms, morning rooms and dining accommodation offered pri-vileged enclaves for like minded people, enabling aristocrats and DIÁXHQW�SURIHVVLRQDO�PHQ�WR�HVFDSH�IURP�WKHLU�IDPLOLHV�DV�ZHOO�DV�WKHLU�VRFLDO�LQIHULRUV·��7KH�JHQWOHPDQ·V�FOXE�ÁRXULVKHG�LQ�WKH�nineteenth and twentieth centuries and has spread through the English-speaking world. Some literature exists about the mem-bership and history of these establishments, but there is little re-search on the exact nature of hospitality within them.

INGRAM AND BASANEZ 161

The aims of this paper are to:Investigate the little-researched area of traditional clubs, par-

ticularly clubs in LondonProvide a historical context for clubs in LondonReview the current situation of traditional clubs in London

and categorise them by activity and traditionPresent a conceptual underpinning for traditional clubs based

upon sociology, economic and hospitality management literatureDevelop a conceptual model of how traditional London clubs

have emerged over time and operatePropose future research themes.

HISTORY

OriginsAlthough gentlemen’s clubs have evolved from coffeehouses

in seventeenth and eighteenth century England, their origins can be traced to the Greco-Roman World (8th century BC) (Timbs, 1866; Hay, 1870 and Clark, 2000). During this time men used to meet and debate ethics and social life, be amused by dancers and/or musicians and recite poetry in drinking parties, the Gre-eks called such a party a 6\PSRVLXP and the Romans, a Convivium (Smith, 1853; Smith, 2003). Cicero in a letter to Paetus (Garnsey, 1999:136) mentions that these parties were ´WKH�REYLRXV�SODFH�IRU�LQ�WHUDFWLRQ��FRQYHUVDWLRQ�DQG�UHOD[DWLRQ��WKH�SODFH�DQG�RFFDVLRQ�ZKHUH�IULHQGVKLS�ZDV�VWUHQJWKHQHG�DQG�FXOWXUDO�DWWDLQPHQW�GLVSOD\HGµ.

Concomitant to that idea, Addison, an eminent essayist and creator of the defunct 7KH�6SHFWDWRU (1710-1711) mentions that “all

FHOHEUDWHG�FOXEV�ZHUH�IRXQGHG�XSRQ�HDWLQJ�DQG�GULQNLQJ��ZKLFK�DUH�SRLQWV�ZKHUH�PRVW�PHQ�DJUHHµ (Timbs, 1866:1), thus reassuring them as the club’s progenitor.

Britain and clubsIn every community during Roman ruled Britain there was a

Collegium, Long (in Smith [ed.] (1853:311) posits that “WKH�ZRUG�&RO�OHJLXP�SURSHUO\�H[SUHVVHG�WKH�QRWLRQ�RI �VHYHUDO�SHUVRQV�EHLQJ�XQLWHG�LQ�DQ\�


RIÀFH�RU�IRU�DQ\�FRPPRQ�SXUSRVHµ� this Roman institution was “partly

UHOLJLRXV��SDUWO\�VRFLDO��SDUWO\�EDVHG�RQ�EXVLQHVV�LQWHUHVWVµ (Collingwood and Myres, 1934:201) and looked after burials and business rela-ted issues from the community; they resembled religious guilds of the medieval times.

The return of the Roman troops to Italy saw the Anglo-Saxons invading and conquering Britain. According to Crouch (2000) du-ring their time most of the Roman corporations started to disa-ppear, however, guilds of stonecutters and glass makers survived, their members held a party every 26th of December where they swore oath to help each other. Inspired by them, the Anglo-Saxons had banqueting feasts where they indulged themselves to excess.

During Norman Britain, due to the ́ TXLFNHQLQJ�SDFH�RI �FRPPHUFLDO�H[SDQVLRQµ of the continent (Clark, 2000:13) those guilds evolved and assumed a system seen throughout Europe: the organization of festivities and the patronage of arts. And it’s only during the ODWH�SDUW�RI �WKH�0LGGOH�$JHV�WKDW�ZH�VHH�WKH�ÁRXULVKLQJ�RI �UHOL-gious confraternities and guilds and merchant guilds (Clark, 2000).

Meanwhile, there was the emergence of academies and socie-ties during the Italian Renaissance (Clark, 2000). Societies and academies started to appear throughout Western Europe in the next 150 years as the Renaissance period arrived to those coun-tries. As it arrived in Britain, it brought the end of medieval ti-mes and the start of the Tudor regime and with it Reformation Period which lasted just over 200 years. During this period the monarchy began to break with the Catholic Church and created the English Protestant Church.

Because of that, as Schmid (in [Ed.] Wagner and Schmid, 2012) posits, those religious confraternities and guilds started to disappear with the abolishment of chantries by the kingdom (Chantries Act 1545 and 1547), merchant guilds only survived after much protest and ´GHSULYHG�RI �PRVW�RI �WKHLU�UHOLJLRXV�WUDSSLQJVµ (Clark, 2000:23).

Wagner and Schmid (2012) posit that during the reign of Eli-zabeth I (1558-1603) English gentlemen and noblemen started


travelling around Europe in order to broaden their learned kno-wledge, thus originating the Grand Tour. On their return they started to organize academies, societies and sodalities inspired by what was seen in the continent and shaped by the confraternities and guilds existent in the country.

In 1603 there was the accession of the House of Stuarts to the English throne. This period of English history is marked by the English Revolution (1640-1660) and the origins of clubs in co-IIHH�KRXVHV��,Q��WKH�ÀUVW�FRIIHH�KRXVH�RSHQHG�LQ�2[IRUG�DQG�in London in 1652. They looked like taverns and their clientele consisted of the English Virtuosi and Bourgeois (Ulkers, 1922; Cowan, 2005; Ellis, 2011). Customers were relatively wealthy men interested in discussing politics and arts as well as conducting bu-siness. It was believed that, because of the stimulant nature of coffee, those types of men preferred to meet at those places be-cause it helped to cultivate creativity (Ellis, 2011). Sodalities and political parties as well as professional traders gathered together in taverns and coffeehouses (Clark, 2000). Nevill (1911:3) adds that ´HYHU\�SURIHVVLRQ��WUDGH��FODVV��SDUW\��KDG�LWV�IDYRXULWH�FRIIHH�KRXVHµ.

According to Timbs (1866:4) it was John Aubrey, an English ZULWHU��WKDW�ÀUVW�XVHG�WKH�WHUP�´FOXEEHµ for a ´VRGDOLW\�LQ�D�WDYHUQµ while he was a member of the debating society called Rota Club that used to meet in a coffeehouse during the English Interregnum period of 1649-1660. The Interregnum, according to Ellis (2011), marked the ´ÀUVW�JUHDW�SHULRG�RI �FOXEELQJ�LQ�/RQGRQµ.

The end of the English Revolution in 1660 marks the history of England as the year of the Restoration of the monarchy and the beginning of the Age of Enlightenment, which gave fruit to the English urban renaissance and the blooming of the traditio-nal English clubs known today. Clark (2000b; 2009) posits that conspicuously to the post-Restoration period was the arrival of fashionable entertainments (theatre, concerts) which alongsi-GH�WKH�JURZLQJ� LQÁX[�RI �ZHDOWK\� ODQGRZQHUV�� WKH�FRPSHWLWLRQ�generated by public drinking houses and taverns, the rising of political and religious freedom and the development of printed


press, as well as the inspiration provided by academies shaped by the religious guilds seen in the past, provided the breakthrough for clubs to grow in numbers and its public recognition (Bovill, 1962; Hay, 1870; Clark, 2000a; 2000b; 2009 and Timbs, 1866). Coffeehouses with their clubs and societies were intrinsically the life and blood of the English society by the time of the Glorious Revolution (1688).

If the gods spared the existence of the coffeehouses in 1665 �SODJXH��DQG��JUHDW�ÀUH��LW�ZDV�QRW�JRLQJ�WR�EH�D�NLQJ�WKDW�would abolish them; for a short period of 11 days in 1675, King Charles II issued a proclamation for the Suppression of Coffee Houses. The reason behind it was that those places were renow-ned for being exclusively political (Timbs, 1866) and its patronage known for being discontent with his government (Ulkers, 1922; Tennenhouse in [Ed] Kastan, 2006; Ellis, 2011).

As the Georgian period began in 1714 the coffeehouse culture started to spring throughout the country, in London alone there were over 3000. Tosh (1999:127) mentions that ́ WKH�ZULWHU�(GZDUG�.LPEHU�QRWHG�LQ��WKDW��/RQGRQHUV�IRUJDWKHUHG�HYHU\�QLJKW�LQ�FOXEVµ thus enhancing that clubs were one of the most distinctive socio-cultural institutions of this period (Clark, 2000a).

Coffeehouses reached their decline stage by the end of the 18th early 19th century as clubs that once they housed evolved be-coming more formal and started to build their own premises for meetings (Reed in [ed.] Clark, 2009) and tea became a fashion at court, as well as the government incentive and support in impor-WLQJ�WHD�IURP�WKH�HDVW��&ODUN��E��PHQWLRQV�WKDW�WKH�ÀUVW�FOXEV�started to appear and spring through Western Europe.

Pall Mall and St. James’s Street in London are recognized as the Clubland because of their past and continuing presence in housing coffeehouses and the most traditional gentlemen’s clubs (Timbs, 1866; Hay, 1870; Olsen, 1999 and Clark, 2000b).

Clubs reached their heyday in late Georgian period and early Victoria regime (Kent in Mitchell, 1999) during the Reform Act days (1832, 1867 and 1884) and especially because of the Indus-


trial Revolution (1780-1870): ´7KH�,QGXVWULDO�5HYROXWLRQ��«��ZDV�D�SHULRG�RI �XQSUHFHGHQWHG�WHFKQRORJLFDO��HFRQRPLF�DQG�VRFLDO�FKDQJH�WKDW�FRP�SOHWHO\�WUDQVIRUPHG�%ULWLVK�FXOWXUH�IURP�D�ODUJHO\�UXUDO��VWDWLF�VRFLHW\�ZLWK�OLPLWHG�SURGXFWLRQ�DQG�GLYLVLRQ�RI �ODERXU�LQWR�WKH�WKH�ZRUOG·V�ÀUVW�PRGHUQ�LQGXVWULDO�VRFLHW\µ(Parliament, Online).

Between 1850 and 1880 clubs started to become less political and more social (Ensor, 1936) as well as the emergence of exclu-VLYH�ZRUNLQJ�PHQ�FOXEV��ÀUVW�FUHDWHG�E\�WKH�PLGGOH�FODVV�DQG�ODWHU�taken by the working class for their entertainment (Bailey, 1978 and Cherrington, 2012). They both run similarly, the difference was the patronage class that attended those clubs.

Forrest (1982) posits that the start of First World War (1914-18) brought great stress not only to clubs but for the whole country. McCord and Purdue (2007:536) add that the “Great War (…) has

EHHQ�VHHQ�ZLWK�PXFK�MXVWLFH�DV�PDUNLQJ�D�ZDWHUVKHG�RU�JUHDW�GLYLGH�LQ�%ULWLVK�KLVWRU\��GHPDUFDWLQJ�WKH�SUH�ZDU�VRFLHW\��LWV�SROLWLFV��DQG�HFRQRP\�IURP�D�YHU\�GLIIHUHQW�SRVW�ZDU�ZRUOGµ. Because of war young men were called to WKH�IURQW�DQG�WR�ÀJKW�IRU�WKH�FRXQWU\��WKRVH�ZKR�VWD\HG�GLG�WKHLU�best to support them, charities and funds were created in aid to those at war. Forrest (1982) adds that because of that clubs also ZHQW� WKURXJK�ÀQDQFLDO�GLIÀFXOWLHV�GXULQJ� WKLV�ZDU��EHVLGHV� WKH�decline of attendance by the members who had been called to the front, the prices of goods and services rose causing certain items of food and beverage to be rationed. Forrest (1982:104) mentions that ´PRVW�RI �WKH�:HVW�(QG�FOXEV�WDFNOHG�WKHLU�ZDUWLPH�GHÀFLWV�E\�LQFUHDVLQJ�VXEVFULSWLRQV��ZKLOH�DW�WKH�VDPH�WLPH�HQFRXUDJLQJ�6HUYLQJ�SHU�VRQQHO�WR�MRLQ�RQ�HDV\�WHUPV��XVXDOO\�ZLWKRXW�HQWUDQFH�IHHµ�

In 1939 the Second World War started and with it brought “a

VWUDQJH��XQHDV\�PL[WXUH�RI �WKH�DXVWHUH�DQG�WKH�FRQYLYLDO��WKH�ERQKRPRXV�DQG�WKH�DSSUHKHQVLYHµ� (Forrest, 1982:133) feeling back. However, the power of the war was this time felt mostly in the country rather than the continent with the constant air raids in the early 1940s, which cause some damage to certain clubs. Since the war, some gentlemen’s clubs have allowed ladies to become members or to attend as guests.


Figure 1: Club popularity in England over time

Figure 1 gives a temporal interpretation of the development and popularity of English clubs. It offers a graphical, rather than statistical representation of the major stages in growth over time and suggests WKDW�WUDGLWLRQDO�FOXEV�DUH�FRQWLQXLQJ�WR�ÁRXULVK��HVSHFLDOO\�LQ�/RQGRQ�

It is clear now that the origins of clubs and the social history of Britain are interconnected, as Hay (1870:31-32) notes “the chan�JHV�WKDW�LW�WRRN�SODFH�LQ�WKH�HFRQRP\�RI �WKH�RQH�NHHS�SDFH�H[DFWO\�ZLWK�WKRVH�ZKLFK�WRRN�SODFH�LQ�WKH�HFRQRP\�RI �WKH�RWKHU”.

CURRENT STATE OF TRADITIONAL CLUBS IN LONDON

7KHUH� LV� QR�GHÀQLWLYH� QXPEHU� RI � WUDGLWLRQDO� FOXEV� LQ�/RQ-GRQ��$IWHU�DOO��KRZ�FDQ�FOXEV�EH�GHÀQHG�RU�WKH�OLPLWV�RI �/RQ-don bounded? Wikipedia suggests that there are approximately 50 gentlemen’s clubs in London and notes 55 on their website (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_London’s_gentlemen’s_clubs). The Club Secretaries and Managers Association (CSMA) includes 15 London club members on its website and provides “DQ�HGXFDWLRQDO�IRUXP ZKLFK�IXUWKHUV�SURIHVVLRQDOLVP��HGXFDWLRQ�DQG�VRFLDO�DFWLYLWLHV�IRU�0DQDJHUV�RI �&OXEV�RI �D�FRPSDWLEOH�FKDUDFWHU��DQG�WR�SURPRWH�DQG�HQFRXUDJH�HIÀFLHQW�DQG�VXFFHVVIXO�&OXE�0DQDJHPHQW” (http://www.csma.org.uk/mainclub.htm). The CSMA also provides a link to the Club Managers Association of Europe, which consists mostly

1

Greeks Romans MedievalEngland Restoration Industrial

RevolutionLate

VictoriansFirst World

WarSecond

World WarPresent

day

Guilds Coffeehouses Clubs

TIMEFigure 1: Club popularity in England over time


of sports and golf clubs. Eligibility to The Association of Lon-don Clubs (ALC) includes location in the Greater London Area (within the M25), being in existence for more than 5 years and to have a minimum of 200 members, and are not all exclusively for gentlemen. The ALC has 54 member clubs (some different from the Wikipedia list) and their activities/origins may be clas-VLÀHG�XQGHU�WKH�IROORZLQJ�QLQH�KHDGLQJV��$UWV��LQFOXGLQJ�OLWHUDWXUH�DQG�HQWHUWDLQPHQW��(GXFDWLRQ��XVXDOO\�SODFHV�RI �KLJKHU�HGXFDWLRQV��*HRJUDSK\��DFFRUGLQJ�WR�UHJLRQ��FRXQWU\�RU�WUDYHO��7KHVH�LQ-

clude those involved in the British Empire��+REELHV��DFWLYLWLHV�ZKLFK�PD\�QRW�EH�UHJDUGHG�DV�SK\VLFDO�

VSRUWV��IRU�H[DPSOH�Á\�ÀVKLQJ�DQG�EULGJH��3ROLWLFDO��RULJLQV�LQ�SROLWLFDO�LGHRORJ\��3URIHVVLRQDO��XVXDOO\�IRU�EXVLQHVV�SXUSRVHV��6HUYLFHV��PLOLWDU\�RU�DUPHG�VHUYLFHV��6RFLDO��ZKHUH�WKH�PDLQ�SXUSRVH�LV�PHHWLQJ�OLNH�PLQGHG�SHRSOH��6SRUW��LQFOXGHV�FULFNHW�DQG�URZLQJ�Figure 2 suggests that the statistical dispersion in the nine ca-

tegories is quite even, with social and sport being the most im-portant in the 54 members of the ALC.

)LJXUH��&ODVVLÀFDWLRQ�RI �WUDGLWLRQDO�/RQGRQ�FOXEV��Q ��

2

Figure 2: Classification of traditional London clubs (n=54)

7%

7%

11%

9%

9%

11%

13%

17%

15%

0% 5% 10% 15% 20%

Arts

Education

Geography

Hobbies

Political

Professional

Services

Social

Sport


LITERATURE REVIEW

There is little applied literature which might help to explain the nature of traditional clubs, so, this paper will explore the ge-QHULF�ÀHOGV�RI �VRFLRORJ\�DQG�HFRQRPLFV�EHIRUH�DGGUHVVLQJ�KRV-pitality management research. Figure 3 shows how these disci-plines interconnect.

Figure 3: The interconnecting themes for the literature review

7KH� OLWHUDWXUH�ZLOO�ÀUVW� DGGUHVV�GHÀQLWLRQV�RI �FOXEV�DQG�VH-eks to characterise the nature of traditional private clubs. Subsequently, sociological, economic and hospitality manage-ment literature is presented, in preparation for a model of tradi-tional clubs.

'HÀQLWLRQV$�FOXE�FDQ�EH�GHÀQHG�DV�¶DQ�DVVRFLDWLRQ�RI �SHUVRQV�XQLWLQJ�E\�

some common interest, meeting periodically for a shared activity �&RQFLVH�2[IRUG�'LFWLRQDU\��0HGOLN��GHÀ-nes clubs as “QRUPDOO\�DQ�HVWDEOLVKPHQW�SURYLGLQJ�IRRG�DQG�GULQN��DOVR�VRPHWLPHV�HQWHUWDLQPHQW��RYHUQLJKW�DFFRPPRGDWLRQ�DQG�RWKHU�IDFLOLWLHV�DQG�VHUYLFHV��IRU�PHPEHUV�DQG�QRW�WKH�JHQHUDO�SXEOLF”. The exact meaning of

Figure 3: The interconnecting themes for the literature review

Economics

HospitalitySociology


the term differs sometimes between the British Isles, where the club originated, and other countries’. For example, in the USA, gentlemen’s clubs often have a more salacious meaning. Peacock DQG�6HOYDUDMDK��GHÀQH�D�SULYDWH�FOXE�DV�¶D�VRFLDO�FOXE�for which prospective members must be nominated by existing members to a membership committee’. Harmer (1991) suggest that the members of private social clubs are loyal and tend to be ZHDOWKLHU�WKDQ�PRVW��3HUGXH��GHÀQH�SULYDWH�FOXEV�DV�¶D�place where people with a common bond of some type – similar interests, experiences, backgrounds, professions and so on – can FRQJUHJDWH�IRU�VRFLDO�DQG�UHFUHDWLRQDO�SXUSRVHV��%\�GHÀQLWLRQ��D�private club is a place that is not open to the public; an individual must be accepted by the rest of the membership before he or she may join’. Traditional clubs provide a haven or refuge for their members including lounges, libraries, food and drink and some-times entertainment and accommodation. Nowadays, clubs exist for various reasons, including for charitable, religious or political reasons, or for hobbies, sports, and social activities.

In summary, traditional private clubs may be characterised as elitist organisations which are closed to the public and limited in numbers. Membership is somewhat self-selecting from existing networks and the clubs are usually run by committees, with the help of a team of hospitality professionals.

Sociology literatureHaralambos and Holborn (2008: 1) suggest that sociology at-

tempts ‘to explain and understand the behaviour of human beings in society’. Heller (1989) contends that a community may be cha-racterised by the relational activities or social ties that draw peo-SOH�WRJHWKHU��*XVÀHOG��VXJJHVWV�WKDW�FOXEV�LQYROYH�KXPDQ�relationships in communities of interests. A sense of community is generated when members feel a relationship to a community and a sense of belonging. This may involve the perception of si-milarity to other members and a feeling of interdependence with them (Sarason, 1974). McMillan and Chavis (1986) suggest that WKLV�VHQVH�RI �FRPPXQLW\�KDV�IRXU�HOHPHQWV��EHORQJLQJ��LQÁXHQ-ce, needs and emotion:��%HORQJLQJ� members feel that people experience feelings of

belonging to their community


��,QÁXHQFH: implies that people feel they can make a difference in their community��1HHGV�IXOÀOPHQW: suggests that members of a community be-

lieve that the resources available in their community will meet their needs��Emotional connection: the belief that community members sha-

re history, time, places and experiences.Bishop et al (2002) seek to characterise the rural community

and suggest that there are parallels with club membership. For example, a club’s history tends to characterise its current opera-tions and ethos, while older communities often have barriers to easy membership and maintain traditional approaches to social organisation. It may be suggested that traditional clubs in Lon-don share the characteristics of a ‘rural village’.

Sociologists like Vilifredo Pareto (1848-1923) and Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941) saw elite rule as inevitable (Haralambos and Holborn, 2008:31) and the Victorian period in London saw a proliferation of clubs which strengthened elite dominance. Mills (1956) suggests that the unity and cohesiveness of the power eli-te are strengthened by the similarity of social backgrounds, and clubs offer opportunities to mix with like-minded people of the same social persuasion.

The glue that contributes to cohesion in ‘communities-of-common-purpose (Falk and Kirkpatrick, 2000:2) may be social capital. Bordieu (1991: 230-251) suggests that there are different types of capital: cultural, economic, functional, linguistic, perso-nal, political, professional, social and symbolic. Coleman (1990) posits that mutual trust is an essential element of social cohesion. )XNX\DPD��GHYHORSV�D�GHÀQLWLRQ�RI �WUXVW�DV��¶WKH�H[SHF-tation that arises within a community of regular, honest, and co-operative behaviour, based on commonly shared norms’. Putnam (1995) bewails the decline of social capital, suggesting that pres-sures of modern life have encouraged individualism in watching television and video at the expense of active club membership. It may be argued that modern club members are conservative in outlook and prefer contact and conversation with ‘real’ people. However, perhaps both traditional clubs and modern electronic life may be regarded as ‘closed worlds’, one collective and the other individualistic.


7KH�LVVXH�RI �VRFLDO�FODVV�KDV�EHFRPH�OHVV�GHÀQLWLYH�LQ�WKH�8.�over time. Haralambos and Holborn (2008) contend that, in Wes-tern societies, there are no longer distinct classes whose members have a common sense of shared identity. Watson and Hill (2012) recall that Joint Industrial Committee for National Readership Surveys (JICNARS) in the UK bases demographics and social FODVVLÀFDWLRQ�XSRQ�UHDGHUVKLS�RI �QHZVSDSHUV��$V�¶KDUG·�QHZVSD-per readership declines, Savage et al (2013) propose a new mo-GHO�RI �VRFLDO�FODVVLÀFDWLRQ�EDVHG�RQ�%RUGLHX·V�QRWLRQ�RI �FDSLWDO��They suggest that elites have the highest number of social con-tacts and ‘highbrow’ social capital whose members are over-re-presented from elite universities and are located especially in the areas close to London. Joseph (1989: 39) sees professionalization as a process which, in Victorian times, was rather like ‘companies of equals’ where admittance was a matter of status. Professio-nal socialisation occurs where ‘members become bound to their FKRVHQ�ÀHOG�DQG�WR�HDFK�RWKHU��-RVHSK��

This helps to explain the sociological reasons why people mi-ght join clubs, especially in London, but are there other reasons? Woolcock (1998) makes the interesting point that social capital contributes to achieving desired socio-economic outcomes, whi-ch suggests that club membership might be sought for a variety of complex reasons.

Economic literatureMuch of the academic literature on clubs comes from the disci-

pline of economic theory. Buchanan (1965) proposes an economic theory of clubs based on the work of Pigou (1920) and Knight (1924), whose work on congested roads led to tolls and therefore the determination of ‘membership size’. The rich economic lite-rature is mostly concerned with the producing mathematical mo-dels of the allocation of shared resources rather than Schelling’s (1969) concept of a club as a ‘pure taste for association’. Sandler DQG�7VFKLUKDUW��GHÀQH�D�FOXE�DV�´a voluntary group de�ULYLQJ�PXWXDO�EHQHÀW�IURP�VKDULQJ�RQH�RU�PRUH�RI �WKH�IROORZLQJ��SURGXFWLRQ�FRVWV��WKH�PHPEHUV·�FKDUDFWHULVWLFV��RU�D�JRRG�FKDUDFWHULVHG�E\�H[FOXGDEOH�EH�QHÀWV” This paper is not primarily concerned with modelling costs, EHQHÀWV�RU�WKHLU�DOORFDWLRQ��EXW�WKH�HFRQRPLF�OLWHUDWXUH�FDQ�KHOS�to characterise clubs. For example, Sandler and Tschirhart (1980:


1485) consider the effect of changing membership size and sug-gest that “FD�PDUDGHULH�LV�HYHQWXDOO\�RYHUSRZHUHG�E\�FURZGLQJ��DQG�DW�WKDW�SRLQW� WKH�EHQHÀW�SHU�SHUVRQ�EHJLQV�WR�GHFOLQH”. They also differentiate between homogeneous and heterogeneous club membership and contend that membership characteristics affect decision-making. +HWHURJHQHRXV�FOXEV�PLJKW�ÀQG�GHFLVLRQ�PDNLQJ�PRUH�GLIÀFXOW�to reach owing to the aggregation of diverse preferences (1980: 1491). Some other issues raised in the economic literature are:

Discrimination�� LQ� H[FOXVLYH� FOXEV�ZKHUH�EHQHÀWV� DUH� VKD-red. Discrimination gives rise to some controversy where poten-tial members are excluded for various reasons, including race, age, gender, profession or religion. For example, Pell (1988) rails against the ‘closed doors’ of gentlemen’s clubs who do not admit women or sports clubs whose rules give priority to men.

Institutional form: clubs can be privately owned by a coope-UDWLYH�PHPEHUVKLS��RSHUDWHG�IRU�SURÀW�RU�SXEOLFO\�FRQWUROOHG�E\�government (Buchanan, 1965: 7).

Crowding��WKH�H[WHQW�RI �FURZGLQJ�LQ�HVWDEOLVKPHQWV�RI �À[HG�capacity and variable attendance.

Multiproduct clubs: for example, country clubs that provide a golf course, swimming pool and room for social events. Sandler and Tschirhart (1980) question if the complementarity of many products is more complex in such clubs. In hotels, for example, to what extent does a gym or a spa attract potential customers and to what extent are they used?

Membership: heterogeneous or homogeneous? Should a club appeal to many or the few? How might that affect the voluntary cooperations of people for mutual advantage?

Hospitality literaturePeacock and Selvarajah (2000:234) remark that “private social

FOXEV�DUH�VLPSO\�KRVSLWDOLW\�EXVLQHVVHV�ZLWKRXW�QDPHV�RU�QXPEHUV�RQ�WKHLU�doors”. Therefore, it may be assumed that the skills of hospitali-ty management apply to running private clubs as well as hotels and restaurants.

There is a wealth of literature about private clubs in the USA, where the Club Managers Association of America (CMAA) has members in about 3,000 such clubs (Kim et al, 2011). This has increased in recent years and Peacock and Selvarajah (2000) com-


mented that traditional clubs cherish a commitment to privacy and this is one reason why they are so rarely investigated. But Sin-JHUOLQJ�HW�DO·V��ÀQGLQJV�LQFOXGHG�WKH�UHOXFWDQFH�RI �86�SUL-vate clubs to participate in research. They include country clubs, golf clubs, city dining/athletic clubs, yacht clubs and other clubs. Perhaps because of this professional organisation there is consi-derable literature about US club issues, such as competencies for club managers (Koeningsfeld et al, 2010), food and beverage le-vels during the 2008-2010 economic downturn in clubs (Herrei-ra et al, 2012), yield management opportunities for private club managers (Barth, 2002) and food and beverage training in private clubs (Barrows, 2000). This suggests a greater lever of associa-tion and sophistication than in the UK, where traditional clubs are more independent and organised. Barrows and Walsh (2002) remark that, compared to other English-speaking countries, the-re is no shortage of information pertaining to private clubs, in-cluding professional research studies, thus strengthening the re-lationship between club and hospitality management.

In many countries (for example the United Kingdom and Aus-WUDOLD��FOXEV�PXVW�EH�UHJLVWHUHG�ZLWK�WKH�DXWKRULWLHV�DV�ERQD�ÀGH��QRQ�SURÀW�PDNLQJ�RUJDQLVDWLRQV��DV�WKHLU� OHJDO�REOLJDWLRQV�PD\�be different from the norm (for example in liquor licensing re-gulations). Buuitjens and Howard (2001) note that clubs are go-verned by a board of directors and a manager/secretary who is responsible for day-to-day running.

Modelling traditional clubsAs shown in Figure 4, the literature synthesis proposes that

the ethos of clubs' private membership is often based on tradi-tion and genesis, in the nine categories suggested in Figure 2. Once formed, it is the membership through committees that dri-ves the governance and strategy of traditional clubs over time. 3DLG�RIÀFHUV��IRU�H[DPSOH�WKH�6HFUHWDU\�DQG�VXSSRUW�KRVSLWDOLW\�staff) are employed to enable the wishes of members in the fu-ture, through the committees. This situation contrasts with the role of hospitality managers in restaurants and hotels whose task it is to develop a product and service strategy and to deliver this through operations.


Figure 4: A model of the elements of traditional clubs

Table 1 summarises the key differences between traditional clubs and hotels. There is anecdotal evidence to suggest that tra-ditional club management is employing more hospitality profes-sionals in an attempt to improve services to members and the effective management of their considerable properties. This con-tention will need to be explored in further research.

Table 1: Contrasting traditional clubs and hotels

Tradition Ethos Membership

Governance

Strategy

Services

Traditional clubs Hotels

Tradition

Ethos

Membership

Governance

Strategy

Services

��3XEOLF�VFKRRO��8QLYHUVLW\��DUPHG�IRUFHV��

professional

��5HWDLQV�ODUJHO\�RULJLQDO�SXUSRVH��$WWUDFWV�PHPEHUV��([WHQVLRQ�RI �WKH�KRPH

��(OLWLVW��VRPHWLPHV�PDOH�RQO\��&ORVHG�WR�SXEOLF��6HOI�VHOHFWLQJ��/LPLWHG�RU�À[HG�QXPEHUV��(VFDSH�WR�D�FRPIRUW�]RQH

��5XQ�E\�FRPPLWWHH�ERDUG��0DQDJHU�HPSOR\HG�E\�ERDUG��([SOLFLW�UXOHV

��6WDWXV�TXR��)LQDQFLDO�VHFXULW\��1RQ�SURÀW��8QFKDQJLQJ�LQ�D�FKDQJLQJ�ZRUOG

��&RPIRUW�IRRG��:LGH�UDQJH�RI �ORZ�FRVW�ZLQHV

��:LGH�VRFLDO�FODVV��7UDGLWLRQ�EDVHG�RQ�RUJDQLVDWLRQDO�

culture

��$GDSWV�WR�PDUNHWV�EUDQGV��$WWUDFWV�JXHVWV�DFFRUGLQJ�WR�EUDQGLQJ�

location and pricing

��3OXUDOLVW��2SHQ�WR�SXEOLF��)HZHU�UHVWULFWLRQV��1XPEHUV�À[HG�E\�FDSDFLW\��2IIHUV�DQ�DFFRPPRGDWLRQ�DQG�IRRG�

experience

��0DQDJHPHQW�WHDP��*HQHUDO�PDQDJHU��6WDQGDUG�RSHUDWLQJ�SURFHGXUHV

��3UHVHQW�DQG�IXWXUH�RULHQWHG��%XVLQHVV�SHUIRUPDQFH��3URÀW��$GDSWLQJ�WR�WKH�PDUNHW�HQYLURQPHQW

��&DWHU�IRU�UHVLGHQWV�DQG�ORFDOV��/LPLWHG�ZLQHV�ZLWK�FRPPHUFLDO�PDUNXS


CONCLUSION

It is disappointing to note that traditional clubs have not been the focus of much academic explorations and this paper seeks to begin to address this gap. Clubs developed in London from coffeehouses in the seventeenth century and became places of talk, social association and business. The Victorian period saw the greatest growth in clubs, which became more associated with social class and as an ‘oasis’ or an ‘escape’ from home or work. On a more practical level, clubs provided accommodation and food for members away from home, just like hotels.7KHUH�LV�QR�GHÀQLWLYH�LQIRUPDWLRQ��EXW�WKHUH�DUH�DSSUR[LPDWH-

ly 50 clubs in the London area at the time of writing. Their ori-JLQV�PD\�EH�FODVVLÀHG�LQWR��JURXSV��ZLWK�DQ�HYHQ�VSUHDG�DFURVV�each category.

The secondary research methodology draws upon the dis-ciplines of sociology, economics and hospitality management. /LWHUDWXUH�GHÀQLWLRQV�UHLQIRUFH�WKH�QRWLRQ�RI �FOXEV�DV�SODFHV�RI �association for a common interest, be it for sport, business or social interaction. Clubs are private and not open to the general public and may be regarded as elitist and closed organisations. The sociology literature addresses how a sense of community can be engendered with feelings of interdependence. Cohesion also GHULYHV�IURP�GLIIHUHQW�W\SHV�RI �VRFLDO�FDSLWDO�ZKLFK�FDQ�ÁRXULVK�where like-minded individuals congregate. The economic litera-ture addresses a theory of clubs in which resources are shared. Traditional clubs may be regarded as homogeneous organisations, where decision-making is comparatively easy and where camarade-rie is ensured by discriminative members to avoid overcrowding. The hospitality literature addresses the skills necessary to provi-de the standards of food, accommodation, premises and other services which members might demand.

The paper proposes a model of the elements of traditional clubs, in which tradition is often maintained over time. Clubs de-veloped an ethos based upon their genesis, and it is the members �WKURXJK�WKHLU�SDLG�RIÀFLDOV��ZKR�DUH�UHVSRQVLEOH�IRU�WKH�JRYHU-nance and strategy of the institutions and the services which are offered. There are a number of commonalities and contrasts be-tween services at traditional clubs and hotels, with the skills of hospitality management needed in both activities.


Further researchThe aim of this paper is to provide the conceptual under-

pinning for a descriptive model of traditional clubs, which have existed for several centuries but whose nature is unclear. This can help to start the debate about the validity of this model as well as to encourage primary research within traditional clubs. Such research might consider the following issues::KDW�EHQHÀWV�PLJKW�PHPEHUV�GHULYH�IURP�FOXE�PHPEHUVKLS"Is there a difference from running a club and a hotel?Why do employees choose to work in clubs rather than other

hospitality organisations?

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