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RESEARCH AND HIGHER EDUCATIONJosef Langer aa University of Klagenfurt , AustriaPublished online: 06 Jul 2006.

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FACTS AND TRENDS

RESEARCH AND HIGHER EDUCATIONRESEARCH AND TEACHING: THEAMBIVALENCE OF AUSTRIAN HIGHEREDUCATION

Josef LANGERUniversity of Klagenfurt, Austria

In 1978 Austria spent 1.27%of its gross national product on re-search and development. This was35.4% more than in 1975 (BMfWF, 197B:88] and a considerable improvementon the amount spent in the sixtiesand the period of reconstruction(1945-1962] after World War II.(Schmutzer,19B0 a: 24-32). Thisplaces Austria among the middle ranksof industrialized countries.

Further analysis of Austria'sspending on research 8 developmentshows that again in 1978, 52.9% ofthe entire sum was made available byfederal and local governments andonly 46.3% by nongovernmental insti-tutions. This gives an impression ofthe role government has in develop-ing science and industry in contem-porary Austria. The most importantreason for this is the structure ofthe Austrian economy which is domi-nated by small and medium-sized com-panies. This leads to the fact thatout of 6567 companies only about 654 .(10%) are involved in research &development activities (Schmutzer1970 b: 59). Activating the resourcesof the small and medium-sized com-panies towards research & developmentneeds a new model of co-ordinationand support. From the sum governmentcontributes to research & development,again 67.3% goes to institutions ofhigher education. This gives a firstvague idea of the responsible andimportant role the universities playin developing science and researchin Austria.

In central Europe the idea thatresearch has to be an important partof higher education has been a dis-tinguishing characteristic of itsuniversities since the ninetsenthcentury. (Ben-David, 1977: 93-100,and Schelsky 1971: 63-72). The extentto which this principle could be im-plemented changed rapidly after theSecond World War. There has been asteady tendency to separate researchand teaching into different institu-tions or different departments in thesame institution. In Austria thisprocess is perhaps the least advancedin comparison with similar countries.As many other variables have developedin more or less the same way every-where else (student numbers, monisticmethodology etc.) research in Austriais extremely vulnerable and needsspecial attention, care and effort.

In most of the advanced coun-tries through the functional changeof universities, in which researchhas played a varying role since thevery beginning of the middle ages(Strasser, 1976: 176, and Fischer-Kowalski, 1977:571-612) the domina-tion of this process has been weakenedin favour of teaching and other func-tions like keeping people out of thelabour market (Kellermann, 1980:146-181), Austria has tried to resistthese changes on several levels. Allmajor laws and statutes concerningstructure and function of Austrianuniversities emphasize teaching andresearch as integral parts of theinstitution. Research is explicitlyone "of the main functions of the uni-versity (5 1/1b AHStG). Universitieshave the task of educating the cominggeneration of researchers ($ 1/2aAHStG) and preparing students scienti-fically for the profession they areaiming for. One major instrument in

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achieving this is the link between"research and teaching" ($ 1/1bAHStG). In the same way the organiza-tional law of "the universities (UOG)states that the universities have toserve research & development with theaim of developing a humane society(5 1/1 UOG). For this, research andteaching are becoming operationalinstruments (5 1/1b UOG). Also, thetask of educating the scientific staffof the future is mentioned (5 1/3b).

The endeavour to maintain inideology, and to some lesser extentin structure, the neohumanistic demandfor unity in research and teaching hasbeen successful insofar as the re-search functions of Austrian universi-ties have been seldom challenged byprivate institutions. At the sametime society considers research morevital than ever before. The discre-pancies and frictions caused bythese pretensions are numerousand hardly possible to analyze in de-tail. In the age of mass educationand severe financial restrictions asystem which is dedicated to fulfil-ling the original concept of educationwill experience failure and disap-pointment. In fact this aspect ofAustrian higher education has beenseverely criticized in the latestexaminers report on Austrian highereducation by experts of the OECD inParis (BMfWF, 1976: 47f). Groups whoface this ambivalence continually arethe people belonging to the threecategories constituting Austrian uni-versities: the students, the assistantprofessors and the professors. Thequantitative relationship now isabout 103,000 students to 4712 assist-ant professors and 1354 full profes-sors CLeitner", 1980: 477-493). Teach-ing and research receive their finalsocial dynamics out of this peculiarhierarchy of competence and diverseeconomic status. I would like now todiscuss what relationship to researchthe students,' the assistant professorsand the professors really have underthe ideological imperative of theunity of teaching and research.

The Students .

Identity and communicationproblems of students have been thesubject of numerous publications,conventions and national reports allover the world. As far as I knowlittle reference has been given tothe students relationship towards andwithin research.. This chapter is togive an impression of this aspect inthe Austrian case. The number ofstudents in this country (excludingforeigners) has increased from44.178 (1970/71) to 95.136 (1979/80)in the last decade (Bodenhofer et al.1980, 203). As it is well known thatthe number of people, has an impacton behaviour and consciousness(Barker, 1968) one can imagine thatproblems and frictions in studentlife (Langer. 1981) have something todo with this quantitative increaseand that also holds for the partici-pation in research activities.

We have investigated the stu-dents1 relationship to research inan international longitudinal studyon higher education (Sandberger etal., 1981) in which up to the presentthe questionnaire has been given tothe same students twice. In 1977,756 Austrian first semester studentsanswered an extensive questionnaire.In 1979 (fifth semester) out of thisgroup 480 were left and answered asimilar one. The information pre-sented here is based on the fifthsemester students and includes alsoqualitative observations of a smallernumber of students.

Basically many Austrian studentsenter university with high expecta-tions towards research 8 development.They even would like to get a job(43%) where they, can work scientifi-cally and this holds especially formedical, engineering and naturalscience students. This fits into theobservation that professional expec-tations are not independent of theactual situation in the occupationalarea (Langer, 1981:35-58). Thisorientation does not change throughthe impact of the university duringthe first five semesters. To a great

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extent Austrian studentsidea with them when theyqualify at the level oftion. They perceive thisas a main agent engagingin order to produce newwhich can lead to social(70%) and evaluate thispositively (65%).

carry thisdecide tohigher educa-institutionin' research

Knowledgeprogress

function very

These euphoric expectationsmeet severe restrictions not only inthe concrete situation of the univer-sity but also in general society.Students for example believe thatparticipation in a "small researchproject" would be very useful fortheir personal development C 75%) butat the same time they are extremelydoubtful that this could improve theiremployment prospects (70%). This re-flects the historical experiencethat not long ago a considerable per-centage of graduates especially inthe natural sciences had to leavethe country to get a suitable job,and it is still not easy to find aposition where research experiencecan be useful.

Despite the high expectationstowards research, the university it-self does not offer many opportuni-ties for the students in this direc-tion. It is not even in the positionto meet its legal mandate towardsthe students concerning research.The majority of students indicatethat "none" of the courses includethe opportunity to carry out a smallproject (62%). Even more complainthat there is no introduction intothe process of research (66%). Therest experienced at least somecourses in this direction (33%). Thisresearch deficit strikes the practicalfields hardest (economy, engineering)but is also severe in the naturalsciences, whereas the arts are theleast handicapped. The reason for thedifferentiation seems to lay notonly in the ratio of students perfaculty member but also in the typeof subject and the capability andwillingness of the teacher to linkteaching and research.

Besides the structural accessto research, we have asked the stu-dents what sort of opportunities togain scientific knowledge theyperceive in their field of study andhow they evaluate this (Graph 1, onpage 8 )• Such a question should re-'veal how different types of justifi-cation are involved in arriving attruths in a certain discipline. Thebiggest role in the truth-findingprocess from the view of the studentsis obviously played by the standar-dized methods of neopositivism andthe authority of nonscientific fac-tors (professors, institutions etc.).The students obviously accept theextent to which the "objective" me-thodology is used but refuse therole of external authorities. Otherapproaches on the path to truth liketheoretical reflection and discus-sion are not very usual at Austrianuniversities and this is also illus-trated by the number of the respon-dents. The combination of a predomi-nant standardized methodology andnonscientific authority indicates atendency to paradigmatic monism andundemocratic conditions in Austrianhigher education, a phenomenon whichdoes not comply with the constitu-tion and with the new organizationallaw for the universities (5 1/2cUQG).

The Faculty

Despite the students criticalperception and experience of discre-pancy between their high expecta-tions and everyday university lifethey are often confronted with at •least the results of research. Thisis a passive way of participatingin research and is becoming more andmore rejected by people concernedwith the didactics of higher educa-tion (Heintel, 1981: 21.-38). In cri-ticizing this restricted applicationof the principle of "unity betweenresearch and teaching" the role ofstructure and the dynamics of thefaculty have been more or lessneglected.

In analysing the faculty atleast two dimensions seem to be

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CD

GRAPH 1

There are several approaches toarriving at scientific knowledge.Please indicate

- which role the following threeapproaches actually play in yourfield of study

- which role in your opinion, theyshould play.

1. The application of standardized methods. by which other researchers may come tothe same conclusions under the sameconditions.

2. The power of theoretical reflectionand creative thinKing by the indivi-dual researcher.

3. Agreement on the basis of discussionwith equals without constraint.

4. Decisions and definitions by professors,institutions and general politicalrelationships.

4.80 fifth semester students (arithmetic mean]

— — ~ — does— _ _ should

•0 1 2 3 4 5 . 6 doss play

- 3 - 2 - 1 0 1 2 3 should play

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important to understand its dynamics:the status differences, and ..the divi-sion of labour. The status hierarchyat an Austrian university measured inincome, prestigei time importance,status security etc. is actuallyrather steep. The positions involvedstart with the student assistant andgo up to the fully tenured professor.A hierarchy which the students might,only perceive as a difference incharisma, but an insider can experiencein a variety of aspects in every-day life. The tenured professor,forexample, is an extremely privilegedcitizen, with the advantages of anindependent profession and the securi-ty of a civil servant, whereas a stu-dent assistant has a very limitedcontract and practically only theright to adapt.

Considering research & develop-ment it seems to me that there aretwo status-groups within the facultywhich are essential for any researchat the university and moreover thevital core of research in Austria ingeneral. There are the assistantprofessors (Firnberg, 1980: 7) andthe tenured professors (in 1978, 4712and 1354 respectively). These twogroups represent the core of the"institutionalization of the cogni-tive complex" (Parsons and Platt,1973: 106) in Austria. A genuineAustrian research would barely existwithout the endeavours and dynamicsof those few thousand men and women,because non-university research &development in this country is eitheritself a derivation of the "core",or the dependent of foreign basedinstitutions and interests, or merelyof minor importance. Because of thisthe social, cognitive arid emotionalstructure of the "core" is of utmostimportance not only for the advanceof the university but for other sec-tions of the society too.

Until 1975 the relationshipbetween the tenured professor whousually had a chair and his assistantwas one of intellectual apprentice-ship. The social structure of thissituation resembled that of a family

and therefore the emotions involvedhad some similarity with those ina traditional "father-son-relation-ship" (Parsons and Platt, 1976:198-201). This model which mighthave been successful in previouseras of "Wissensahaft" more or lessfailed in post-war Austria last butnot least because most of the "com-petent fathers" did not return aftertheir experience with war and bar-barism. In this respect 1975 was animportant landmark in Austrian highereducation, becau.se the new organiza-tional law (Universitdtsorganisa-tionsgesetz) opened the road for thedemocratization of universities.From then on not only the tenuredprofessors, but also the assistantprofessors and the students andeven groups like the nonacademicstaff were participating in runningthe institutions on all levels.

This legal change offered thecore of the research sector of theacademic body additional structuralopportunities. Of these I wouldlike to mention: 1) The assistantprofessors got a formal chance toparticipate in the formation of thesocial style within the department.The decision whether to have an auto-cratic, competitive or indifferenttype of departmental relationship(Astin and Scherrei, 1980: 88-107)is no longer in the hands of thetenured professors alone. The as-sistants improved their positionfrom apprenticeship to membershipin the faculty. 2) The establishingof departments instead of chairs,set the conditions for a betterbalanced emotional identity of allmembers in the institution. In thecase of the assistant professorsthey are no longer automaticallydirectly subordinate to the tenuredprofessor who is their Head of De-partment. Offence and oppressioncan be more easily answered by so-lidarity than before. 3) On thecognitive level a freer exchangeof ideas is possible despite thecontinuing restrictions which arealways implicit io_a-scientificparadigm (Kuhn,1967: 57-67).

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Further, in some areas like socialsciences it became easier to intro-duce a new paradigm and this bringsincreased dynamics to a rather mono-lithic scientific culture [Kellermann,1980]. The improved status of theassistant professors also gives thema better chance to participate in theintellectual competition inside andoutside the university.

These developments seem morethan just, if we consider that thetenured professors and the assistantprofessors have more or less the samejob profile at Austrian universities[Table 1 on page 11). At first glancethe differences are only minor in thesense that the tenured professors dosomewhat more teaching than the as-sistant professors. On the other handthe latter group compensates for thiswith a higher percentage of research.This is a structural element ofAustrian higher education and holdsfor all major areas of studies. Thedifference between the tenured profes-sors and the assistants is increas-ingly less one of the type of work,than of involvement in external repre-sentation and academic leadership.At the same moment the research-oriented goals of the Austrian uni-versities could not be kept withouta considerable number of assistantprofessors.

The further development of thestructurally created ambivalencebetween tenured professors who haveto struggle to keep their positionand the assistant professors who needmaximum legal support for academicfreedom remains for me the basicprecondition for the improvement ofthe productivity and the effective-ness of university research inAustria. (Knorr, 1981: 148-151].This is one of the main differencesbetween the social structure ofuniversity and technocratic non-university research. This developmentdoes not necessarily increase theintegration of research and teachingto the advantage of the students butit is a necessary precondition. Itis in my opinion obvious, that the

increased competition in the corecomplex of research since 1975 hasdecreased the willingness of theprofessors to do small researchprojects with the students or to in-troduce them properly to the logicof research. In the case of the as-sistant professors the threat of anew Civil Service law for universityfaculties (Hoohschullehrer-Dienst-recht) which would expose large num-bers of this group to the forces offree market was a considerable causeof this unwillingness. Under presentconditions in Austria this couldlead to unemployment or at least mis-employment of highly qualified per-sonnel. This attack by the bureau-cracy was vehemently rejected by theassistant professors (Stein, 1980:V-X) but still has a negative impacton some aspects of university lifeas for example integrating teachingand research.

Future Outlook

At present the future of theprinciple "unity of research andteaching" in Austrian higher educa-tion is not yet decided. There aretendencies to create a type ofundergraduate, whose education moreor less excludes the aspect of re-search but there are also tendencieswhich strengthen the idea of research-oriented teaching. Decisions aboutthe following current legal and or-ganizational activities will cer-tainly have a crucial impact onwhether the development will moveone way or the other:

1) Under discussion now is a newregulation on the legal status(length of employment, criteriafor promotion, transfer problemsetc.] of the assistant professors(Hochsehullehrer-Dienstreeht).This law will have an immediate.impact on recruiting, replacementand career patterns in Austrianhigher education. One can hopethat a positive result for thecognitive complex of researchwill be steadier long-term staffdevelopment, a phenomenon in

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Tabel 1. Professional Activities of Austrian University

Professors (in percentages of total work time)

Natural Sciences

Engineering Science

Medical Science

Agricultural Sciencesand Forestry

Social Sciences

Liberal Arts

Tenured Professors

Teaching

47.6

48.3

38.6

40.2

44.1

48.9

Research

development

41.8

37.9

44.3

42.0

43.3

40.5

Others

10.6

13.8

17.1

17.8

12.6

10.6

Assists

Teaching

39.2

40.7

29.1

26.8

38.5

40.4

jnt Professors

Research

development

49.6

43.7-

48.6

44.5

46.5

43.2

Others

11.2

15.6

22.3

28.7

15.0

16.4

Osterreichische Statistisohes Zentralamt. Ref. 7.5,F & F3 Erhebung 1975

which Austria still has some ad-vantage in comparison with otherwestern countries [Leitner, 1980:487-489, and Kreyenberg, 1980:3-29).

2) Another legal activity concernsthe implementation of an organi-zational law for research 8 deve-lopment (Forsahungsorganisations-gesetz) which is supposed to payspecial attention to questionslike the variety of disciplines,the social implications of researchS development (FOG, 1980, 51/(1)2,3) and the development of personnelin the cognitiv complex researchsector (FOG, 1980, 510, and BMfWF,1978:28). Unfortunately this lawwill not pay much attention to thesocial conditions under which re-searchers work today.

3) What might also have an impact onthe relationship between teachingand research is the extent to which"research centres" (Forsohungs-

sahwerpunkte) will be establishedat the universities in the nearfuture. In the period between1978 and 1983 twelve centres arefunded to the amount of O.Sh.190,535.619, - by the "Fonds zur

• Forderung der brissenschaftlichenForschung" (FWF, 1979: 91). Thisprogramme also opens opportunitiesfor a greater involvement of stu-dents in research projects andsupports research-oriented teach-ing but is mainly limited tonatural sciences and engineering(63% of its budget).

4) Other more qualitative factorsemerge out of a new attitude andexpectation towards research &development in general. Thisevolves from a critical standtowards formal methodology in so-cial sciences, a demand for clGserco-operation between the univer-sities and society (Hollinger andSteinbacher, undated: 14-23) andfor example a call for "socially-

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oriented" natural sciences (Boehme,1979:38-39]. The motive behindthese suggestions is the perceptionof a large gap between "theory andpractice" and the demand for reac-tivating the individual.

The already mentioned economicstructure of Austria is a logicalsupport to strengthen university re-search simply because small andmiddle-sized industries do not havethe financial background nor can theyoffer the social setting necessaryfor a systematic and continuous dis-covery of the new. Because of this Iam not so pessimistic about the exitof research from universities(Leitner, 1979:66] in the case ofAustria as I do not see an equallyattractive element in the socialstructure of this country to whichthis function reasonably could betransferred. This society needs todevelop intermediate institutionswhich disseminate the results ofresearch to a broader number of bene-ficiaries which should also includethe ninety percent of the companiesnot involved in research & develop-ment, but at the same time remainvery competitive and flexible inother functions of economic life.Today's Austria cannot afford to en-courage separate research and teach-ing. The answers we have from thestudents are a signal for concernabout this question, but the struc-ture of the Austrian society has themomentum to counteract these ten-dencies.

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