remembering the second world war in singapore: wartime heritage as a visitor attraction

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Remembering the Second World Warin Singapore: Wartime Heritage as aVisitor AttractionJoan C. Henderson aa Nanyang Business School , Nanyang TechnologicalUniversity , Nanyang Avenue, Singapore, 639798Published online: 17 Dec 2010.

To cite this article: Joan C. Henderson (2007) Remembering the Second World War inSingapore: Wartime Heritage as a Visitor Attraction, Journal of Heritage Tourism, 2:1, 36-52

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Remembering the Second World War inSingapore: Wartime Heritage as aVisitor Attraction

Joan C. HendersonNanyang Business School, Nanyang Technological University,Nanyang Avenue, Singapore 639798

This paper is concerned with wartime heritage as a tourism industry resource andsome of the dilemmas inherent in its management and marketing as a visitor attrac-tion, especially when those involved are still alive. Issues are discussed with specificreference to Singapore which was the scene of fighting and military occupation byJapanese forces during the Second World War. The conservation of this wartime heri-tage and its use for the purpose of attracting visitors is assessed, and related museumsand heritage centres are reviewed. These are shown to serve important objectives ofnation building and suggest that the tourism function of some wartime sites may besecondary. War, like other forms of heritage, is revealed to have a social, political andeconomic value that affects its presentation to audiences of tourists and residents.

doi: 10.2167/jht022.0

Keywords: Singapore visitor attractions, wartime heritage

IntroductionWarfare is a historic event of interest to tourists and local residents and a

potential tourism industry resource at destinations where it has occurred.Histories of war are themes of assorted specialised visitor attractions, exhibi-tions at museums and heritage centres with a broader scope and organisedtours. Nevertheless, the display and marketing of wartime heritage poses chal-lenges due to the nature of the subject matter, and difficulties are perhaps moreacute when hostilities are within living memory.

Violent regional disturbances, civil wars and local disputes unfortunatelypersist, but the Second World War (1939–1945) was the last on such a scale,and survivors are still alive, although even the youngest of veterans are intheir eighth decade. It is therefore timely to consider how the heritage of thatwar is regarded and its representations in the 21st century when those with per-sonal recollections are gradually declining in number. Their memories may,however, be passed on in differing ways to descendants, groups and societyas a whole, alongside obligations not to forget the sufferings and sacrificesand try to prevent their repetition.

This paper discusses such questions within the context of Singapore, locatedat the southern tip of the Malay Peninsula in south east Asia. The island experi-enced fighting, invasion and sometimes brutal military occupation during theSecond World War. It is thus an appropriate case study, and the nation’s

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subsequent development as an independent republic affords additionalinsights into the role of wartime heritage in relatively young states in ages ofpeace. Opening summaries of the literature and Singapore at war set thescene and are followed by a review of approaches to heritage conservationthere. The conception and use of wartime heritage as a tourism asset are thenexamined and matters of presentation at specific sites are addressed before afinal discussion and conclusion.

Findings are derived from information in the public domain, supplemented byfieldwork observations. It is appreciated that some of thematerial is publishedbygovernment agencies and may reflect official agendas, but a critical stance hasbeen adopted in an attempt to minimise any possible bias. A researcherdealing with themes of war and its remembrance also faces ethical issuessimilar to those confronting heritage site managers. The subject is an emotiveone; objectivity and balance are required, taking into account the complexitiesof history and divergent viewpoints of wartime protagonists. Due respectmust also be shown to those who suffered, and their friends and relatives.

Given these considerations, consultation with people who experienced directlythe wartime events under study and any evaluation of their responses to itsrepresentations would have been worthwhile. However, any remaining formercombatants returning to Singapore are few in number, and practical constraintsprohibited the conducting of interviews in Australia and the UK, home of manyveterans. Communication barriers also prevented surveys of Japanese and oldergeneration Singaporeans whose first language is not English. Limitations arisingfrom the absence of such perspectives are acknowledged and they are animportant avenue for further exploration, with scope for a postal questionnaireadministered overseas in cooperation with ex-servicemen’s associations.

Tourism and Wartime HeritageTourism is widely agreed to have a close, but difficult, relationship with

history and the heritage to which it gives rise (Hewison, 1989; Nuryanti,1996). While tourist curiosity and money can assist in the preservation oftangible and less tangible forms of heritage, it may also lead to deviation andtrivialisation. Heritage risks becoming a commodity to be traded, and historicrealities are replaced by misleading or falsified versions shaped to suit thetourism industry. Over-commercialisation is more likely in private enterpriseswhere profit is the primary motive, but public sector facilities are underpressure in many parts of the world to be financially self-sufficient and adopta more commercial stance. Damaging outcomes are not inevitable, but greatcare must be exercised to achieve a satisfactory blend of academic rigour, infor-mation communication, enlightenment and entertainment (Uzzell, 1989).Failure to discharge these responsibilities can result in misunderstanding anddisinheritance (Boniface & Fowler, 1993; Tunbridge & Ashworth, 1996).

Warfare is a particularly demanding dimension of heritage because it relatesto human suffering and death. There may be opposing views of causes, eventsand consequences, as combatants and civilians, scarred and unscathed, couldstill be living. Governments may also be anxious to impose their own inter-pretation and influence narratives for ideological and hegemonic reasons.

Remembering the Second World War in Singapore 37

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Presentation problems at war sites and attractions include accurately depictingevents, respecting the sensitivities and sensibilities emanating from the per-sonal tragedies that comprise war and accommodating the requirements oftourism. Some exploitation is perhaps inevitable with some warranted criti-cism, but it should be noted that meaningful dialogue can occur between sitemanagers and survivors or their descendants leading to involvement in, andsupport for, any development by the latter. Use of heritage is a neutral andhence more apt term in these situations.

Despite complications in its management and marketing, war in its manymanifestations does possess tourist appeal (Smith, 1996) and is often classifiedunder the heading of dark tourism (Lennon & Foley, 2000), or thanatourism(Seaton, 1999). This embraces visits to prisons (Strange & Kempa, 2003), deathcamps (Beech, 2000; Young, 1993), assassination spots (Foley & Lennon,1996) and accident and disaster scenes, as well as battlefields and museumsthat contain the memorabilia of war and where wartime stories are recounted(Wight & Lennon, 2004).

Visitors attracted are diverse and exhibit a variety of motivations, occupyingpositions on a continuum from the frivolous and possibly voyeuristic to theextremely serious, with war veterans being an important market. The allurefor ex-participants returning to combat areas or visits by non-participants,amongst them relatives of the slain, has been observed at many locations inEurope (Lloyd, 1998; Slade, 2003), North America (Smith, 1998) and Asia(Henderson, 2000; Peleggi, 1996). Analysts report on the overall enduring fas-cination of war, the changes sites undergo over time and the tensions betweencommercialisation and sanctification. The extent to which these qualities can befound in Singapore emerges in the later sections of the paper.

Singapore’s Wartime HistorySingapore, claimed by Stamford Raffles for the British East India Company in

1819 and acquiring crown colony status as part of the Straits Settlements in1867, was originally of international commercial significance and a criticallink in the British network of overseas ports (Chew & Lee, 1991; Turnbull,1997). It was also a vital defence base in the 1920s, after the First World War(1914–1918) and following the ascendancy of Japan as a rival and potentialenemy of British interests. Naval facilities were expanded and airfields con-structed with the island being deemed unassailable; any attempted attackwas predicted to come in the south from the sea. These assumptions wereproved erroneous when the Japanese army landed in the northwest on8 February 1942. The army, with pedal bicycles as its principal and unexpectedmode of transport, had made rapid progress through the Malay Peninsula,which was invaded in early December 1941 (Tsjui, 1988).

The battle for Singapore lasted seven days before the unconditional surren-der by the colonial authorities on 15 February, described by the incumbentPrime Minister, Winston Churchill, as the worst disaster in British history.The whole Allied Malayan campaign seems to have been impeded byineptitude and wrangling. The lack of adequate air cover meant that theAllies could not take advantage of their striking superiority regarding

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combat troops (Allen, 1977; Elphick, 1995). The capitulation was a turning pointin the relationship between Britain and its colonies as a whole, with the formerblamed for failing its imperial subjects. Conditions could never be the sameagain at the conclusion of the Second World War, when independence move-ments grew stronger and the British Empire was eventually dismantled.

In the meantime, Singapore was renamed Syonan-to (Light of the South) bythe Japanese who sought to introduce a semblance of normality while alsoembarking on a process of Nipponisation. However, circumstances deterio-rated as the war advanced with many residents succumbing to starvationand disease (Kratoska, 1995). Life was especially hard for the Chinesebecause Singapore had been a centre of anti-Japanese activity in the 1930s,which intensified in 1937 with China’s declaration of war on Japan. TheJapanese regime in Singapore was therefore eager to punish sympathisersand suppress resistance. Chinese adult males were rounded up and screened;large groups of suspects were shot or bayoneted at 11 known locations. At the1947 War Crimes Trial the Japanese admitted to the deaths of 5000 civilians,although local sources put the figure closer to 50,000. The Kempeitai, orMilitary Police, were generally feared and renowned for their employment oftorture (Chew & Lim, 1992).

The end of the war and Japanese dominion came quite suddenly after theatomic bombs at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, without another confrontation.The formal Japanese surrender took place on 15 August 1945, at which timethe British administration was restored. As a result of the war, 2445 British,1113 Australian, 669 Indian and 178 Malayan servicemen are buried inSingapore’s Kranji cemetery. Two British battleships and several boats carryingevacuees were sunk, resulting in heavy loss of life, and another 200 perished inChangi Prison, which housed military prisoners of war (POWs) and non-military captives. What cannot be quantified are all the civilian deaths due tothe absence of records and overcrowded conditions in the congested city. Itwas calculated that as many as 2000 were killed daily during the aerial raidsin 1942 in addition to the numerous casualties of the Japanese occupation asalready noted (Simson, 1970).

The period between late 1941 and 1945 was one of upheaval, anxiety andfrequently anguish for the local and expatriate communities and members ofthe overseas armed forces who served in Singapore. The years left an imprinton those who lived through them (Foon et al., 2006; Tan, 1988) and constituteda legacy for future generations (NHB, 1998), which has been recognised andconserved in the manner outlined below.

Conserving Wartime Heritage in SingaporeAttitudes within government towards all types of heritage and its conserva-

tion have changed over the years in Singapore, partly in response to thenation’s evolution. Little value was initially attached to the physical remnantsof the past after independence in 1965 as the country looked firmly to thefuture. An ambitious programme of urbanisation, industrialisation andeconomic development was launched, which transformed the lives ofSingaporeans and the appearance and workings of the city state (Dale, 1999;


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Perry et al., 1997). The strategy was successful in giving the population one ofthe highest standards of living in Asia, but there was an appreciation that apeople were not to be determined by economic growth rates alone.

Officials realised that a sense of nationhood and national identity was neededto bind the Chinese, Malay, Indian, Eurasian and other ethnic populationstogether and inspire loyalty to the young republic (Hill & Lian, 1995). Suchsentiments could be strengthened by notions of a common struggle to over-come adversity and achieve ambitions, favouring the preservation of selectedexamples of built heritage symbolising this experience and the articulation ofappropriate historic narratives at museums. Cultivating collective memorieswas further seen to deepen feelings of being rooted and belonging, emotionsnot always present in a rapidly developing Singapore (Kong & Yeoh, 2003;Yeoh & Kong, 1995), but essential to avert a crisis of outward migration.

A hegemonic agenda has been an additional influence with constant remin-ders from the ruling party, in power since the 1960s, that it is the architect andguardian of modern Singapore. Allegiance to the state implies allegiance to theparty, which has demonstrated its competence and dissent is thereby under-mined (Rodan, 1993, 1996). Heritage conservation has thus gained greaterprominence in government policy making, although demands have to bereconciled with development priorities and optimal use of scarce land, whichusually take precedence (URA, 2001).

These assorted political, social and economic imperatives underlie stepstaken to acknowledge and protect Singapore’s heritage, not least that of theSecond World War, which have increased in recent years. A Committee onHistoric Sites, chaired by the National Heritage Board (NHB) was set up in1990 to identify and mark historically important structures and venues. Some14 war-related sites were named on the 50th anniversary of the close of theSecond World War (Phang, 1998). This number rose to 20 by 2002 (The StraitsTimes, 2002a) with more being listed since then. In 2005 the Ford Factorywhere the British surrender was signed became a National Monument – thefirst war relic designated thus. The government has also recently announcedits intention to award the accolade to a preserved wall of the former ChangiPrison (Kyodo News, 2005). Certain memorials are also devoted to the war,and current formally registered sites, memorials and monuments are givenin Table 1.

Military history is recalled in the list and the deaths of combatants, but civi-lian casualties are honoured with resistance fighters and groups whose missionwas outside of Singapore. An example of the latter is the Indian National Army,which was founded locally with Japanese assistance and sought to oust theBritish from India. The sites differ in their capacity to attract visitors, but theheritage of the Second World War as a whole has become a tourist attractionin Singapore.

Wartime Heritage as a Tourist Attraction in SingaporeDuring the past decade there have been important public and private invest-

ments in enhancing extant heritage attractions and founding new attractionsbased on the Second World War in Singapore. The main wartime museums


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Table 1 Singapore’s wartime sites, national monuments and memorials (NHB, nd)

Marked Historic Sites

Adam Park A battalion HQ near battle site.

Alexandra Hospital Scene of massacre of about 200 people.

Bukit Batok Memorials to Japanese and Allied soldiers, bothdemolished.

Bukit Timah Battle site.

Changi Beach Chinese massacre site.

Changi Murals Murals drawn by a prisoner in POW hospital chapel.

Chin Kan Huay Kuan HQ of Chinese organisation formed to assist indefence of Singapore.

Dalforce Battle site.

Indian National ArmyMonument

Memorial to Indian National Army.

Japanese Propaganda HQ Used by Japanese and later HQ for their surrender.

Johore Battery Gun site.

Jurong-Kranji Defence Line of defence.

Kempeitai East DistrictBranch

Military police base where suspects were imprisonedand tortured.

Kranji Beach Battle site.

Labrador Battery Gun emplacement.

Machine gun pillbox Pillbox within defence sector.

Outram Prison Internment centre for local civilians where some weretortured.

Pasir Panjang Battle site.

Pulau Sajahat Offshore island used for defence.

Pungoll Beach Chinese massacre site where about 400 people werekilled.

Sarimbun Beach First landing point of Japanese and battle site.

Selarang Camp Barracks housing POWs refusing to sign ‘no escapepledge’.

Sentosa Beach Chinese massacre site where about 300 people killed.

Sime Road Camp Malaya Campaign Operational HQ.

Sook Chin Centre Chinese screening centre.

Memorials

Cenotaph In memory of those who died.

Civilian War Memorial In memory of civilians who died.

Kranji War Memorial Dedicated to Allied troops who died in the battle forSingapore.

Lim Bo Seng Memorial In memory of resistance member who died overseasafter capture and torture.

National Monuments

Ford Factory Site of signing of British surrender.


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and heritage centres with their visitor groups, as defined by management, aresummarised in Table 2. Government agencies have shown their willingness tosafeguard heritage and facilitate access to a variety of audiences, adaptive reuseof buildings being a popular tool. Wartime heritage is also judged to havecommercial value with income to be earned from admission charges, retailingand organised excursions and tours. Modern display techniques, allowinginteractivity and utilising sophisticated technologies, are in evidence inmost instances.

A previous study of Singapore’s wartime attractions observes a tendency toassume the standpoint of the British colonial rulers instead of the locals, areflection on the comparative volume of documents and commentaries(Henderson, 1997). However, fieldwork suggests that much more space isnow accorded to the situation and experiences of the native population.Today’s residents are also a target visitor market as many exhibitions aim tofoster an appreciation of history, especially amongst the young who aregiven varying combinations of entertainment and education. Wartime heritagehas not, however, been prominent in the long-term marketing and develop-ment strategies of the Singapore Tourism Board (STB) (STB, 2005a; STPB,1996). Nevertheless, it is promoted, and there is an awareness of its particularinterest for Australia, New Zealand and the UK markets where citizens mayhave an actual or perceived affiliation with the Second World War because oftheir countries’ involvement in the Malaya campaign and Singapore’s Britishcolonial history.

The same conclusion could be applied to Japanese tourists, who visit ChangiMuseum on package tour itineraries, although there may be discomfort forboth hosts and guests surrounding issues of Japanese wartime aggression.Any unease could be compounded by the apparent reluctance of authoritiesto accept and atone for transgressions, with some Japanese conceiving theirnation principally as a victim of nuclear warfare (Siegenthaler, 2002). These dis-agreements sour Japan’s relations with certain Asian states, but this cannot besaid of the pragmatic Singapore regime. Commonwealth countries and Japanare important, albeit mature, source markets, yet most of Singapore’s visitorsoriginate within the rest of Asia (STB, 2005a), where knowledge and opinionsabout the war may be different from those who were more involved, therebymaking it less attractive for other Asian visitors.

Whilst there is likely to be an appreciation that tourist engagement extendsfrom casual to intense, the STB has favoured enlarging and upgrading thestock of wartime heritage assets. This is exemplified by its involvement inChangi Museum as a catalyst for innovation (Blackburn, 2000; STB, 2001).The STB has championed certain other projects, proffered finance, erectedstoryboards and distributed information. Key dates have been occasions forattempts to capitalise on the tourist appeal of the Second World War, notably2002 and 2005, which marked the 60 year anniversary of the British surrenderof Singapore and the end of the conflict respectively.

The 2002 60th Anniversary Commemorative Programme saw the JohoreBattery, once a component of Singapore’s integrated coastal defence, labelledan historic site. Ex-POWswere encouraged to join activities, including a univer-sity conference and special guided tours and attend exhibitions and memorial


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Table 2 Wartime museums and heritage centres in Singapore (NHB, 2005; STB, 2006a)

Museum or Centre andOperator

Contents Core Visitor GroupsRecognised byManagement

Battle Box (opened in1997). Town clubhoused in nearbyformer British FarEast CommandCentre.

Former underground centre ofBritish Malaya Command HQ.Exhibits, wax figures,animatronics, audio-visualeffects recreate conditions on dayof British surrender. QuarterMaster Store Room (souvenircounter).

Foreigners, WWIIveterans andfamilies.

Changi Museum(opened in 2001,replacing earliermuseum in prisoncompound).Initiated by STBwith assistance ofNHB, now run byChangi MuseumLtd.

Purpose built. Tells story ofJapanese occupation andimprisonment of 50,000 civiliansand soldiers in Changi Prison.Galleries with artefacts, pictures,letters etc. and replica of chapelsbuilt by prisoners. Souvenir shopand cafe.

Mostly foreigners(predominantlyAustralian andBritish), schoolchildren andMinistry of Defenceparties.

Fort Siloso (firstopened to the publicin 1975, butrefurbished in 2004).Overseen by SentosaLeisureManagement PteLtd, a business armof SentosaDevelopmentCorporation(a statutory board).

Former coastal fortifications withthree tunnel complexes. Exhibitsof guns, fall of Singapore,Japanese occupation andresistance figures. Wax figuresand tableaux show the Britishand Japanese surrenders.Quartermaster Store shop.

Mostly adultforeigners.

Labrador SecretTunnels (opened in2005). Private touroperating company.

Multimedia presentations in twotunnels depicting lives ofsoldiers in last days before thefall of Singapore.

Not formally stated,but appears to begeneral public andforeign tourists witha special interest.

Memories at Old FordFactory (opened in2005). NationalArchives ofSingapore, aninstitution of theNHB.

Britain surrendered in Board Roomof original factory. Restoredbuilding has permanentexhibition describing life duringJapanese occupation. Britishsurrender depicted indocuments, projected imagesand sounds in Board Room.Small selection of books andpostcards on sale.

Not formally stated,but appears similarto site below.

(Continued)


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services (STB, 2002a). The STB cooperated with overseas and local companies todevise vacation packages for veterans and former POWs and their families.Participants had the option of visiting war sites elsewhere prior to arriving inSingapore, such as the Thai-Burma ‘Death Railway’, built by POWs between1942 and 1943 when 130,000 died. Somewhat incongruously, the veteranswere to travel in Thailand on the luxury Eastern and Oriental Express train(STB, 2002b). However, revisiting a wartime environment and indulging inreminiscences, not all of which are sombre, does not preclude comfort. Morepleasurable diversions may also be welcome, and the latter were included inthe 2005 programme.

As a member of the National Commemorative Committee, a private-ledbody comprising wartime attractions and government agencies, the STBhelped organise and market a series of 2005 ‘heritage tours, commemorativeevents and exhibitions’ (STB, 2006a). Festivities peaked in September tocoincide with the close of hostilities in the Asia Pacific region and encompassedacademic debates, gatherings of veterans, memorial services and Japanesefilms. There were ‘Light after Dark’ bus tours featuring ‘open air WWIIrelated movie screenings and dinner of combat rations’ (STB, 2006b).Customised tours were again arranged for veterans and former POWs, aswell as ‘historians, military and history enthusiasts, students, academics andjournalists’. A range of ‘September World War II specials’ of discounts onattraction admissions and other promotions were available to residents andtourists (STB, 2005b). The year was also an opportunity for museums to mounttemporary exhibitions on wartime themes, even those with only an indirectconnection, such as the Singapore Philatelic Museum. Changi Museum alsopublicised its improvements.

Marketing was directed at the general public and tourists, and a leaflet ofself-guided tours was prepared under the Uniquely Singapore destinationbrand. One declared dimension of uniqueness is a ‘tumultuous past’ and‘rich interplay of memories’ lying behind the modernity of the 21st century(STB, 2004: 1). The publication contains Southern (Of Forts, Guns andBattles), Central (Heroes, Rebels and Leaders), Eastern (Behind Barbed Wire)and Northern (InMemoriam) Trails and remains in circulation, also advertising

Table 2 Continued

Museum or Centre andOperator

Contents Core Visitor GroupsRecognised byManagement

Reflections at BukitChandu (opened in2002). NationalArchives ofSingapore, aninstitution of theNHB.

Originally a colonial villa whichmay have been army base duringnearby battle. Restored buildinghouses interpretive centre.Exhibition galleries, 3-D binauralsound effect show and hologramshow recount the history of theMalay Regiment and its role indefending Singapore. Souvenircounter.

War veterans, militarygroups, local andforeign dignitaries,school groups,general public.


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organised tours entitled Battlefields, Changi World War II and JapaneseInvasion (STB, 2004). The NHB produces another map guide (NHB, nd) withdetails of all Singapore historic sites and monuments, a sizeable proportionof which pertain to the war. The media too gives news coverage about thelatest developments.

Evaluation of actions by the tourism industry and authorities in Singaporediscloses the significance attached to wartime heritage and its commercialopportunities, although these should not be exaggerated, and it is a compara-tively minor ingredient of the overall tourism economy. A key overseas markethas been veterans and former POWs and their friends and families with atten-tion being given to satisfying their needs, especially in noteworthy anniversaryyears. However, other segments have also been targeted with attractionsseeking to stimulate and exploit popular interest in the war at home andabroad. Styles of presentation at selected major sites are examined in the nextsection. These could change in what might be an era of transition as thewartime generation expires, although current practices are affected by dictatesother than those of tourism, as explained in the final conclusion.

Memories and Reflections: Presenting Singapore’sWartime Heritage

Singapore’s wartime museums and heritage centres all attempt to transmitsomething of the misery of the Second World War, although there is sometimesa tendency to veer between solemnity and frivolity, which is more evident atcommercially directed sites. For example, visitors to Fort Siloso are promiseda ‘poignant exhibition of Prisoners of War art’ which is ‘sure to move’ themwhile also being urged to ‘capture a bargain at The Quarter Master storewhere a treasure trove of military collectibles, do-it-yourself models, bookson the war and toys awaits’ (Sentosa, 2005). The Battle Box issues a WarDepartment (Malaya) Pass and Identity Book facsimile as a ticket, sold bystaff in pseudo-military khaki uniforms, and its customers are also advised to‘pick up your issues at the Quarter Master Store Room (Souvenir Stop)’(Battle Box, nd).

There is a less uncertain tone at Changi Museum, which was initiated by theSTBwith the assistance of the NHB and is now run by ChangiMuseum Ltd. It isdedicated to people who lived and died during World War II. Commentsrecorded in the guest book by all nationalities suggest that they are stirred bythe exhibits documenting both wartime deprivations and human resilience.Nevertheless, it too has a cafe and retail outlet selling souvenirs and achapel, a re-creation of the original camp structure, which can be rented forwedding parties (The Straits Times, 2006).

Education is paramount at Memories at Old Ford Factory (MOFF) andReflections at Bukit Chandu (RBC), but this does not exclude efforts at emotion-al engagement. A measure of entertainment is also on offer, perhaps to satisfythe many children visiting with their parents or in school parties. MOFF andRBC are operated under the auspices of the National Archives of Singapore(NAS) and its parent institution, the NHB, and their contents and rationale illu-minate critical dimensions of wartime heritage presentation and purposes in


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Singapore. They are the newest large scale public projects, costing S$15 millionin total and dating from 2006 and 2002 respectively.

MOFF comprises the Board Room, the nine thematic sections outlined inTable 3, a theatre and a small outdoor garden planted with wartime crops.The broader historic background is clearly delineated, but the main intentionis to offer ‘unique insights into the heroic struggle’ of the nation’s forefathersand the ‘tragedy and drama of their life’ during the years of the Japanese occu-pation. Through ‘multi-faceted and innovative story telling’ based on oralhistory recordings, visitors are exposed to a ‘different and more personal per-spective’ and ‘intimate accounts’ that will ‘tug at the heartstrings’ (NHB, 2006).

Much of the material is in written text format and photographs mounted onthe gallery walls. Absorbing all the literature can test the patience of visitors,especially younger children. Other media are employed and audio-visualequipment has been installed showing documentaries that ‘shed light on theresilience and valour’ of Singapore’s people. The origins of their ‘patriotichistory and the pivoting moments’ leading to ‘eventual independence’ areexplored, paying tribute to the ‘heroism and sacrifices’ (NHB, 2006). A‘deeper understanding of the horror of war and the importance of havingstrong national defence’ is gained, while the choice of war themed attractionsis augmented for Singaporeans and ‘friends from all over the world whohelped defend Singapore’ (NHB, 2003).

A colonial bungalow was restored to accommodate the RBC interpretivecentre, which is devoted to the Malay Regiment whose 1400 soldiers fought13,000 Japanese for 48 hours before the fall of Singapore. The various indoorand outdoor features are summarised in Table 4, indicating how the latest tech-nologies are being harnessed in an attempt to intensify experiences.

Table 3 Thematic sections of Memories at Old Ford Factory (NHB, 2006)

Section Theme

The Malayan Campaign Struggle between Allied and Japaneseforces for control of Malaya.

Terrifying Last Days Battle for Singapore.

The Surrender: Fall of the ImpregnableFortress

Surrender of British to Japanese.

The Rise of a New Imperialism Japanese dominance in Asia.

The Greater East Asia Co-ProsperitySphere

As above.

Resisting the Rising Sun As above.

Living Under the Rising Sun Facets of life during the occupation.

Riding the Japanese Tiger Establishment and activities of IndianNational Army.

The Empire Strikes Back Resistance groups.

The Surrender: The Rising Sun Sets Surrender of Japanese and return ofBritish.

A New Beginning War crimes trials across Asia.


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The RBC is a ‘place for visitors to reflect on Singapore’s heritage of heroism’(NAS, 2006) and emphasis is placed on ‘reliving’ the past and personalising thesoldiers’ plight, although some claims are perhaps over ambitious and unrea-listic. At the opening, an official said, ‘we salute the men who died defendingour country some 60 years ago. The centre will be a reminder to ourselves andour children of the lessons learnt from World War II’ (The Straits Times, 2002b).The Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Defence, speaking on the sameoccasion, described how RBC embodied the crucial ideas that ‘we cannot

Table 4 Features of reflections at Bukit Chandu (NAS, 2006)

Feature Content

Pond of Reflections ‘Look into the Pool of Reflections to see yourself –standing on the same ground that the AskkarMalayu of long ago stood. Reflect: Is there adifference?’

Stone Pillars Details of the site and three houses where Malaysoldiers once fought, remaining one of whichrestored as the museum.

Bronze Sculpture Figures of three soldiers in defensive positions.

Arches Roll of honour listing those of Malay Regiment whofought and died in World War II.

Gallery 1

Defence of Malaya Details about military operations.

Askar Melayu History of the Malay Regiment, formed in 1933 as anexperiment.

Pasir Panjang Battle Diary Key dates and positions in battle.

Battle for Singapore Video and graphic animations interact with a 3Dmodel of Singapore to explain events of 7–15February.

Gallery II

Bicycle Exhibit Photographs and bicycles illustrating Japanese meansof transport through Malaya.

Gallery III

Battle of Pasir Panjang Visitors invited to ‘relocate yourself to 1942’ and‘examine the dampness, the anticipation, theanxiety’. Reflecting images from projector devices’create ‘Pepper’s Ghost Effect.

Bukit Chandu Theatre Binaural sound presentation ‘as good as being thereduring the event and actually hearing the sounds . . .Feel the same impenetrable darkness that engulfedthe soldiers . . . feel the impact of being shot. Feelthe desperation’.

Windows of Memories: AGreat Tradition

Transparent boards with personal stories.

Well of Reflections Four ‘stations’ depicting personal memories.

Bukit Chandu LearningRoom

Assorted exhibits.


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take our peace and stability for granted and that all Singaporeans must playtheir part to ensure Singapore’s security’ (MITA, 2002).

Intended messages are thus unambiguous, but the question of how they arereceived by the local community and others is less certain. The author could notobtain formal attendance figures, but the centres studied were rarely busy andduration of stay appeared comparatively short. It must also be noted that a con-vention of museum visiting is not yet widespread amongst Singaporeans.Anecdotal evidence suggests mixed responses to the materials and underlyingmessages, although there is insufficient data to derive firm conclusions.

Discussion and ConclusionThe facilities described above are designed to showcase aspects and accounts

of the Second World War and Singapore to tourists and residents, includingmilitary personnel and civilians who were caught up in the turmoil. Theytherefore act as conventional attractions with the power to entice and occupyvisitors, although modest admission charges are indicative of a reliance onpublic funding in some cases. An eventful history, including war, and sociocul-tural reserves in general are accepted by the tourism industry as attributes thatconfer competitive advantage on tourist destinations. They make leisure pur-suits and the provision of products and services possible, in accordance withthe concept of heritage as an economic resource recognised around theworld, not least by the authorities in Singapore.

However, sites in which official agencies have an interest are also vehicles fornation building with communications directed principally at residents. Itappears from the publicity and displays that the objective in Singapore is toinculcate feelings of national identity and pride by telling stories of theheroic deeds and stoicism of ancestors and a people united against acommon enemy that was ultimately defeated. RBC also acknowledges thecontribution of the Malays who are regarded by some commentators as a mar-ginalised group in Singapore today where the Chinese dominate numerically(Rahim, 1998), prompting affirmations of Malay attainment and inclusion(Rahman, 2002). In addition, the venues are instruments for teaching citizenswho now live in material comfort and are relatively untested by hardshipabout the dangers of complacency. As such, they support the regular calls toSingaporeans to close ranks behind their leaders in what is officially portrayedas an ongoing struggle to survive and prosper in the midst of threats to orderand security (Birch, 1993).

Treatment of Singapore’s wartime history thus discloses adherence to thenotion of heritage as social and cultural capital, the conservation and reverenceof which endow a society with depth and meaning. In his RBC opening speech,the Deputy Prime Minister said that the government was ‘mindful that a statewithout a sense of its past can never become a nation. The nation becomes stron-ger only when it has a soul, cultural pride and historical memory’ (MITA, 2002).Images of a complete and cultured nation correspond to formal visions of whatSingapore should be and how itwould like to be seen abroad, further illustrativeof the role of heritage as political capital to be expended in pursuit of agendasaligned to prevailing ideologies. This is a universal phenomenon, but perhaps


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most marked in comparatively young ethnically heterogeneous states in whichthere are some doubts about what constitutes nationhood. It may also be morecommon in political systems where governments wish to demonstrate andreinforce their authority and control by promulgating preferred notions ofhistory and civilian–state relations. Whether they are successful in this exerciseof power is amatter for debate, and the citizenrymay be less receptive andmoresceptical than anticipated.

These numerous influences and themultiple conceptions and uses of heritagedetermine the manner in which it is interpreted and presented, but those mana-gingwartime heritage attractions face distinctive challenges. They have tomakedecisions about a topic characterised by physical pain, mental distress andviolent death, together with the explication of what might be complex causesand military strategies. It could be argued that they have a moral duty toadhere to historical facts while trying to convey the ambiguities of historicaltruths, which depend on perspective and can shift over time. Museums andheritage centres also belong to the leisure and tourism industries and mustboth entertain and educate. Proper regard must be given to the seriousness ofthe subject and deference shown to those who lost their lives or were harmedand their descendants, yet the expectations of an enjoyable outing by visitorsmust be met. Certain sites thus aspire to offer a range of experiences inshades from dark to comparatively light to match assorted demands.

However, undue emphasis on amusement and inappropriate techniques canturn war into an unrealistic drama whereby audiences are stimulated, butin a ‘mindless’, rather than ‘meaningful’, way (Moscardo, 1996: 376). Certainmodern display methods are also impressive in terms of visual and auraleffects but can be intrusive and deny the imagination room to operate. Thereis sometimes a danger of over simplification of content; comprehension maybe frustrated by selective and incomplete versions of events. Individuals andgroups will have their own histories and heritages and ‘national appropriationsof the past can become fraught battlefields of collective memories from withinas well as without the nation’ (Muzaini & Yeoh, 2005: 1). Narratives may beengineered in pursuit of wider goals, and the almost inevitable depiction ofwartime and its appreciation within present day frames of reference cancreate distractions and distortions, unwitting and otherwise.

Analysis of circumstances in Singapore therefore affords insights into theplace of heritage in general and that pertaining to war in particular in contem-porary societies and modern tourism industries. The commercial role of differ-ent forms of heritage reflects the past’s function as a marketable commoditythat merits investment and promotion in a bid to generate revenue. At thesame time, wartime heritage serves a social purpose in expressing and conso-lidating feelings of national unity, which may also be harnessed to political andhegemonic ends. The case also reveals some of problems for site managersregarding the handling of sensitive and disputed heritage, such as that ofwar, and ensuring appropriate treatment that avoids excessive commercialisa-tion. These dilemmas must be addressed and resolution attempted, althoughsome concerns are likely to recede with time as personal memories fade.

Wartime heritage and tourism emerges as a field worthy of continued study,with many opportunities for future research. These encompass a number of


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themes related to demand and supply and the interests and reactions of thevarious stakeholders in the process of transforming history into tourist attrac-tions. Whatever the focus, it seems that the tourism function of wartime heri-tage cannot be discussed in isolation from the economic, sociocultural andpolitical dynamics at work in destinations. These forces interact to determinethe broader context within which tourism takes place and endow heritagewith significance and meanings independent of tourism yet which stillimpinge on how it is presented and understood by visitors.

Correspondence

Any correspondence should be directed to Associate Professor JoanC. Henderson, Nanyang Business School, Nanyang Technical University,Nanyang Avenue, Singapore 639798 ([email protected]).

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remembering the second world war in singapore: wartime heritage as a visitor attraction

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