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Orientations of Young Men and Women to Citizenship and European Identity Workpackage 1 – Socio-demographic Background

Austria

Reingard Spannring, Institute for Advanced Studies,Vienna

1 DEMOGRAPHY .............................................................................................................. 2

2 THE AUSTRIAN WELFARE SYSTEM AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK ................. 2

3 CITIZENSHIP.................................................................................................................. 2

4 EDUCATION AND TRAINING .................................................................................... 3

5 EMPLOYMENT AND UNEMPLOYMENT ................................................................ 5

6 FAMILY............................................................................................................................ 7

7 XENOPHOBIA................................................................................................................. 9

8 ATTITUDES TOWARD THE EUROPEAN UNION ................................................ 10

9 NATIONAL IDENTITY AND PRIDE IN AUSTRIA................................................ 10

10 BIBLIOGRAPHY ON YOUTH AND LIVING CONDITIONS IN AUSTRIA ... 13

11 BIBLIOGRAPHY ON NATIONAL IDENTITY IN AUSTRIA............................ 16

12 APPENDIX A: THE SCHOOL SYSTEM IN AUSTRIA....................................... 19

13 APPENDIX B: ATTITUDES TOWARD THE EUROPEAN UNION ................. 20

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Austria

1 Demography As in other European countries, the proportion of young people and children in the population is shrinking, although their numbers are expanded somewhat by immigration. In 1998 0,921 million people in Austria were aged between 15 and 24 (11.6%).1 The demographic scenario for this age cluster forecasts that there will be 12 % of people aged between 15 and 24 in 2010. As in other European countries the ratio between the 15 to 24 year olds and the 55 to 64 year olds is decreasing.

2 The Austrian welfare system and legal framework Austria can be characterised as a typical corporatist family-based, conservative type of welfare regime, in the typology of Esping Anderson2, which means that young people are regarded as the responsibility of the family, but this familial responsibility is regulated and built into the general provision of welfare. Since the general levels of affluence are high, young people are relatively well off even if they do not enjoy the kind of state supported independence described in Denmark or Sweden. They remain dependent upon their families for long periods, although not to the same extent as in Southern European countries. Austria has an insurance-based welfare system. Young people are covered by the health insurance of their families until aged 18. This kind of insurance can be prolonged until age 27 if they are students. After that, if they are still not working, their insurance is based upon voluntary contributions at cheaper rates. This can become a problem with the lengthening of time before young people enter the labour market as full time workers. The separately administered unemployment insurance is under the control of the Labour Market Service (Arbeitsmarktservice), which is also responsible for active labour market policies. A young person has to have worked and paid unemployment insurance contributions for 12 out of 24 months before he/she is illegible for unemployment benefits. The Austrian judicial system has a very strong federalist component. In many areas the federal law only sets the framework whilst the nine Federal Regions (Burgenland, Vienna, Lower Austria, Upper Austria, Tyrol, Vorarlberg, Styria, Carinthia and Salzburg) are responsible for detailed legislation and execution. Responsibility for Youth policy and the Youth Protection Law is to a great extent devolved altogether to the nine Federal Regions with the result that there is often inconsistency as to young people's citizenship rights between the Federal Regions.

3 Citizenship The Austrian law distinguishes between children (who are persons up to their 7th birthday), non-legally liable minors (who are aged 7 to 14) and legally liable minors (who are aged 14 to 19). Non-legally liable minors are deemed not competent to enter contracts and not legally responsible for their actions in the Youth Criminal Law. Legally liable minors on the other hand, are deemed legally competent to enter contracts to a limited extent and they are legally responsible for their actions under the Youth Criminal Law. At the age of 19 people are deemed fully competent to enter contracts and fully

1 ÖSTAT (ed.), Austrian Statistical Yearbook 1999, Vienna 2000; p50

2 Esping Anderson, G. (1990) The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism Polity Press: Cambridge

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Austria

responsible for their actions under the Criminal Law. Hence, the period of ‘youth’ extends legally from ages 14 to 19. Young people have a right to maintenance from their parents up to the age of 19 and even up to the age of 27 if they are not able to support themselves (for example during a University course). The following minimum ages exist in Austria:

• heterosexual sex: 14 • Permission to work full time: 15 • Visiting pubs, restaurants or public events: in most Federal Regions 16 • Smoking and drinking: in most Federal Regions 16 • Driver’s license for small motorbikes: 16; for cars: 17 • Homosexual sex: 18; no regulations for lesbian relationships • Marriage: 19 for men, 16 for women • Voting: 18. Since 1945 the voting age (21 years) has been lowered three times (in 1949 to 20

years, in 1970 to 19 years and in 1992 to 18 years). The age limit for eligibility for parliamentary elections (29 years in 1945) has also been reduced (in 1949 to 26 years, in 1970 to 25 years, in 1979 to 21 years and in 1992 to 18 years). The eligibility for presidential elections (35 years) has remained the same since 1945.

However, these legal age limits are not consistent throughout Austria. Some of these regulations come under the Youth Protection Law. Since this is a matter of legal administration at a Regional level, there are variations between the nine Federal Regions. For example, concerning alcohol, “excessive consumption “ is forbidden for 16 to 18 year olds in Upper Austria although in Salzburg they are allowed to drink alcohol so long as there is „no impairment of the consciousness of the young person”. In Carinthia, young people may start consuming alcoholic beverages and mixed beverages with higher alcohol content than 12 % at age 16.3 The consumption of beverages with a high alcohol content (e.g. liquors) is forbidden for the 16 to 19 year olds in all Federal Regions. The Youth Protection Laws regulate the protection of young people under age 19 and in these laws young people are regarded as legal objects (to be protected) rather than legal subjects in their own right.

4 Education and training The development of the educational system in the last 50 years generally shows increasing numbers of educational institutions and rising attendance in upper secondary and tertiary education. While the apprenticeship training (dual system) has been well developed since the 1950s, the expansion of intermediate and higher education did not start until the late 1960s. In 1970 approximately three quarters of all certificates were obtained in general secondary educational programmes. By the 1990s this share had declined steadily to less than 50 %. At the same time the proportion of women graduating increased. Today more than half of all graduates in higher secondary schools are women; nevertheless a gender-specific segregation still exists with regard to the various fields of study.4 The school leaving age in Austria is 15. Students who do not go into an apprenticeship or continue education have to complete a polytechnical training course for one year.

3 Children and Youth Protection in Austria. Ministry of Environment, Youth and Family, August 1999. 4 Das Schulwesen in Österreich (Public Education of Austria). Schuljahr 1996/97 (Ed.: ÖSTAT). Heft 1.262, Vienna 1998 und Österreichische Hochschulstatistik. Studienjahr 1997/98. (Ed.: ÖSTAT). Heft 1.283, Vienna 1999.

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Austria

In order to ensure equal educational opportunities in the educational system, various "transitions" or "bridges" were created between the different levels and pillars of the system, such as from one type of school to another. A further method for ensuring equal opportunities is the permeability of the Austrian educational system so that students can move in and out of it at different stages. Thus, by ensuring the compatibility of the curricula of the General Secondary Schools and the lower level of the general higher schools there is an attempt to create a smooth transition between them. In addition, there are a number of possibilities for adults to pass a special form of Matura (Abiturentenlehrgang and the Studienberechtigungsprüfung) and go on to university. Since 1998 this is also possible for graduates of apprenticeships (Berufsreifeprüfung). There has been a dynamic expansion of tertiary education since the early 1970s due partly to the increase in the number of higher educational institutions. In 1998/99 62% of enrolments in the tertiary sector were at universities, 11% at colleges, followed by Polytechnics (10%), teacher training colleges (9%). The Polytechnics, which were first initiated in 1994, have immensely expanded their offers. In 1998 there are 46 courses ranging from technology, media, marketing to tourism. Accordingly, they have the highest growth rate in student numbers. The growth rate of colleges for social work comes second (50%). There is also a steady increase in numbers of university entrants among school-leavers since the 70s. In 1970 the percentage of university entrants among all youngsters of the same age was 7.7%, while in 1998 it was 25.5%.5 Among the students who had passed their Matura (higher school leaving certificate) in 1997 about 50% enrolled at a university within the following one and half years. Altogether, 70% of those who obtained their Matura at a general higher school went on to university. This is true for only 31% of those who came from vocational higher schools.6 Since the early 1990s the number of female students has been higher than the number of male students. In 1998 the percentage of female university entrants among all young women at this age was 26.1%, while for the young men it was only 17.7%. However, there is still gender segregation with respect to the kind of courses that people take. Young women dominate teacher training colleges, medical colleges and academies for midwives. On the other hand they are under-represented in the Polytechnics. 7 Altogether, 75.7 % of the 15-19-year-old Austrians are students and 16.8 % of the 20-29-year-old Austrians are students.8 In international comparison, these values are low. The reason for the former low figure is the relatively early school leaving age in Austria at 15 years. In the countries with higher school leaving age therefore also the numbers of students are higher. The latter figure is low because apprenticeships, professional schools and grammar schools normally finish at age 19. Unlike in Germany, Austrian grammar school graduates do not later go into apprenticeships. Another reason may be that even with a lower educational level (especially with an apprenticeship) there is little problem in integrating into the labour market, leaving less incentive to go on into Higher Education. The proportion of 15 and 16 year olds who do not continue any education after compulsory school is about 8% and their numbers are increasing. Girls tend to leave school with minimum qualifications more often than boys. The percentage of 15 to 24 year olds in education has increased from 45% to 50% between 1987 and 1998. However, this is most probably an effect of the prolongation of educational careers rather than an increase in rates of participation.9

5 Österreichischer Hochschulbericht, 1999. Bundesministerium für Wissenschaft und Forschung, Vienna 1999. p112 6 ibid, p 106

7 ibid, p105

8 IARD (2001), Study on the State of Young People and Youth Policy in Europe, research report: Milan 9 Evaluation of the National Plan of Action for Employment (Begleitende Bewertung der Umsetzung des nationalen Aktionsplanes für Beschäftigung im Jahr 1999), Austrian Institute for Economic Research (WIFO) and Institute for Advanced Studies (ed.), Vienna 1999; p 89 f

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Austria

The number gaining a higher education qualification in Austria has always been low. However, during the 1990s a new layer of Higher Education Institutions offering shorter degrees with more professional qualifications and practical skills were introduced – the Polytechnics (Fachhochschulen). This may have improved the enrolment rate of young people in Higher Education. The relative low tertiary education completion rate may be explained by the long duration of university courses. This is partly due to a shortage of teaching staff in many disciplines and overloaded curricula. Many students have to drop out to finance themselves. Students can receive financing only up to the age of 27, although increasingly their courses continue after this time. In Austria 26.3 % of the 15-19-years-old are both students and employed (including work-study programmes).10 This rate is high because a large number of young people in this age group are in the apprenticeship system or in a professional middle or higher school. Although the latter two trajectories are school based, they include compulsory work during school holidays. The group of youngsters who are most at risk are those who do not even graduate from secondary school (Hauptschule and Polytechnicum). Those who are only on the 7th school level (instead of the 9th) at age 15 (because they have had to re-take years that they have failed) are very unlikely to achieve the minimum qualification. Between 1985 and 1998 there has been a rather stable proportion of 5% of an age cohort who are in this risky position every year (not including pupils who attend schools for handicapped children). There are courses offered by institutes for adult education and schools to compensate for lack of secondary school completion. However, there are not enough of them as yet to cover the whole group at risk.11

5 Employment and unemployment The employment structure of Austria is dominated by labour-intensive service industries (tourism, culture and the expansion of state employment) and most people work in very small enterprises. These small enterprises offer training and employment for young people but this provision is highly regulated and is locked into a corporatist national training and continuing educational system offering a variety of employment pathways. Traditionally this offered the apprentice-learner-master career path in a variety of trades and crafts to young men in particular, who were not permitted to set up as independent tradesmen without these relevant qualifications. In the past ten years this traditional career path has been overlaid by a variety of technical qualifications offered by the educational and training system. One of the dominant characteristics of youth conditions in Austria in comparison with other European countries is that there has always been low unemployment for young people in comparison with other European countries. The general unemployment rate was 7.2 % (national) in 1998 and 6.7 % in 1999. The youth (15 – 19 year olds) unemployment rate in 1998 was 4.5 % and 4.4 % in 1999.12 Unemployment rate (2000):

in Austria: 5,8% of labour force potential (employed and unemployed) in Vorarlberg: 4,3% in Vienna: 7,2%

10 IARD (2001), Study on the State of Young People and Youth Policy in Europe, research report: Milan 11 Evaluation of the National Plan of Action for Employment (Begleitende Bewertung der Umsetzung des nationalen Aktionsplanes für Beschäftigung im Jahr 1999), Austrian Institute for Economic Research (WIFO) and Institute for Advanced Studies (ed.), Vienna 1999; p 85 ff. 12 Statistical News 12/1999 and 5/2000. ÖSTAT. Vienna 1999, 2000.

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Austria

Unemployment rate for age group 15-19: Total: 2,6% for women: 3,5% for men: 2,0%

Unemployment rate for age group 19-25:

Total: 6,3% for women: 5,9% for men: 6,6%

Rate of youth unemployment (of total unemployment), age group 15- under 25:

in Austria: 15,8% in Vienna: 10,8% in Vorarlberg: 19,6%

Generally, labour market opportunities for young people are rather good in comparison with other parts of Europe. On account of the integrated "dual system" of vocational training, schooling and employment a high number of young people are employed from as early as the age of 15. Nevertheless, during the past 10 years labour market participation has declined from 64% in 1991 to 59% in 1997 in the age group of 15 – 25 year olds. This decline has mainly occurred in the younger age group (15-19) for whom labour force participation mainly means participation in the apprenticeship system. However, one can observe many ups and downs in the demand for apprentices since the 1970s. At the beginning of the 1990s the demand was higher than the supply. Towards the end of the 1990s this relation was reversed so that the supply was higher. In 1998 40 600 new apprentices were needed while 41 600 youngsters were looking for an apprenticeship and altogether, 39 100 young people actually started an apprenticeship.13 Since the 1970 there is an almost linear upward trend in the number of unemployed apprentices, which calls into question the extent to which the "dual system" can continue to absorb youth employment under new economic conditions.14 A major trend, which exists in all European countries, is the flexibilisation of conditions of work. There are a growing number of part time jobs, marginal jobs (less than 10 hours per week; no social security insurance) and fixed contract jobs. The government has been trying to adapt the statutory social insurance system in order to cover those people who are found in the new forms of employment and self-employment. Those flexible, “new” forms of work are particularly important for adolescents who are entering the labour market and often have to put up with “precarious” jobs for periods of time, jobs which do not pay their living expense and only partly cover their social insurance, or are based on fixed term contract which makes planning for the future difficult. In many cases young people need to boost their income with informal jobs. The black economy as a percentage of the whole economy is estimated to be about 8%, using European Union methods of calculation.15 However, according to our assumptions, this may be higher for particular groups of young people. In total, 54.2 % of the 15-24-year-old Austrians are employed, 4.4 % are unemployed, 41.5 % are not active.16 In international comparison, Austria has a high rate of employment for young people. The

13 AMS (Austrian Labour Market Service), Lehrlinge und FacharbeiterInnen am Arbeitsmarkt. Vienna 1999

14 Lorenz Lassnig, Youth Labour Market Policy in Austria 1980-1997. Institute for Advanced Studies Vienna 1999; p5 15 ÖSTAT, Department of the "Volkswirtschaftliche Gesamtrechnung". Source: Statistical News 2/2000. Vienna 2000. 16 IARD (2001), Study on the State of Young People and Youth Policy in Europe, research report: Milan

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high numbers are due to the early school leaving age, the low rate of unemployment and the continuing importance of the apprenticeship training that facilitates the transition from school to work. Correspondingly, only 47.5 % of the 15-24 year-old Austrians are in education or in training.17 Most unemployed youths are among the least educated members of the youth cohort, having only the minimum education from school or apprenticeships. Among young male unemployed it is most common to have only an apprenticeship qualification (9 000 to 13 000 persons per year), followed by minimum compulsory schooling (6 500 to 9 500 per year), whilst among young women the highest numbers of unemployed have finished only the minimum education (7 000 to 10 500 per year), followed by apprenticeships (5 500 to 7 000) and medium level vocational schools (2 000 to 3 000). The unemployment figures of graduates from upper-level secondary schools are below 2 000 and those from higher education below 500. These figures have to be interpreted in the light of the opportunities that are open to the young people. Those who have graduated from an apprenticeship are entitled to unemployment benefits. They are therefore inclined to register with the Austrian Labour Market Service to claim unemployment benefit and to use their services in order to find a new employment. Graduates of upper secondary schools are entitled to go on to university and can therefore choose tertiary education as an alternative to an immediate transition to employment. Graduates of medium level secondary schools do not have any of these advantages. 18 Income sources mirror the favourable situation on the youth labour market and the high rate of employment among the 15 to 24 year olds: 46% live primarily on their regular job (65% in Denmark, 25% in Finland).19 Unemployment benefits are very rarely the major source of income because many adolescents are not entitled to unemployment benefits yet. Parents, partners, casual and illicit work assume great importance for those youngsters who are unemployed or who only have a part-time or marginal (less than 10 hours/week) job.20 The low figures of adolescents who live in conditions of poverty21 also reflect the high rate of youth employment as well as a well-elaborated welfare-system. Accepting low income as a student or trainee is for many young people an investment in their future and does not reflect a long-term risk of social exclusion. Young people are also substantially supported by their parents and this is also a legal requirement up to age 27. Therefore, it would be more useful to consider the role of family poverty more generally if we wish to understand the poverty of young people. Families with many children and single parents are most at risk.22

6 Family Growing up In 1990/91 38% of all first children were born to unmarried women. However, the proportion of all babies under the age of one who lived with only a single parent was only 20% and those with unmarried parents was only about 7%. Obviously, many couples marry soon after the birth of their

17 ibid

18 Lorenz Lassnig, Youth Labour Market Policy in Austria 1980-1997. Institute for Advanced Studies Vienna 1999; p3

19 IARD (2001), Study on the State of Young People and Youth Policy in Europe, research report: Milan 20 Reinprecht, Ch.; Spannring R. (2000), Jugendliche am prekären Arbeitsmarkt. Unsicherheiten und Einstellungen. In: SWS-Rundschau 4/2000 21 IARD (2001), Study on the State of Young People and Youth Policy in Europe, research report: Milan

22 Austrian Family Report 1999, Ministry for Environment, Youth and Family (ed.), Vienna 1999; p 645 ff.

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Austria first child rather than continuing as single parents, as in Scandinavian countries or Britain. By the time the child is in its fourth year, the percentage of married parents had risen to 80%. At school age the risk of living with a single parent increases due to divorce. The divorce rate is higher in urban areas. In 1991 90% of all school aged children in rural areas lived with both their parents while this only applied to 70% of the school children in Vienna. The number of siblings has decreased significantly during the past decades. While at the beginning of the 1970s most children in rural areas grew up with three or more siblings, this is very rare today even in rural areas. The family with two children predominates everywhere. At the same time the number of single children has increased from 17% in 1971 to 24% in 1991.23 Leaving the parental home In 1995 65% of the young Austrians between 20-24 years old lived with their parents.24 As in other countries adolescents stay longer in their families’ homes than in the past. This can be explained by a number of factors – longer education, later labour market entry and lack of cheap housing. The latter reason seems to be more important in Austria than in other countries. On average Austrian youngsters leave home at age 24.25 This is not necessarily regarded as a problem: according to one qualitative study, Austrian young people idealise family life as a primary and affective shelter from the outside world, a place where they can seek comfort and support.26 Many families build additional accommodation within the house to accommodate the needs of young people. Apart from the trend to stay with parents longer, there is a trend towards later marriage and parenthood. In 1971 13% of the 25 to 29 year old men were married without a child and 48% were married with a child/children. In 1997 this rate had decreased to 8% and 20% respectively. Among the women in this age group 63% were married with children in 1971, but only 36% in 1997. Over the same period alternative forms of living became more common. Cohabiting without a child rose from 1% to 8% among young men and women, cohabiting with a child rose from 1% to 4% among young men and to 5% among young women. There were also many more singles in this age group: 9% in 1971 and 15% in 1997 among young men; 5% in 1971 and 12% in 1997 among young women. Living arrangements of young people aged 25-29 in199727: Men women Living with parents 39 16 Single parent 0 6 Married, no child 8 11 Married with child/children 20 36 Cohabitation, no child 8 8 Cohabitation with child/children 4 5 Single 15 12 Other forms 6 4 total 100 100

23 Austrian Family Report 1999, Ministry for Environment, Youth and Family (ed.), Vienna 1999; p173 ff.

24 IARD (2001), Study on the State of Young People and Youth Policy in Europe, research report: Milan 25 Jugendwertestudie 1999. Chr. Friesl et al, Vienna 1999; p49 26 ibid; p49 f 27 Bundesministerium für Umwelt, Jugend und Familie (eds.) (1999), Familie – zwischen Anspruch und Alltag. Österreichischer Familienbericht 1999

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Only 9% of Austrians aged 20-24 lived alone as compared with 24% in Finland, 18% in Germany and none in Spain, reflecting the different models of leaving home in different parts of Europe. However, of those aged 25-29, the numbers had risen from 17% to 18% between 1987 and 1995 compared with 23% in Germany (in 1995) and 23% in Finland (1995) but only 1% in Spain and 6% in Greece. Austria therefore lies between the Northern model of youth independence and the Southern model of remaining in the family for long periods.28 This diversity of living arrangements decreases again as young adults grow older. At the age of 40, the married couple with children is by far the most common form of living: 62% among men and 65% among women. There is an interesting difference between urban and rural areas. The young people who remain in their families longer are almost exclusively found in the rural areas. Especially for young men (aged 24-29), living with their parents was by far the most common arrangement in rural areas. The figure increased from 33% in 1971 to 45% in 1997. The nuclear family (marriage and children) is also most common in rural areas, while the diversity of living arrangements is found only in urban areas.29

7 Xenophobia Xenophobia may have had an important impact in politics in recent years with the gains made by the explicitly anti-foreigner Freedom Party (FPÖ) but surveys generally show that younger people, especially those with Higher Education are less xenophobic than other population groups.30 The findings of the WVS 1990 indicate that 4% of the Austrian respondents would not like to “people of a different race” as neighbours (11% in Belgium, 2% in the Netherlands). However, 17% would not like to have “immigrants/foreign workers” as neighbours (16% in Germany, 2% in Ireland)31. In the Austrian qualitative study on youth values (1999) the respondents were asked about the feelings they have when they meet members of the following groups at night: drunkards, drug addicts, foreigners, homosexuals, punks, members of the extreme right. Those who inspire most fear are the members of the extreme right. They are seen as a potential danger by one third of the respondents. Here, the picture of hooligans and skinheads, of violence, xenophobia and intolerance are associated and are seen negatively. The attitude towards foreigners is ambivalent. Most respondents can be described as neutral-neutral. Many talk about negative experiences with foreigners and at the same time they emphasize that one should not have prejudices. In the Austrian youth value study (1999) the respondents distinguished clearly between tourists, refugees and foreign workers.32 This reflects also the continuing second-class citizenship of guest workers and their children in Austria, who are regarded as foreigners.

28 Data from Eurostat Labour Force Survey, cited in Bendit, R., Gaiser, W., and Marbach, J.H. (eds.) Youth and Housing in

Germany and the European Union. 1999, Leske and Budrich, Opladen

29 Austrian Family Report 1999, Ministry for Environment, Youth and Family (ed.), Vienna 1999; p178 ff.

30 Wallace, C. (1999). Xenophobia in Transition: Austria and Eastern Europe Compared. Final Report to the BMWV. Vienna: Institute for Advanced Studies. See also homepage of research studies on xenophobia under www.bmwf.gv.at/4fte/frem/themen.htm

31 IARD (2001), Study on the State of Young People and Youth Policy in Europe, research report: Milan 32 Youth Value Survey 1999. Chr. Friesl et al, Vienna 1999; p117

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8 Attitudes toward the European Union In 1994 the Austrians voted with an overwhelming majority (two thirds) for the membership in the European Union. However, massive information and advertising campaigns by the government preceded the poll which included scientific expertises and prognoses as well as pronounced pro-EU statements by leading politicians. The putative disadvantages of non-membership were stressed. Since then, prices and inflation rates have decreased, but on the other hand, the unemployment rate has risen from 6,5% to 9% in 1996 and in order to meet the criteria for membership in the European currency community harsh measurements of economy were introduced. The agreement with the European Union has dramatically decreased since 1994. This may partly be a result of a tendency to moan aganinst those in power, which is now also directed against Brussels. However, it is also partly due to the exaggerated promises of the then governing political elites. Young Austrians stand relatively aloof from the European Union. Although 37% describe the European Union as a way to create a better future for young people (EU-average: 34%) and to improve the ability to go whereever they want in the European Union (41%; EU-average: 37%), they also associate it with too much bureaucracy (21%; EU-average: 16%) and think that it will become more difficult to make decisions once more countries have joined the EU (34%, EU-average: 25%) and that unemployment will rise (21%, EU-average: 14%).33 71% of the Austrian young people have visited at least one country in the EU during the last 2 years, which is slightly above average. They do that particularly to go on holiday but also to improve their language skills.34

9 National Identity and Pride in Austria The strongest interest in the development of the Austrian Nation and national identity is found among hisorians: e.g. Friedrich Heer (1981), Felix Kreissler (1984) and Ernst Bruckmüller (1984, 1996). Among the sociologists and political scientists who have written on the “Austrian nation” is Albert Reiterer who has done conceptual as well as empirical work on this topic (1988, 1990), Anton Pelinka (1990), Heinz Steinert (1988), Rudolph Burger (1994), Gunter Falk (1987) and Max Haller (1996). Max Haller and Stefan Gruber report empirical findings of a survey on national pride, patriotism and nationalism which was carried out in 1995 as part of the ISSP-project35. The sample size was 1000 and the age group 14 +. It represents a major contribution to the research on Austrian national identity. The survey results verify a tendency which has already been noted in regular survey questions during the last 30 years: the attitude that Austria is a nation in its own right has gradually and nearly completey gained ground. 90% of the respondents describe themselves as Austrians. Over 80% feel bound up with the country. What does it mean to be Austrian? Is it linked to citizenship or socio-cultural aspects? The findings show that somebody is accepted as a real Austrian if he/she has both characteristics. Thus, Austria is seen as a socio-political community which includes the cultural as well as the political aspect. This finding is supported by the attitudes of Austrians towards topics such as immigration which are linked to the understanding of nationality. With respect to immigration Austrians generally

33 Eurobarometer 47.2 Youth, 1997; author’s calculations

34 Eurobarometer 47.2 Youth, 1997

35 Max Haller (1996)

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Austria dinstinguish between a general immigration which ought to be limited and a positive attitude toward particular groups of immigrants which are thought to “fit in”, such as the German speaking South Tyrolians from Northern Italy. Immigrants are expected to assimilate. A central element for the self-understanding of a nation is its history. Collective myths with respect to the past help to develop and strengthen a positive self-image. At the same time there are processes to efface unpleasant memories. The territory of contemporary Austria has seen a lot of major changes during the past century alone: until the end of the first World War it was part of a large multicultural empire, after the collapse of the monarchy the democratic first democracy was founded but soon afterwards destroyed again by the authoritarian corporative state. The latter lost its power four years later to the Nazi regime. It is only from 1945 or 1955 when the occupation troops left Austria onwards that we can speak of a continuity of the Republic of Austria. It might be expected that there is a correlation between the attitudes toward particular historical phases and the identification with contemporary Austria. But this is not the case. Other questions concerning the picture of Austria relate to socio-political topics, the role of the Church and religion, the political neutrality of Austria and contemporary political personalities. Considering how strongly the influence of the Church and religion has decreased in every-day life during the past decades, it seems surprising that the respondents ascribe a lot of importance to the Catholic Church for the Austrian nation. There is also a significant positive effect of confession and religiousness on patriotism and national pride. The Austrian political neutrality and its independence within the frame of the European Union are highly valued and correlate with a number of dimensions of national identity. This has probably got to do with the fact that the political personalities Bruno Kreisky and Franz Vranitzky (both social democrats) who were strongly in favour of and defended the political neutrality had a very positive image and especially among those who feel very attached to Austria and are proud of Austria. The Social Democrats – at least since 1945 along side the Communists – has been the party which defended an autonomous role of Austria as a small state most consistently. Thus members and voters of the Social Democrats have the strongest Austrian consciousness, while supporters of the Green party have a clearly more distanced position than those of all other parties. A central topic relates to the distinction between the positive pole of patriotism as a positive attitude to one’s country on the one hand and a nationalistic-chauvinistic attitude, which exaggerates the value of one’s own country and devalues other countries and cultures on the other. Indeed, the analysis showed that there are two dimensions: the dimension of patriotism includes high values on one’s own country, chauvinism and social exclusion; the dimension of natioanl pride correlates positively with a cosmopolitan and pro-foreigner attitude. A currently very obvious question is whether the voters of Haider and his Freedom Party have a particular attitude toward the “Third Reich”. The respondents were asked to evaluate a list of statements concerning Haider and National Socialism. Supporters of the Freedom Party were then compared with other respondents. The findings show that there is no strong tendency of the former to have a positive attitude toward National Socialism. This suggests that Haider’s success was mainly based on his criticism of the former governments. Lastly, the socio-structural determinants of national identity were analysed. Especially patriotism is less marked among younger people and people with a higher educational level and/or occupational status. This might be the result of a generational as well as life cycle effect. The former suggests a long-term decrease of patriotic (also chauvinistic) attitudes. The latter suggests that patriotic attitudes increase with age, since the opportunities to have a say in communal affairs and the interest in the public and private sphere also increase with age. Very low national pride correlates with a significantly lower level of socio-cultural integration, with a lack of trust in socio-political institutions but also in one’s contemporaries in the family and society. Thus, national identity and national pride

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Austria represent a basic attitude which is related to all other life spheres of the individual and has an enormous impact on the stability of the whole political community.36 With respect to differences among the Federal Regions a survey among 370 Austrians in the Federal Regions of Vienna, Styria and Vorarlberg shall be mentioned. It shows a much higher level of identification with one’s Federal Region in Styria and inn Vorarlberg. Table 1: Proud to be a citizen of the Federal region: Strongly agree agree Neutral Disagree Disagree

strongly Vorarlberg 21 44 27 9 1 Styria 26 39 17 11 7 Vienna 7 40 29 12 12 Average 18 41 24 24 6 The low level of regional identity in Vienna might be explained by the urban character of this region. In order to test this, Styria and Vorarlberg were compared. While 43% of respondents in Styria identified with the Federal Region, this was only true for 29% of those living in towns. The difference between urban and rural areas in Styria thus point to an explanation for the low level in Vienna. However, in Vorarlberg the level of identity does not correlate with the size of town.37 With respect to the identification with the European Union there is no significant difference between the Federal Regions.38 Table 2: Feeling of being bound up with the European Union Strong weak None at all Vorarlberg 31 53 16 Styria 19 62 19 Vienna 33 44 23 Average 18 41 24 Another empirical study is concerned with the national identity among 16 to 19 year old students in Austria39. It was carried out in 1994 and relies on expert interviews, group discussions, content analysis of history school books and interviews with students in three Austrian Federal Regions: Tyrol, Carinthia, Vienna. The main findings of this study show that the majority of the young people is conscious of the concept of the nation. It is a more or less defined notion but also a value. At the same time there is a minority of one third, who either do not have a concept of the nation at all or do not feel they belong to a nation for ideological reasons. Their statements range from “don’t know”, to indifference, to conscious

36 Max Haller and Stefan Gruber, in: Max Haller (1996:61-147)

37 Andreas Neumayer, in Max Haller (project leader) Regional, National and European Identity, research report, Graz 1999: 67-84

38 Daniela Jarz, in Max Haller (project leader) Regional, National and European Identity, research report, Graz 1999: 287-303

39 Josef Langer, in: Max Haller (1996:327-381)

12


Austria disagreement with this political concept. Looking at the contemporary youth culture and its symbolic representations a nationally defined collective identity is no longer visible. However, the “non-national” minority is not alienated from Austria. They are also proud of Austria but less frequently than those who define themselves as Austrian nationals. In the international comparison, the level of pride in Austria is considerable. It is only possible to explain this if various forms of collective identity are assumed. National consciousness then only applies to an indentity within the nationalistic tradition. The latter can generally be identified by its negative attitude toward foreigners. In this sense the author concludes:

• The feeling of young Austrians is more a “country-consciousness” than national consciousness. The nation as a political programme tends to be associated with a negative collective experience. This constellation makes it possible to ignore the nation as a political tradition and still be a proponent of Austria.

• At the same time it can be observed that where the nation looses its meaning, some dimensions of identification with Austria also loose their significance. Josef Langer argues in terms of the individualisation and globalisation theory to explain this: the state as the representative of society steps back behind intermediary organisations which increasingly act on a global level.

Which alternatives are there to the nation state, i.e. are there spheres which might be expected to integrate young people? In the study of Josef Langer there was no clear evidence neither toward localism nor toward globalism. The difference between the local community and Europe is only 10%. The young people felt less related with the local community (55%) than with Austria (65%). However, one quarter to one third of the students show no or only a very low level of relatedness with their neighbourhood, local community, Federal Region, Austria or Europe. Compared with the average of the Austrian population the young people’s relatedness with social spheres seems to be lower on all levels. There is another difference between young people and the whole population. While among the whole population localism and globalism seem to be two compatible concepts, this does not seem to be true among young people. Those students who identify with their neighbourhood or local community do not feel equally comfortable with larger geographical units such as Federal Region, Nation or Europe. Further, young people who do not believe in the concept of a nation tend to be localists, identifying with their immediate neighbourhood. Young people who adher to the traditional concept of a nation are more like the average of the population. In a debate on identity, even national identity, social networks deserve attention since they also socialise and influence behaviour. In Josef Lang’s study the peer group was by far the most important social network of the respondents (97%), followed by leisure groups (76%) and the school class (69%). The wider population of the Federal Region or Austria is important for only 40%. Religious groups are least important (21%). 30% of the respondents are members in youth groups: 25% in sports organisations, 50% in conventional youth organisations such as the scouts, and 25% in trendy youth networks such as techno, skaters, punks etc. In the non-traditional groups membership can be signalled with specific symbols without participating. Social networks can organise around these symbols or they can remain mere categories of life styles. The level of commitment is up to the individual. However, the gain in identity is not less than in traditional youth groups.

10 Bibliography on youth and living conditions in Austria Abschied von der Kindheit. H. Tebbich; Austrian Institute for Youth Research (ed.), 1995. Austrian Family Report 1999. Ministry of Environment, Youth and Family (ed.). Vienna 1999. Bericht über die soziale Lage. Analysen und Ressortaktivitäten. Arbeitsmarkt. Einkommen.

13


Austria Gesundheit, Soziale Sicherung. Ministry for Work, Health and Social Affairs (ed.) Vienna 1998. „Beziehungsweise“. Information of the Austrian Institute for Family Studies, broshures 12/99, 13/14/99, 1/2000, 2/2000, 3/2000. Das Schulwesen in Österreich. Schuljahr 1996/97 (Austrian Statistical Office - ÖSTAT), Vienna 1998. Heft 1.262, Vienna 1998 Die Suche nach der religiösen Aura. Analysen zum Verhältnis von Jugend und Religion in Europa. Verlag Zeitpunkt, Wien 1999 Dritter Bericht zur Lage der Jugend. Ministry for Environment, Youth and Family (ed.). Vienna 1999 Erlebniswelten und Gestaltungsräume. Die Ergebnisse des dritten Berichtes zur Lage der Jugend in Österreich. Friesl; Hahn; Heinzlmaier; Klein; Graz-Vienna 1999. Family and Fertility Survey (FFS) 1996/2, Austrian Institute for Family Studies (ed.), Vienna 1997. Handbuch des politischen Systems Österreichs. Dachs/Gerlich et al. (ed) Vienna 1991. Hochschulbericht 1999, Ministry for Science and Traffic, Vienna 1999 Jugendliche am prekären Arbeitsmarkt. Unsicherheiten und Einstellungen. Reinprecht, Ch.; Spannring R., in: SWS-Rundschau 4/2000 Jugendkultur 2000. Großegger; Heinzlmaier; Zentner; Graz-Vienna 1999. Jugendschutz in Österreich. Ministry for Environment, Youth and Family (ed.). Vienna 1999 Lehrlinge und FacharbeiterInnen am Arbeitsmarkt. AMS (Austrian Labour Market Service), Vienna 1999

MISSOC – Social protection in the memberstates in the European Union. European Commission. 1998 Österreich im Wandel. Werte, Lebensformen und Lebensqualität 1986-1993. Haller, M.; Holm, K.; Müller, K.; Cyba, E.; Schulz, W.; Munic 1996 Österreich. Kultur und Identität – heute und vor hundert Jahren. Flemming Talbo Stubkjaer (ed.) Odense 2000

Österreich 1945-1995. Gesellschaft, Politik, Kultur. Siedler; Steiner; Talos (ed.);Vienna 1995. Österreichische Hochschulstatistik. Studienjahr 1997/98 Austrian Statistical Office – ÖSTAT (ed.), Vienna 1999. Österreichische Jugendwertestudie 1990, Austrian Institute for Youth Research (ed.), Vienna, 1990 Republik Österreich 1945 – 1995. Austrian Statistical Office – ÖSTAT (ed.), Vienna 1995. Sicherheitsbericht 1998. Justice Ministry. Vienna 1998 Social Report 2000, European Union, DG V. 2000

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Austria Social Survey 1993. Karl Müller et al., Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna 1993

Statistische Nachrichten 1997, 1998, 1999 and 2000. Austrian Statistical Office – ÖSTAT (ed.), Vienna The Austrian social security institutions. Employees in Austria. Hauptverband der österreichischen Sozialversicherungsträger (ed.), Vienna 2000. The Austrian welfare state: A survey of social security systems. Ministry of Labour, Health and Social Affairs. Vienna 1998. „Vollbeschäftigung bleibt das Ziel“. Zur Entwicklung von Beschäftigung und Arbeitslosigkeit in Österreich. Ministry for Labour, Health and Social Affairs, Vienna 1998. „Von Ausgrenzung bedroht“. In: Social and Labour Market Policy. Nr. 50; Ministry of Economy and Social Affairs (ed.). Vienna 1993. World Health Statistics Annual, WHO 1996. Youth Labour Market Policy in Austria 1980-1997. Lorenz Lassnig, Institute for Advanced Studies Vienna 1999

Zwischenwelten. Beiträge zur Jugendforschung. I. Kromer; H. Tebbich; Graz-Vienna 1998.

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Austria

11 Bibliography on national identity in Austria Beiwl, Marcus-Constantin, Galehr, Claudia, Schmid, Gabriele (1995), Emotionale Zugehörigkeit und berufliche Perspektive serbo-kroatischer und türkischer Jugendlicher in Wien – im Vergleich mit österreichischen Jugendlichen ähnlicher sozialer Schicht. ÖNB-Forschungsbericht, Wien Bruckmüller, Ernst (1996), Nation Österreich. Kulturelles Bewusstsein und gesellschaftlich-politische Prozesse. Wien, Köln, Graz: Böhlau Bruckmüller, Ernst (1984), Nation Österreich. Sozialhistorische Aspekte ihrer Entwicklung. Wien, Köln, Graz: Böhlau Bruckmüller, Ernst (1987), „’Zentrum’ und ‚Provinz’ in der Entwicklung des österreichischen Nationalbewusstseins“, in: Neuberger Gespräche. Regionale Identität 1, Wien, Köln, Graz: Böhlau Bruckmüller, Ernst (1994), Österreichbewusstsein im Wandel. Identität und Selbstverständnis in den 90er Jahren, Wien: Signum-Verlag Botz, Gerhard; Sprengnagel, Gerald (eds.) (1994), Kontroversen um Österreichs Zeitgeschichte. Verdrängte Vergangenheit, Österreich-Identität, Waldheim und die Historiker. Frankfurt, New York: Campus Bundesministerium für Wissenschaft, Forschung und Kunst (ed.) (1995), Fremdenfeindlichkeit. Erforschung, Erklärung, Bewältigung. Vienna Bunzl, John; Marin, Bernd (1983), Antisemitismus in Österreich. Sozialhistorische und soziologische Studien. Innsbruck Burger, Rudolph (1994), “Patriotismus und Nation. Bemerkungen zu einem (nicht nur) österreichischen Problem“, in: Leviathan, H. 2.:161-170 Egger, Marianne, Höllinger, Franz (1994) „Sozialkontakte zwischen AusländerInnen und ÖsterreicherInnen am Beispiel ausländischer Studierender in der Steiermark“, SWS-Rundschau 34:75-88 Esterbauer, Fried, Thöni, Erich (1981), Föderalismus und Regionalismus in Theorie und Praxis, Wien Fabris, Hans-Heinz (1995), Austria: From Voting Euphoria to EU-Everyday Life, in: The European Union in the Media, Madrid: Fundesco/AEJ Annual Report, pp 91-99 Fassmann, Heinz; Münz, Rainer (1995), Einwanderungsland Österreich? Historische Migrationsmuster, aktuelle Trends und politische Maßnahmen. Wien: Jugend und Volk Gürses, Hakan (1994), „Wechselspiel der Identitäten. Bemerkungen zum Minderheitenbegriff“, in: SWS-Rundschau 34:353-368 Haller, Max, Gomilschak, Martin (eds.) (1999), Regionale, nationale und europäische Identität. Ergebnisse eines Lehr-Forschungsprojektes in der Steiermark, Vorarlberg und Wien. Institut für Soziologie, Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz Haller, Max (ed.) (1996), Identität und Nationalstolz der Österreicher. Gesellschaftliche Ursachen und Funktionen. Herausbildung und Transformation seit 1945. Internationaler Vergleich. Wien, Köln, Weimar: Böhlau Verlag

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Austria Haller, M.; Holm, Kurt; Müller, K.H.; Schulz, W.; Cyba, E. (1996), Österreich im Wandel. Werte, Lebensformen und Lebensqualität 1986 bis 1993, Wien, München: Oldenbourg Verlag für Geschichte und Politik Haller, Max (1993), “Klasse und Nation. Konkurrierende und komplementäre Grundlagen kollektiver Identität und kollektiven Handelns“, in: Soziale Welt 44:30-51 Haller, Max; Richter, Rudolf (eds.) Toward a European Nation? Political Trends in Europe. East and West. Center and Periphery. Armonk, N.Y., London: M.E. Sharpe Heer, Friedrich (1981), Der Kampf um die österreichische Identität, Wien, Köln, Graz: Böhlau Huber, Stefan; Pernthaler, Peter (eds.) (1988), Föderalismus und Regionalismus in europäischer Perspektive, Wien Johnston, William M. (1974), Österreichische Kultur- und Geistesgeschichte. Gesellschaft und Ideen im Donauraum 1848 bis 1938. Wien, Köln, Graz: Böhlau Kirchner, Susanne (1995), „Die Kampagne zum Beitritt Österreichs zur EU“, in: SWS-Rundschau 35:215-220 Klenner, Fritz (1978), Eine Renaissance Mitteleuropas. Die Nationwerdung Österreichs. Wien, München, Zürich: Europaverlag Kostermann, Rick, Feshbach, Seymour (1989), “Toward a measure of patriotic and nationalistic attitudes“, Political Psychology 10:257-273 Kreissler, Felix (1984), Der Österreicher und seine Nation. Ein Lernprozeß mit Hindernissen, Wien, Köln, Graz: Böhlau Kuzmics, Helmut (1995), „Österreichs bewaffnete Neutralität und ‚nationaler Habitus’, Überlegungen zur jüngeren Biografie der österreichischen Staatsgesellschaft“, in: Geschichte und Gegenwart 14:41-62 Lyon, Dirk et al (eds.) (1985), Österreich-‘Bewußtsein’ – bewußt Österreicher sein ? Materialien zur Entwicklung des Österreichbewusstseins seit 1945, Wien: Österreichischer Bundesverlag Muhr, R.; Schrodt, R.; Wiesinger, P. (eds.) Österreichisches Deutsch. Linguistische, sozialpsychologische und sprachpolitische Aspekte einer nationalen Variante des Deutschen. Wien: Hölder Pichler Tempsky, S 75-109 Pelinka, Anton (1990), Zur Österreichischen Identität. Zwischen deutscher Vereinigung und Mitteleuropa, Wien: Ueberreuter Prisching, Manfred (ed.) (1994), Identität und Nachbarschaft. Die Vielfalt der Alpen-Adria-Länder, Wien, Köln, Graz: Böhlau Reichardt, Robert (1992), “Wertewandel und das Xenophobie-Syndrom“, in: SWS-Rundschau 32:225-243 Reiterer, Albert F., (ed.) (1988), Nation und Nationalbewusstsein in Österreich. Ergebnisse einer empirischen Untersuchung. Wien: Verlag der wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft Österreichs Sieder, Reinhard; Steinert, Heinz; Talos, Emmerich (eds.) (1995), Österreich 1945-1995. Gesellschaft-Politik-Kultur, Wien: Verlag für Gesellschaftskritik

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Austria Tajfel, Henri (1982), Gruppenkonflikt und Vorurteil. Entstehung und Funktion sozialer Stereotypen. Bern, Stuttgart, Wien: H. Huber Talos, Emmerich; Falkner, Gerda (1996), EU-Mitglied Österreich. Gegenwart und Perspektiven. Eine Zwischenbilanz. Wien: Manz Treinen, Heiner (1965), “Symbolische Ortsbezogenheit. Eine soziologische Untersuchung zum Heimatproblem“, Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 17:73-95, 254-297 Uhl, Heidemarie (1992), Zwischen Versöhnung und Verstörung. Eine Kontroverse um Österreichs historische Identität fünfzig Jahre nach dem ‚Anschluß’, Wien, Köln, Weimar: Böhlau Wanner, Gerhard (1980), Schiffstaufe Fußach 1964, Bregenz: Eugen Ruß Verlag Weiss, Hilde (1984), Antisemitische Vorurteile in Österreich. Theoretische und empirische Analysen. Wien: Braumüller

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Austria

12 Appendix a: the school system in Austria Ages Stage Type of institution Status 2-5 Pre school stage: Kindergarten, creches Optional 6-10 Primary stage (general compulsory

schooling), school levels 1 to 4: General primary schools Volkschule

Compulsory

11-15 Secondary stage, lower level school levels 5 to 8:

• Secondary general schools plus one year additional polytechnical training if not going into an apprenticeship

Hauptschule Polytechnischer Lehrgang

• AHS: Allgemeinbildende Höhere Schule. General higher schools, lower level;

Compulsory

15-18 Secondary stage, upper level School levels 9 to 12:

• Berufsschule: Vocational school in conjunction with apprenticeship • BMS: Berufsbildende mittlere Schulen. Vocational middle school, generally 3 years,

no qualification for university; • AHS: Allgemeinbildende Höhere Schule. General higher schools leading to

qualification for University (Matura) after 3 years • BHS: Berufs bildendende höhere Schule.Vocational higher schools leading to

qualification for University (Matura) plus professional specialism after 4 years

Optional

18-23 approx

Non-university, post secondary stage:

Educational facilities after attending AHS or BHS including Teacher Training College, College for Social Work, Colleges for Paramedical Staff Kollegs Mostly 2 year courses

Optional

18-28 approx

Higher Educational Stage University (4 years academic training leading to Masters degree plus 2 years minimum for PhD) Polytechnics Fachhochshule (3 years adademic with specialist vocational training leading to a Masters degree)

Optional

Any age after 15

Adult education: Adult Education Centres Volkhochsschule Courses, single meetings, specialist additional education

Optional

19


Austria

2 2 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 0 2 2 0 1 1 1 1 1

13 Appendix b: attitudes toward the European Union EUROBAROMETER 47.2 YOUTH, 1997

A B Dk Fin F G/E IreG/W GB Gr I PL NL N Ire TotalSp SwWhich of the following statements best describes what the European

Union means to you personally?

A way to create a better future for young people 37 25 26 34 30 41 33 27 39 49 51 35 24 31 40 25 29 34A European government 20 26 23 25 27 22 25 29 22 22 23 28 33 22 26 35 20 25The ability to go wherever I want in Europe 41 39 29 43 50 51 49 23 26 39 26 52 43 24 25 25 45 37Guaranteed lasting peace in Europe 25 22 34 19 33 30 30 13 30 10 29 41 28 12 24 15 24 25A means of improving the economic situation in Europe 30 30 35 26 33 31 35 24 28 33 47 35 57 29 39 38 24 34A way to create jobs 32 24 29 39 31 33 26 25 23 37 40 23 22 24 29 19 34 30A way to protect the rights of citizens 18 14 13 11 14 8 12 15 19 15 11 18 25 17 21 12 6 14A lot of bureaucracy, a waste of time and money 21 20 24 26 15 22 22 11

8 4 5 13 14 8 8 11 36 16

Just a dream, a utopian idea 13 12 11 7 12 10 9 3 8 2 5 5 5 6 5 8 12 8The risk of losing our cultural diversity 13

16

32

20

17

14 13 15

15

7 6 18

16

12 10

7 15

14

...what will the European Union have brought in ten years time? A better quality of life for most people 19 14 17 14 14 19 15 20 34 40 36 21 22 21 41 32 10 23More opportunities for people like me to find work 33 19 30 41 29 34 24 29 28 51 44 24 24 36 25 25 27 31More equality between men and women 25 15 13 13 14 12 14 18 13 21 10 22 18 23 30 23 13 17Less discrimination against foreigners and people from other 27 21 26 40 30 26 30 34 18 21 34 39 31 27 21 28 27 28More difficulty in making decisions because more countries will have joined 34 25 42 28 27 35 36 17 16 10 13 31 36 10 12 13 45 25A higher level of unemployment 21 27 8 5 21 24 19 11 18 7 7 23 8 4 14 8 14 14It will be easier to travel, study, work and live anywhere in Europe 42 35 61 72 58 50 56 39 43 48 48 57 61 42 41 39 69 51More social problems (redundancies, strikes, disputes...) 20 30 16 17 22 31 31 13

16 6 9 19 13 10 14 9 21 18

There won't be a European Union anymore (SPONTANEOUS)

20


Austria

8 4 9 5 6 2 3 5 5 9 3 4 6 6 0 4 6 61 5 3 2 5 6 0 1 2 1 1 9 9 4 2 51 3 7 2 3 2 3 2 5 1 0 7 2 1 2 3 3

6 5 3 1 4 3 2 2 3 1 2 7 2 1 1 2 2 3

A

B

Dk

Fin

F

G/E

Ire

G/W

GB

Gr

I

P

L

NL

N Ire

Total

Sp

Sw How many countries in the EU has r been to in the last two years

not abroad 28 19 9 20 35 36 19 48 82 41 53 3 9 40 50 68 16 35in 1 or 2 countries 55 46 44 65 46 47 55 41 15 50 40 14 39 52 45 27 48 44in 3 to 6 countries 16 32 43 13 17 16 25 11

3

9 7

72 48 8 4 5 32 19

in more than 6 countries 0 2 4 2 1 0 1 0 1 11

4 0 0 4 2 For what reasons has r been to these countries? To visit the country, spend my holidays 83 97 83 92 85 91 90 88 65 80 79 97 92 84 83 84 92 88In a youth exchange programme 5 4 12 4 18 10 10 6 10 10 4 8 5 6 6 8 6 8To learn or to improve in the language 14 3 12 9 19 8 9 3 6 7 12 6 3 1 2 10 12 9To study 3 2 16 4 4 0 2 6 6 3 16 9 5 6 2 5 7 6To work, on business 1To meet my girlfriend/boyfriend 1 1 1

3To live there with my family Which of the following, do you think "being a citizen of the European Union"

means? The right to move permanently to any country in the European Union 46 57 44 62 60 66 65 34 43 54 48 52 55 50 49 49 52 52The right to work in any country in the European Union 60 63 64 75 68 68 65 51 59 72 65 56 60 62 64 60 76 64The right to vote in local elections in the member state in which you reside 19 15 21 21 23 20 24 20 14 15 18 19 36 18 16 15 22 20The right to vote in national elections in the member state in which you reside 23 16 20 16 22 15 20 15 14 14 16 14 39 19 9 12 16 18The right to vote in European Parliament elections in the member state –“- 22 19 24 24 23 19 26 18 14 13 21 21 44 22 13 15 26 21The access to have services and social welfare anywhere in Europe 31 31 17 36 44 37 32 23 33 23 41 39 46 24 29 33 30 33Being able to go and study in any European Union country 39 56 67 72 58 49 49 35

51 50 43 62 59 42 49 42 81 53

None of the above (SPONTANEOUS)

21


Austria

22

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