regarding education - umbc · 2013. 5. 21. · claudia galindo mexican immigration is significantly...
TRANSCRIPT
Regarding Education Mexican-American Schooling,
Immigration, and Bi-National Improvement
EDITED BY
Bryant Jensen
Adam Sawyer
Foreword by Patricia Gdndara & Eugene Garcia
JE4CHERS COLLEGE
PRESS Teachers College, Columbia University
New York and London
Foreword by Pt
Acknowledgm
1. Regarding School Improv
Bryant Jensen a
PAR'
Published by Teachers College Press, 1234 Amsterdam Avenue, New York, NY 10027
Copyright © 2013 by Teachers College, Columbia University
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the publisher.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data can be obtained at www. loc.gov
ISBN 978-0-8077-5392-7 (paperback)
Printed on acid-free paper Manufactured in the United States of America
2. Intergener Mexican Amei
Edward Telles a:
3. Unauthori Mexican Amej
Frank D. Bean,!
James D. Bachir
4. Math Perfc Children in th< Immigrant Gei
Claudia Galindc
5. Learning Ii Students in M<
20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Ernesto Trevino
CHAPTER 4
Math Performance of Young Mexican-Origin Children in the United States: Socioeconomic
Status, Immigrant Generation, and English Proficiency
Claudia Galindo
Mexican immigration is significantly impacting the diversity and size of the U.S. population. Between 2000 and 2010, the Mexican-origin population in the United States increased from 20.6 to 31.8 million, representing 63% of the Latino population and 30% of the U.S. foreign-born population (Ennis, Rfos-Vargas, & Albert, 2011; Martin & Midgley, 2006). At the same time, many Mexican-origin students are educationally disadvantaged, as pointed out in Chapters 2 and 3. Over the past 30 years, Mexican-origin students have experienced important educational gains, but continue to lag behind other racial and ethnic groups in attainment and achievement, from early childhood through college (Crosnoe, 2005; Hirschman, 2001; Reardon & Galindo, 2009).
These educational disparities are especially problematic because they are intrinsically related to social and economic inequalities and limit students' upward mobility opportunities. Studies confirm that educational attainment is a strong predictor of employment, participation in high-skill occupations, and earnings (Duncan, Hotz, & Trejo, 2006).
Several theoretical arguments are used to explain Mexican-origin students' poor educational outcomes. Cultural arguments focus on social forces and historical relations between minority and majority groups (Ogbu & Simmons, 1998; Valenzuela, 1999) or on cultural mismatches
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66
Math Performance of Young Mexican-Origin Children 67
between schools and homes that affect minority students' educational outcomes (Garcia, 2001; Saracho & Marinez-Hancock, 2007). In contrast, structural theories argue that the position of minority groups within the U.S. social hierarchy is the main determinant of their educational experiences and that schools, as agents for social reproduction and inequalities, reinforce the current power structure and the supremacy of the dominant class (Bourdieu, 1986; Lareau, 2003; Valencia, 2002). These theoretical perspectives bring useful insights for understanding the complexities faced by Mexican-origin students in schools and discuss the impact of macro-level factors, such as structure and culture, which may be related to students' educational outcomes. However, none of the theoretical perspectives alone fully explain Mexican-origin students' educational outcomes, and they may be less helpful for explaining learning patterns among young children given their developmental stage. Furthermore, these theories do not reveal policy-relevant mechanisms that may help reduce Mexican-origin students' educational disadvantages, or how family and student variables interact to inhibit or facilitate educational improvements. Thus, this chapter focuses on the interrelation of students' socioeconomic characteristics, generational status, and oral English proficiency as main explanatory variables of academic achievement of Mexican-origin students in the United States. Given the rapid growth of the Mexican-origin population in the United States, their educational disadvantages, and the increasing importance of educational attainment for upward mobility, it is critical to understand the achievement experiences of these students to make improvements. This chapter provides insights into Mexican-origin students' academic learning experiences in the U.S. by analyzing math achievement from Kindergarten through 5th grade and comparing them to non-Hispanic White (hereafter "White") and non-Hispanic Black (hereafter "Black") students. I pay particular attention to variation in achievement patterns between Mexican-origin subgroups, by generational status (i.e., first-generation children are born in Mexico to Mexican-born parents, second-generation children are U.S.-born to Mexican-born parents, and third-plus generation children are U.S.-born children to U.S.-born parents with Mexican origins), their socioeconomic status, and their oral English proficiency at the start of Kindergarten. I also examine statistical interactions of these factors and their associations with Mexican-origin children's math achievement at the beginning of Kindergarten.
The data I use for this analysis come from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-Kindergarten Cohort (ECLS-K; NCES, 2003). This large-scale study focuses on young children's development at the beginning of Kindergarten-a crucial period for children's later well-being
68 Challenges and Dilemmas
(Entwisle, Alexander, & Olson, 2005; Rouse, Brooks-Gunn, & McLanahan, 2005). Because of the longitudinal nature of the data, I am able to look at achievement trajectories from Kindergarten through 5th grade rather than scores at one point in time, which improves previous research using cross-sectional data. Also, the ECLS-K sample includes a sizeable group of Latino and Mexican-origin children, and extensive information on students' language and socioeconomic characteristics.
Using the ECLS-K data, several studies have shown that Mexican-origin students performed significantly lower in math and reading at the beginning of Kindergarten, in 1st grade, and in 3rd grade than did their White and other Latino peers (Crosnoe, 2006; Glick & Hohmann-Marriott, 2007; Reardon & Galindo, 2009). Although achievement gaps narrowed significantly during the elementary grades, in 5th grade, Mexican-origin students were still scoring significantly lower than White students on math and reading tests (Reardon & Galindo, 2009). In addition, Mexican-origin students demonstrated lower academic performance than Latino students from others countries/regions of origin, including South American and Cuban students.
FACTORS TO CONSIDER
Research on different educational outcomes highlights the educational disadvantages thatmany Mexican-origin children experience in the United States. These educational disadvantages are observed for Mexican-origin students in terms of attainment and achievement measures, and they are associated with a series of demographic and family factors.
Immigrant Generational Status
The relationship between educational outcomes and immigrant generational status (i.e., the length of time in the United States) is controversial because research has provided little consensus about whether immigrant children actually demonstrate better performance than similar native-born students or whether earlier generations perform better than later generations. Supporting the findings that immigrants have better educational outcomes than native students, the notion of immigrant paradoxes gains strong and consistent support in the literature (Fuller et al., 2009; Garcia Coll & Marks, 2009). While family background and socioeconomic status have typically been considered the most important explanations for poor outcomes, it is surprising that individuals with adverse economic characteristics (as with most Latino immigrants) experience stronger educational outcomes than others in
Math Performance of Young Mexican-Origin Children 69
the same socioeconomic strata. Some research with high school students, for example, shows that immigrants (first- and second-generation students) demonstrate higher academic test scores than their third-generation-plus peers (Glick & White, 2003; Kao & Tienda, 1995).
However, other findings point to troubling outcomes among immigrant students, particularly among Mexican-origin children. Duncan et al. (2006), for example, found that Mexican-born students in the United States have fewer years of formal education than U.S.-born Mexican Americans. Also, Reardon and Galindo (2009) found that first- and second-generation Mexican-origin children showed weaker reading and mathematical understanding than did subsequent generations in the elementary grades. Thus, mixed findings regarding the school performance of Mexican children of different immigrant generations are reflected in a variety of approaches represented in the literature on immigrant educational outcomes. In addition, researchers have yet to determine how the differences in achievement outcomes across generations are related to socioeconomic status or English proficiency. More information is needed about specific mechanisms related to Mexican-origin students' educational disadvantages in order to understand how to improve their achievement.
Socioeconomic Status, English Proficiency, and Educational Outcomes
The impact of family socioeconomic characteristics on students' educational outcomes is pervasive in the literature. Research consistently shows that children of formally educated parents tend to obtain higher grades and reach higher levels of education themselves, and are less likely to be retained or drop out of school, compared to children whose parents have less formal schooling (Entwisle & Alexander, 1993; Garcia, 2001; Schmid, 2001). Students from families with more economic, social, and cultural resources tend to obtain more academic knowledge and skills at home. These parents are more likely than others to provide educational materials, assistance, and time for their children's educational needs (Pong, Hao, & Gardner, 2005; Wojtkiewicz & Donato, 1995). All of these benefits and opportunities transmit messages to children about their parents' positive attitudes toward and support for education, which translates into better educational outcomes for students.
In addition, formally educated parents tend to develop more egalitarian relationships with their children's teachers and school administrators. Because schools are more likely to value the cultural patterns, preferences, attitudes, and behaviors of formally educated individuals (Dumais, 2002; Roscigno & Ainsworth-Darnell, 1999), these parents
70 Challenges and Dilemmas
and their children may feel more comfortable at school than children of less formally educated parents because the schools' linguistic structure, authoritative patterns, and curricula correspond more closely to those features at home (Lareau, 2003). Also, parents with higher levels of formal education handle school decisions about their children's placement in special programs, teacher assignments, and retention more proactively than do working-class or poor parents (Lareau, 2003). It is through these interventions that highly educated parents monitor their children's educational experiences and make sure that their children's educational choices and assignments have positive consequences for their future.
Similarly, the impact of students' English proficiency on their school achievement is recognized in the literature. In U.S. schools, many English Language Learners (ELLs) lag behind native English-speaking students in their academic achievement. Compared with English-speaking students, ELLs tend to have lower math and reading test scores, academic grades, and educational and occupational aspirations (Galindo 2010; Rumberger & Larson, 1998). According to the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), in 2005, 46% and 73% of 4th-grade ELLs scored "below Basic" in math and reading, compared to 11% and 25% of White students (Fry, 2007). Moreover, in 2002, 8th-grade ELLs students scored 1.2 standard deviations lower than English-proficient students (Callahan, 2005). In addition, in 2000, only 19% of ELL students met state norms for reading in English (Kindler, 2002). Further research shows that among second-generation student's, those with higher levels of English proficiency have higher math and reading test scores, and that English Language Learners and Limited English Proficiency (LEP) students have significantly lower scores than native English-speaking students in several content areas and at different grade levels (Gandara et a l , 2003) . A lack of English proficiency is also associated with a greater likelihood of dropping out of school, particularly for Latino students (Schmid, 2001).
Students without sufficient English proficiency face important challenges in schools. These students not only need to master a new language but must simultaneously acquire the expected academic skills for each grade level (Garcia, 2001). When teachers use English as the only language of instruction, students need at least the minimum of oral English proficiency to understand instruction, conduct meaningful learning interactions, and use inquiry processes that further learning (Gandara, 1999). Additionally, students who are English Language Learners often do not have access to important resources needed to
Math Performance of Young Mexican-Origin Children 71
excel in school. They tend to have less qualified teachers (Gandara et al., 2003; Padron, Waxman, & Rivera, 2002), and be more likely to attend segregated schools with high concentrations of other students who are not proficient in English. Their ELL status also results in higher rates of placement in special education or remedial classes (Callahan, 2005). These conditions interfere with ELL students' learning opportunities and limit their interactions with English-proficient students and other high-achieving peers, which could limit language and academic development further.
Moreover, students who are English Language Learners often experience additional barriers given their levels of poverty and generational status. Capps et al. (2005) indicated that most ELL students have foreign-born parents (83% in elementary and 71% in secondary), two-thirds of ELL children live in low-income families, and 48% have parents without high school diplomas. Mexican-origin students, in particular, are more likely than others to have each of these characteristics that negatively affect success in school. Although these factors may not be disadvantages per se, they could have negative consequences for their academic progress, because they make it considerably more difficult for students and parents to communicate effectively with teachers in order to take advantage of school learning opportunities.
Poverty and English proficiency may be particularly important to understand Mexican-origin students' academic achievement patterns. Many Mexican-origin students have low-skilled labor migrant parents with lower levels of formal education, and they are overrepresented among students with English difficulties in bilingual and Limited English Proficiency programs (Crosnoe, 2006). Among Latino subgroups, Mexican Americans have the highest poverty rates (32%) (Lichter, Qian, & Crowley, 2005). For those older than 16 years, $20,238 is the median annual personal earnings (Pew Research Center, 2009). A l though the poverty rates are clearly greater for children under 18 years of age, approximately 32% of Mexican Americans live below the poverty threshold (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). Also, almost two-thirds of Mexican-origin elementary and secondary students speak a language other than English at home, and about one-fifth have difficulty speaking English (KewalRamani et a l , 2007). This double disadvantage has not been deeply analyzed in relation to academic performance. We know little about how socioeconomic status and English proficiency coexist and interact to impact the academic achievement of Mexican-origin students.
72 Challenges and Dilemmas
ANALYZING THE DATA
As mentioned, the data I analyzed in this chapter come from the ECLS-K study, sponsored by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). The ECLS-K provides a nationally representative sample of approximately 21,000 Kindergarteners who were followed through 8th grade. For more details of the ECLS-K study, the user's manual is available online (NCES, 2003). Descriptive results presented here are based on a sample of approximately 14,600 students (the unweighted sample sizes were rounded to the nearest 10 to avoid concerns of participant identification, as specified in the restricted license requirements.) This sample includes Latino students of any race and Black and White students born to a U.S.-born parent. I excluded students who were Asian, other race, or of unloiown race from this analysis.
I analyzed students' math learning trajectories and achievement gaps between Kindergarten and 5th grade, using math assessments of students with at least one wave of data and valid test scores re-scaled after the spring of 5th grade. To analyze the effect of socioeconomic status and English proficiency on math test scores at Kindergarten entry, I used a restricted sample with only Mexican-origin students (n = 1,550) who had math test scores in the fall of Kindergarten. To measure math achievement, I used the ECLS-K math assessments, which were based on national and state standards to ensure that the skills measured tended to be taught in the associated grades. Trained data collectors individually administered these untimed, adaptive tests. Details of the assessments are provided in ECLS-K psychometric reports (Rock & Pollack, 2002). Language-minority students who were not proficient in oral English took the math test in Spanish; therefore, we had accurate math trends for most Mexican-origin students who were classified as language-minority (or living in non-English-speaking homes). By 3rd grade, all language-minority students were deemed as proficient in oral English. Consequently, all students took the 3rd- and 5th-grade math tests in English.
I characterized the diversity of the Mexican-origin population by disaggregating children by their generational status, socioeconomic status, and oral English proficiency.
• Generational status. Mexican-origin children were classified as first-, second-, or third-plus generations. First-generation Mexican students were non-U.S. born to non-U.S.-born parents. Second-generation students (the reference category) were U.S.-born to non-U.S.-born parents. Third-plus-generation students were U.S.-born with U.S.-born parents.
Math Performance of Young Mexican-Origin Children 73
• Socioeconomic status (SES). I used the ECLS-K continuous measure of socioeconomic status, which is a composite measure of parent income, parent education, and occupational prestige. I sorted Latino children into the overall SES quintiles to analyze disparities in math achievement.
• Oral English proficiency. Mexican-origin students were classified as language-minority if English was not the primary language used at home. For most students, this information was available from their school records or was gathered from teachers' reports. Students were classified as English-proficient the fall of Kindergarten if they scored 37 points or higher on the English Oral Language Development Scale test (OLDS) (scores range from 0 to 60). If the language-minority student scored less than 37 points, s/he was classified as not proficient in oral English.
REPORTING RESULTS
Mexican Students' Socioeconomic and Language Characteristics
As Table 4.1 shows, Mexican-origin students in Kindergarten experienced important socioeconomic and language disadvantages. As expected, the economic characteristics of Mexican-origin students were significantly lower than those of White students. However, while stronger educational disadvantages were observed for Mexican-origin students, larger income gaps were observed for Black students. Among students from different regional/national origins, Mexican-origin students had parents with the lowest levels of education. Around one-third of Mexican-origin parents had not finished high school, and only about 9% had a college degree or higher. Also, Mexican-origin students (somewhat similar to Central-American-origin students) had the lowest mean family income ($30,000) and the most students living in poverty (41.5%). In contrast, Cuban- and South-American-origin students' parents had the highest levels of educational attainment, similar to the parents of White students, and they had the highest family mean incomes.
The majority of Mexican-origin children (58%) were classified by schools as language minorities, as is often the case for Latino students of any country/region of origin, which is not surprising given the large amount of Latino students with foreign-born parents (see Table 4.1). Compared to Mexican-origin students, Central-American-, Cuban-, and
Table 4.1. Latino and Mexican Students' Socioeconomic and Language Characteristics (n = 14,600 students; including n = 4,010 Latinos and n = 1,720 Mexicans)
Race/ National Origin
SES Indicators Language Characteristics
Race/ National Origin
Composite
measure
Mean income
($)
Below poverty
level (%)
Parents' Education
Language Minor
ity
Non-proficient
in Oral English
Language Spoken at Home
Race/ National Origin
Composite
measure
Mean income
($)
Below poverty
level (%)
< than HS (0/0)
College
+ (%)
Language Minor
ity
Non-proficient
in Oral English
English Only
Home
Predominantly English
Predominantly Span
ish
Only Span
ish
White, native
0.183 62,797 9.2 3.6 38.6
Black, native
-0.428 28,001 43.0 13.3 12.1
Latino, any race
-0.430 34,057 35.1 26.5 12.7 50.2 29.6 31.8 19.4 19.3 29.5
Mexican -0.580 30,210 41.5 34.3 8.6 58.7 42.3 23.8 16.2 20.0 40.1
Puerto Rican
-0.282 43,534 27.5 13.9 17.8 32.2 7.0 39.6 27.2 18.3 14.9
Cuban 0.145 56,038 20.8 8.3 41.4 67.9 22.2 18.8 31.8 23.5 25.9
South American
0.020 45,535 19.5 5.8 33.3 68.4 22.7 21.1 15.9 23.3 39.7
Central American
-0.457 33,349 38.8 33.5 18.6 75.8 43.2 17.3 24.4 30.7 27.6
Table 4.1. Latino and Mexican Students' Socioeconomic and Language Characteristics (n = 14,600 students; including n = 4,010 Latinos and n = 1,720 Mexicans) (continued)
SES Indicators Language Characteristics J Parents' I 1
race -0.430 34,057 35.1 26.5 12.7 50.2 29.6 31.8 19.4 19.3 29.5
Mexican -0.580 30,210 41.5 34.3 8.6 58.7 42.3 23.8 16.2 20.0 40.1
Puerto Rican
-0.282 43,534 27.5 13.9 17.8 32.2 7.0 39.6 27.2 18.3 14.9
Cuban 0.145 56,038 20.8 8.3 41.4 67.9 22.2 18.8 31.8 23.5 25.9
South American
0.020 45,535 19.5 5.8 33.3 68.4 22.7 21.1 15.9 23.3 39.7
Central American
-0.457 33,349 38.8 33.5 18.6 75.8 43.2 17.3 24.4 30.7 27.6
Table 4.1. Latino and Mexican Students' Socioeconomic and Language Characteristics (n = 14,600 students; including n = 4,010 Latinos and n = 1,720 Mexicans) (continued)
SES Indicators Language Characteristics Parents'
Education Language Spoken at Home
Race/ National Origin
Composite measure
Mean income
($)
Below poverty
level (o/o)
< than HS (0/0)
College
+ (%)
Language Minor
ity
Non-proficient
in Oral English
English Only
Home
Predominantly English
Predominantly Span
ish
Only Span
ish
Other Latino -0.139 44,523 16.9 14.2 23.6 24.4 3.2 51.6 24.2 13.0 11.2
Mexican Origin
1st generation
-0.874 17,476 68.8 47.2 3.0 91.2 78.2 6.8 2.3 15.8 75.2
2nd generation
-0.732 24,940 47.7 42.3 6.4 76.9 56.1 8.3 13.0 25.6 53.1
3rd+ generation
-0.179 44,243 21.1 13.7 14.7 13.7 3.4 57.6 26.8 10.6 4.9
Note: Sample includes Latino students of any race and Black and White students bom to a U.S.-born parent. A l l statistics were weighted by
cross-sectional spring of Kindergarten weight c2cw0. Latino students were disaggregated by national/regional origin. From the total sample
analyzed in this table, about 4,010 (27%) were Latino, 8,680 (59%) were White, and 1,920 (14%) were Black students. Mexican students
were disaggregated by generational status. From the total sample analyzed in this table, about 170 (10%) were first-generation, 990 (58%)
second-generation, 520 (30%) third-plus-generation, and 30 (2%) were generation unidentified.
76 Challenges and Dilemmas
South-American-origin students were more likely to be language minorities (76%, 68%, and 68%, respectively), whereas Puerto Rican students were the least likely (only 32%). Also, Mexican-origin students were the most likely to live in Spanish-dominant homes (40%) and, along with those with Central American origins, to not demonstrate oral English proficiency (about 42%). In contrast, only 15% of Puerto Rican students lived in homes that only spoke Spanish. And only 22% of students from Cuban and South American origins, and 7% of Puerto Ricans, were not deemed orally proficient in English.
Mexican-origin students' immigration status had a significant association with socioeconomic and language characteristics. There were important differences in these attributes by generational status, with fewer socioeconomic and language disadvantages observed for the third-plus generation. Socioeconomic status and English proficiency improved across generations. First- and second-generation Mexican-origin students were three times more likely to have parents with less than high school education as compared to third-plus-generation Mexican American students. Also, particularly low mean family income was observed for first- and second-generation Mexican-origin students ($17,500 and $25,000, respectively), whereas third-plus Mexican American students had the highest family mean incomes ($44,243). On average, third-plus Mexican-origin students had a higher family mean income than did Black students.
Furthermore, the percentage of students classified as language minorities decreased largely by generational status. Almost all first-generation Mexican-origin students were language minorities, compared to less than 14% of third-plus-generation Mexican-origin students. Similarly, a lower proportion of English-proficient students were observed among first-generation Mexican students (about 22%) than among third-plus-generation Mexican students (97%). Thus, the economic and language differences observed between Mexicans and other Latinos and across generations may have important consequences for these students' academic learning.
Achievement Gap Trends from Kindergarten to 5th Grade
Achievement "gaps" I report measure the difference in mean math scores between each group of interest and White students (the reference group), in standard deviation units. An important advantage of using standardized scores is that they allow for interpretation and comparability with other research (Reardon & Galindo, 2009). One standard deviation typically represents the achievement gap between children from
Math Performance of Young Mexican-Origin Children 77
low-income and middle-income families, which is a very important difference in magnitude. Figures 4.1 to 4.4 present the main findings of the gap analyses, and the Appendix to this chapter includes detailed tables of the estimated achievement gaps and their standard errors by each wave of data collection. Achievement gaps were estimated for six waves of assessment: fall Kindergarten (FK), spring Kindergarten (SK), fall 1st grade (FF), spring 1st grade (SF), spring 3rd grade (ST), and spring 5th grade (SF). The reference group is represented by the value of "0" on the "Y" axes in figures.
Achievement gaps by immigrant generational status. As Figure 4.1 illustrates, there were significant gaps between White and Mexican-origin students across generations, but smaller gaps were observed for third-plus-generation students. At the beginning of Kindergarten, first-and second-generation Mexican-origin students scored about one standard deviation below White students, whereas third-plus-generation students scored only half a standard deviation below the same reference group. By the spring of 5th grade, although the achievement gap was reduced significantly (by approximately half) for all the groups, differences in math achievement persisted.
Achievement gaps by socioeconomic status (SES). I present two sets of math achievement gaps by SES. The first includes gaps between the average Mexican-origin student in a given socioeconomic quintile and the average White student across SES (see Figure 4.2). The second set reports within-SES gaps, showing the average difference in math performance between Mexican-origin and White students within the same socioeconomic quintile (see Figure 4.3).
Figure 4.2 describes achievement gaps significantly larger for Mexican-origin students in the lowest SES quintiles than for Mexican-origin students in the highest SES quintiles. Mexican-origin students in the highest two quintiles showed relatively similar achievement levels at Kindergarten entry and over time compared to the average White student (across SES). However, most Mexican-origin students were in the lowest socioeconomic quintiles, so the academic advantages observed among the students in the highest socioeconomic quintile were experienced only by a small number of students. Math achievement gaps decreased by half between Kindergarten through 5th grade for students in the lowest SES quintiles.
Within-SES gap analysis in Figure 4.3 shows that math achievement gaps between White and Mexican-origin students are found over and above SES differences. As expected, within-SES gaps are smaller
78 ChaUenges and Dilemmas
than those observed in Figure 4.2. Mexican-origin students at the start of Kindergarten scored roughly one- to two-thirds of a standard deviation lower in math than White students of the same SES quintile. On average, even within similar levels of SES, Mexican-origin students had lower math performances than did White students. Within-SES gaps decreased steadily from Kindergarten through 5th grade, specifically for Mexican-origin students in the lowest two SES quintiles. But within SES gaps for Mexican American students in the highest three SES quintiles showed smaller reduction or fluctuations over time. By the spring of 5th grade, in the lowest SES quintile, Mexican-origin and White
Figure 4.1. Trends in Estimated Math Achievement Gaps, by Generational Status
-1.4 —A- 1st generation —S- 2nd generation ;. 3rd+generation
# of Cases by Group and Time Point
FK SK SF ST SF
1st generation 90 90 100 100 100 2nd generation 750 800 780 780 770 3rd-plus generation 330 360 350 340 330
Note: White students are the reference group, represented by the value of "0" on the "Y" axis. Gaps are measured in pooled standard deviation units. FK=Fall Kindergarten, SK=Spring Kindergarten; SF = Spring 1st grade; ST = Spring 3rd grade; and SF = Spring 5th grade. Unweighted sample sizes were rounded to the nearest 10 because of restricted license requirements.
Math Performance of Young Mexican-Origin Children 79
students' average scores are no different from each other. Yet, although within-SES gaps are smaller by the spring of 5th grade, Mexican-origin students in the highest three SES quintiles still scored significantly lower than White students in the same quintile.
Achievement gaps by English proficiency. Figure 4.4 illustrates that native-English-speaking Mexican-origin students scored higher than language-minority Mexican-origin students. Also, Mexican-origin
Figure 4.2. Trends in Estimated Math Achievement Gaps, by SES
FK SK SF ST SF
-•-Quintile 1 (low) ~ir-Quintile 2 -•-Quintile 3 » -Quintile 4 - 4- Quintile 5 (high)
# of Cases by Group and Time Point
FK SK SF ST SF Quintile 1 590 630 630 610 620
Quintile 2 240 260 260 250 250
Quintile 3 150 160 150 160 150
Quintile 4 130 140 130 130 130
Quintile 5 70 80 80 80 70
Note: White students are the reference group, represented by the value of "0" on the "Y" axis. Gaps are measured in pooled standard deviation units. FK = Fall Kindergarten, SK = Spring Kindergarten; SF = Spring 1st grade; ST = Spring 3rd grade; and SF = Spring 5th grade. Unweighted sample sizes were rounded to the nearest 10 because of restricted license requirements.
80 Challenges and Dilemmas
students who began Kindergarten proficient in oral English had better i ? ^ a n £ ° S e w h ° were not proficient. Compared to WW e students, math aclnevement gaps were significantly larger for non-Enghsh-profident Mexican-origin students whereas naL-EngHsh-
showe7m^l r b U a g e " m i T r i t y S t U d 6 n t S W h ° W e r e English-proficient
ffiXl?tPn M i r T 6 1 1 ' § a p S s i § n i f i c a n t l y «MUer at the start of Si^ZTL^ a* l e v e m e n tr p s d e c r e a s e d s t e a d i l y o v e r t i m e for all groups but they still persisted. Native-English-speaking Mexican-than W m l ^ 0 n e " t h i r d ° f a S ' a n d a r d deviation lower than White students, but those students who were not proficient in Enghsh scored four-fifths of a standard deviation lower than the same reference group by the spring of 5th grade.
Interactions among SES, Generational Status, and English Proficiency
Based on their descriptive analysis of Latino subgroups' achievement g a p S R e a r d o n a n d G a H n d o that^oc^economfc status and language spoken at home may be key variables to exp l anX-tmo students' educational disadvantages. To further analyze tL claim
A W ^ S e ^ f S , ^ f ° f ^ n d T g a r t e n a s t h e d e P e n d ^ variable (see Table 4.2). The first model only includes generational status
as a Predictor variable ( 3 r d + generation is the reference g r o u " s 1 T C l i n c h i r f 6 1 2 1 0 i n d U d e S o c i o e c « compLitemeasure score OT m l i^T^T^T"^ ***** m d °M
E n g l i s h Proficiency terms^ student SES and language-minority status, and student SES and OLDS scores. The interaction-effect model tests whether the associa tion between English proficiency and math achievement varied as a function of students' SES. Table 4.2 reports findings for the models each of which controlled for assessment dates '
Corroborating my previous findings of math achievement gap analyse, I found important differences in math achievement at the start of
a c r o s s g e n r i o n § r o u p s ' ™ t h b e t e ° « ^ < £ £ £ for the third-plus generation. On average, first- and second-generation Mexrcan-ongm students scored about 3.5 points lower than f h h d - X s generation Mexican-origin students in the fall of Kindergarten Also Model 2 s ea l ed that socioeconomic status had a v ^ S ^ ^ S
Zth T? nnW S O C l o e c o n o m i c . S t a t ^ composite measure was associated with a 2-pomt increase m math achievement at the start of Kindergarten.
Math Performance of Young Mexican-Origin Children 81
Figure 4.3. Within-Quintile Trends in Estimated Math Achievement Gaps, by SES
FK SK SF ST SF
-0.8 -
-1.0 -
-1.2 J
-•-Quintile 1 (low) Quintile 2 -•-Quintile j Quintile 4 1 Quintile 5 (high)
Note: White students are the reference group, represented by the value of "0" on the "Y"
axis. Gaps are measured in pooled standard deviation units. FK = Fall Kindergarten, SK
= Spring Kindergarten; SF = Spring 1st grade; ST = Spring 3rd grade; and SF = Spring
5th grade. Unweighted sample sizes were rounded to the nearest 10 because of restricted
license requirements. The numbers of Mexican-origin students across waves are the same
as in Figure 4.2.
In addition, after including the socioeconomic measure, the original difference between third-plus-generation and first- and second-generation Mexican-origin students decreased by 50% and 60%, respectively. These results suggested that a significant part of the association of math achievement with generational status was due to the association of socioeconomic status with students' math achievement.
Next, in Model 3, I added language-minority status and students' OLDS scores (English proficiency measure). As shown, both variables were highly important. On average, Mexican-origin students with higher English ability and socioeconomic status began Kindergarten with better math skills than Mexican-origin students who did not possess these family and personal resources. When both variables-socioeconomic status and language characteristics-were included in the model, initial differences in math scores at Kindergarten entry across generations became meaningless. Both had strong and independent effects on students' academic outcomes. These variables also had interactive effects on achievement. The association between oral English
82 Challenges and Dilemmas Math Perfo.
Figure 4.4. Trends in Estimated Math Achievement Gaps, by Language Status and Oral English Proficiency
# of Cases by Group and Time Point
FK SK SF ST SF
Not language minority 470 510 500 500 490
LM, English proficient 210 210 210 200 200
LM, not English proficient 500 550 540 536 540
Note: White students are the reference group, represented by the value of "0" on the "Y"
axis. Gaps are measured in pooled standard deviation units. FK = Fall Kindergarten, SK
= Spring Kindergarten; SF = Spring 1st grade; ST = Spring 3rd grade; and SF = Spring
5th grade. Unweighted sample sizes were rounded to the nearest 10 because of restricted
license requirements.
proficiency and math achievement varied as a function of students' socioeconomic status, which means that the relationship between English proficiency and math achievement got stronger at higher socioeconomic levels (Model 4).
Math Performance of Young Mexican-Origin Children 83
Table 4.2. OLS Regression Estimates of Effects of Socioeconomic Status and Language Characteristics on Math Scores at Kindergarten Entry (« = 1,550)
Variables Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4
1st generation -3.869***
(0.531)
-1.545***
(0.528)
-0.112
(0.578)
.0434
(0.575)
2nd generation -3.464***
(0.318)
-1.730***
(0.325)
-0.723+
(.373)
-.632+
(0.372)
3rd + generation (reference) - - - -
Socioeconomic status (SES)
2.023***
(0. 146)
1.684***
(0.154)
1.309***
(0.357)
Language-minority status -1.668***
(0.347)
-1.731***
(0.358)
OLDS score (continuous)
0.8176***
(0.187)
1.249***
(0.203)
SES*Language minority 1.558***
(0.302)
SES*OLDS 0.409*
(0.204)
Adjusted R-squared 0.08 0.18 0.20 0.22
Note: Generational status regression coefficients represent gaps in math scores compared
to reference group (third+ generation), not absolute scores. Continuous variables, socio
economic status, and OLDS scores were grand-mean centered. Regression models were
adjusted for date of assessment. Standard errors are shown in parentheses. P-values: + p <
.10, * p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001.
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
This chapter builds on previous knowledge about racial/ethnic educational inequalities by analyzing Mexican-origin students' math performance from Kindergarten to 5th grade, specifically in relation to their socioeconomic status and English proficiency. Below I discuss four main findings from this research.
First, compared to other Latino subgroups, Mexican-origin students experienced important economic and language disadvantages.
84 Challenges and Dilemmas
On average, Mexican-origin students experienced the worst economic characteristics and showed the highest percentages of non-English proficiency (comparable to Central-American-origin students). These disadvantages were more pronounced for Mexican-origin students with foreign-born parents than for those with U.S.-born parents.
Second, there were important differences in math achievement among Mexican-origin subgroups, based on generational status, socioeconomic status, and language characteristics, which usually are masked in studies that treat Mexican Americans as a homogenous group. Those with Mexican-born parents, those from the lowest socioeconomic groups, and those with limited oral English proficiency showed greater disadvantages in math achievement. In contrast, Mexican-origin students with U.S.-born parents, those from the highest socioeconomic groups, and those who were English-proficient showed smaller differences and more similarity to White students' math achievement over time.
Third, math achievement gaps decreased over time, yet important gaps remained at the end of 5th grade. For instance, first-generation and English-proficient language-minority students with Mexican origins scored half a standard deviation lower than White students in math by spring of 5th grade, whereas the achievement gaps observed at the start of Kindergarten were between four-fifths and one standard deviation. Even still, within-SES gap analysis showed that Mexican American students from middle- and higher-SES families continued to perform substantially lower than their White peers (in the same SES group), suggesting that economic resources do not generate similar educational or academic returns to Mexican American students as they do for White students. It is important to further our understanding of the sources (e.g., teacher, characteristics, school policy, family dynamics) of disadvantages of Mexican-origin students with economic resources, as this group is likely to increase in size over time.
Finally, students' oral English proficiency and family socioeconomic status were very important variables to understanding Mexican-origin students' math achievement, at least at the start of Kindergarten. On average, Mexican-origin students with stronger English proficiency and those from higher-SES homes demonstrated better math performance than Mexican-origin students who did not possess these family and personal resources. The effect of each of these variables was observed even after controlling for the other, confirming the independent importance ofthe variables on students' achievement. These findings have important practice and policy implications because they can inform interventions
Math Performance of Young Mexican-Origin Children 85
to counter Mexican-origin students' educational disadvantages in early school settings.
CONCLUSIONS
Even though policies for reducing poverty might decrease Mexican-origin students' educational disadvantages, macro-level interventions require a long-term strategy and do not necessarily have an immediate impact on students. School-based reforms to improve students' English proficiency in the early grades, on the other hand, may help increase Mexican-origin students' achievement trajectories and diminish the devastating socioeconomic effect on students' learning. These interventions are even more important if we take into account that Mexican immigrant families are overrepresented in low-quality schools, as demonstrated by Crosnoe (2005).
It is important to note that the findings presented here do not have implications or relevance for discussion of language policies or specific language programs (i.e., bilingual education, English-only programs, or ESL). Language programs for non-English speakers have been a main topic of concern among policymakers, researchers, and the general public. Proponents of bilingual education argue that these programs increase the acquisition of relevant abilities for students' future, decrease the learning gap between majority and minority students, and reinforce cultural and linguistic diversity (Cummins, 2000; Krashen, 1999). In contrast, proponents of English-only programs argue that the previous programs have negative impacts on students' lives by restricting learning opportunities, increasing their likelihood of dropping out of school (Murr, 1998), and decreasing their wage potential in the labor market (Porter, 1999).
Regardless of discussions on language policies, implementing concrete measures to increase English proficiency of Mexican-origin students in the early school years may be an important mechanism to reduce their educational disadvantages in math achievement in Kindergarten. Additionally, schools may focus on other mechanisms that could neutralize the association between poverty and Mexican-origin students' educational outcomes. Active parental involvement and family and school partnerships could be one of these mechanisms (Galindo & Sheldon, 2012). Epstein (2001) argues that the home and school are two very important contexts of influence on children's development, and that the degrees to which educators and family members maintain positive relationships with one another help determine children's academic
86 Challenges and Dilemmas
success. When we consider the positive social development of young Latinos nurtured by robust parenting practices within Mexican-origin families (Crosnoe, 2006; Galindo & Fuller, 2010), the potential benefits of parental involvement initiatives are even greater. Thus, Mexican-origin children could benefit from their families' support if schools were able to provide guidance to parents about specific mechanisms that could help improve learning opportunities.
As the number of Mexican-origin individuals in the United States continues to increase, their well-being and social mobility opportunities are central issues of concern. Without any doubt, Mexico is one of the most important sending countries of immigrants (Martin & Midgley, 2006), with a self-reinforcing process of immigration that most likely wil l continue, given the consolidated economic and historical relationship between the United States and Mexico (Massey, 1999). From a policy perspective, it is essential that research continue to identify key mechanisms that may contribute to the improvement of educational outcomes of the Mexican population in the United States. At the same time, it is important to better understand school quality and the main educational challenges in Mexico, especially in sending communities, to suggest policy interventions to improve the educational experience on the other side of the border. By improving the educational experiences of Mexican-origin children in both countries, we wil l likely see spillover benefits on both sides of the border.
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90 Challenges and Dilemmas
Appendix: Estimated Standardized Gaps: ECLS-K Standardized Math Achievement Gaps, by Mexican Subgroup and Wave
Fall K Spring
K Fall 1st Spring
1st Spring
3rd Spring
5th
Black, native -.725
(.040)
-.778
(.044)
-.735
(.078)
-.804
(.054)
-.866
(.045)
-.881
(.052)
Generational Status
First generation -1.022
(.081)
-.974
(.089)
-1.248
(.182)
-.810
(.124)
-.769
(.150)
-.422
(.219)
Second -1.101 -1.039 -.927 -.729 -.786 -.726
generation (.044) (.047) (.084) (.049) (.044) (.051)
Third-plus- -.460 -.343 -.190 -.206 -.266 -.248
generation (.059) (.061) (.127) (.052) (.060) (.081)
Socioeconomic Status
Quintile 1 -1.203 -1.147 -1.096 -.842 -.890 -.777
(low) (.040) (.044) (.080) (.050) (.050) (.069)
Quintile 2 -.951
(.075)
-.826
(.081)
-.664
(.170)
-.573
(.073)
-.587
(.079)
-.514
(.090)
Quintile 3 -.737
(.085)
-.570
(.091)
-.424
(.169)
-.381
(.088)
-.475
(.093)
-.431
(.113)
Quintile 4 -.211
(.096)
-.082
(.091)
-.020
(.139)
.040
(.088)
-.103
(.118)
-.184
(.122)
Quintile 5 -.073 -.132 -.026 .148 ' .061 .282
(high) (.148) (.122) (.205) (.124) (.124) (.151)
Math Performance of Young Mexican-Origin Children 91
Appendix: Estimated Standardized Gaps: ECLS-K Standardized Math Achievement Gaps, by Mexican Subgroup and Wave (continued)
Fall K Spring
K Fall 1st Spring
1st Spring
3rd Spring
5th Within socioeconomic status
Mexican/ -.380 -.378 -.160 -.018 -.089 .128
Quintile 1 (low) (.070) (.077) (.127) (.103) (.082) (.132)
Mexican/ -.634 -.586 -.349 -.292 -.278 -.116
Quintile 2 (.094) (.091) (.180) (.084) (.086) (.105)
Mexican/ -.649 -.498 -.361 -.363 -.438 -.397
Quintile 3 (.090) (.095) (.187) (.095) (.100) (.124)
Mexican/ -.330 -.193 -.125 -.089 -.235 -.361
Quintile 4 (.102) (.098) (.146) (.096) (.127) (-137) Mexican/ Quintile 5 (high)
-.506
(.156)
-.515
(.125)
-.544
(.201)
-.249
(.120)
-.391
(.125)
-.265
(.156)
Language-minority, English proficiency
Not language- -.562 -.476 -.192 -.298 -.396 -.346
minority (LM) (.058) (.053) (.102) (.048) (.058) (.068)
LM, English- -.759 -.630 -.789 -.513 -.438 -.431
proficient (.071) (.084) (.165) (.097) (.085) (.103)
LM, not English-proficient
-1.33
(.045)
-1.262
(.054)
-1.180
(.089)
-.913
(.058)
-.989
(.055)
-.835
(.077)
Note: Gaps were based on standardized Item Response Theory rescaled in 5th grade.
Reference group=native White students. Survey design corrected standard errors are in
parentheses. Standard errors were significantly bigger for fall of lst-grade estimates given
the reduced sample size.