1

Introduction

At the broadest level, the followers or adherents of the Jaina

doctrine (or the Jainas) organIse themselves in two maIn

components - the adiryas (monks and nuns}, and ~ravakas

(the householdersllaity); the history of this sect, then, in its

most general sense, is the history of the 'preachers' and the

'preached', each component having its own, separate, natures

of travails and its own moorIngs on the question of ' being'

and 'becoming'.

Substantial scholarship in the past focussed on the Jaina

textual tradition; on the Jaina adherents among important

dynasties; on contestation (at a philosophical as well as

temporal level) with other religious congregations and the

perpetual question of 'rise' and 'fall'. But the sravaka

history, the narratives of the householders ( the

'everydayers'), their histories and memOrIes had so far been

neglected. Yet recent writings in the history of communities

have broken this pattern with question of traditional

hermeneutics and interpretations of texts, performance of

rituals, the 'oral' aspects of scripture and so on.

While the Jaina community had its preachers, texts and a

storytelling tradition, the Tamil country, which is our site of

interest, has had its long history of bardic tradition, and a

terminology I) , , mOVIng or 'circulating' ( to use Stein's

tradition. So, too, the history of lainism In the Tamil

country has seen movement and circulation, here, of the

eminent teachers - more towards the later (post- Cankam)

periods. The basic scene of Tami!akam when the Jaina

I Burton Stein, 'Circulation and the Historical Geography of the Tamil Country', in Journal of Asian Studies XXXVII, no.I, Nov, 1977

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monks occupied the caverns and rock shelters (as revealed

by the Cankam poems) was that of local cults and minor

deities, not yet influenced by the Puranic tradition and not •

yet 'pantheonised'. The Jaina religion encountered, in these

par t s , a pIe t h ora 0 f I <> c a I de i tie s ; are I i g ion I a r gel y

comprising of divination rituals,. with no permanent sacred

space - the veri-a!al or velan-atal (the diviners dance) being

a , , movIng

Ramaswamy

god-concept. It IS tempting to agree with

Ayyangar 2 that the setting up of images and

shrines. venerating a god-concept may have been a Jaina

influence, since lainism laid great emphasis on venerating

the tirtharikaras (the 'ford-makers') even though they did not

believe in the existence of god as a creator of the universe.

So far as Jaina Icons and their evolution IS concerned,

U.P.Shah 3 refers to the fact that the closest early Jainism

got to the idea of shrines (or a dwelling place suggesting

rites of veneration) was when Mahavira stayed in caityas

like the purna bhadra caitya (explained universally by

commentators as yaksa-ayatanas, shrines to yaksas) 4; the • •

other, Sasvata caityas (eternal shrines), were those dedicated

to siddhas, worshipped by Indra and other gods and

goddesses. 5

From 'exile' into community

Initially one started with the question whether, in the case

of Tamilakam, the Jaina doctrine moved from 'marginal' (in

2 M.S. Ramaswamy Ayyangar, Studies In South Indian Jainism. V. 13, Vizianagaram Maharaja's College, Madras, 1922.

3 U.P.Shah, M.A. Dhaky, eds., Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture. Gujarat State Committee for the Celebration of 2500th year of Bhagawan Mahavira Nirvana, 1975 4 Ibid, U.P.Shah, 'Evolution of Jaina Iconography and Symbolism', p.50 5 Ibid, p.50.

3

its earliest phase, choosing the seclusion of hillocks and

rock-shelters), supported by agriculturists and merchants to

the 'mainstream' of activity centering around royalty,

acquisition of ·land, setting up of pallis, and contestation

wit h the Bud d his t, Sa i v a and Va is n a va rei i g i 0 us id e 0 log i e s . • •

The idea of 'inainstream' or 'universai' IS located within the

context of expansion of agrarianism, or an agrarian rhythm

of life. In this the brahmanical religion cleverly combined •

mythology with patterns of rural life, creating temple lore,

or s t h a I a pur a Ira sec hoi n g the con c e p t 0 f sac red n e s s 0 f a f1 v e r

or a water body where festivals corresponded with the

agricultural seasons. Howev.er, even In Jain tradition Rsabha . ~ is said to be the creator of agriculture as a vocation. In the

Tamil context, too, earliest inscriptions in rock-cut cave /

natural caverns reflect an agrarian ethos. And early support

for lainism came from agricultural communities as well as

from merchants and merchant guilds.

In Chapter I ("Discovery of the Jainas: Oriental

Per c e p t ion s'" ) Sec t ion i dis c u sse s the i n t ere s t 0 fOr i e n t a I

scholars in Jainas. This section is focused specifically on

t,he Orientalists and colonial documentation in the context of

Tamil Jainas and Jaina tradition. It deals with 'discovery' of

a 'Jain sect' in .the south. Section ii ("Jaina Entry into the

South ·and Tamilakam") deals with what is suggested in the -title. It is also suggested that one can see a movement from

19 1h century and early 20 lh century 'discovery' by 'others' to

the modern period in Tamil Jaina history, and 'recovery of

self' of Tamil Jainas.

Language is important to the Tamil Jaina community history.

The Jaina attachment to Tamil, thus, has an antiquity that is

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interesting as it is significant, for the Tamil Jainas were as

engaged with the modern period of Tamil nationalist

movement as In a discourse to ascertain their Tamil

Ii n g u i s tic h e ri tag e. C h -a pte r

Questions of Identity (Or,

II-"The Tamil Jaina Community:

Negotiating· Spaces)" addresses

th is. Jainas contributed immensely to the Tamil tex tu al

tradition through the centuries. Cilappatikaram,

CTvakacintamani, Nannul, the Kural (Tirukkural), the minor . -- - . - . ~

kavya Nilakeci (some of the early Cankam works) are ~'fJ'~ few among the many. This chapter also discusses authorship

of Kural and Tamil Jaina response to it within the context of - . identity as Tamil, and laina.

In Chapter III ("Nllakeci: Retrieving a 'PC-y' / Possession

Woman") one deals with the issue of a laina-folk / popular

interface. More importantly, one looks at how the Jaina

tradition 'retrieves' a 'pey' / possession spirit concept to

give it a new Image (re-casting, or re-imaging, one has

termed it) which is more affirmative and 'redemptive'. This

would be the first time that NTlakeci is placed vis-a-vis the

three versions of -the NIli story, a vql.uppat!u (bow-song)

versi 0 n, an d a perform ati ve tex t call e d NTli N atak am se t to

music and a few instances from Nlli story in the Saivite

Tevaram hymns. Thi s chapter al so gi ves an overvi ew of Jain

literature in Tamil.

One believes that instead of reducing it all to a question of

flse and decline of Jainism in Tamilnadu one must question

the nature of cultural hegemony that prevailed and question

the absorption into the overwhelming ( in the Tamil context,

Brahmal]ism) in terms of adoption of cults, practices, idioms

and cultural symbols to survive amidst the louder, the

dominant. And from all this, it is difficult to come to terms

wi th the q u es tion as what are t.he me m 0 ri e s of th e peri od of

5

persecution? It was possible to retrieve ~ome of these

memOrIes In narratives from the Tamil Jaina community,

which has been dealt with both In Chapter II (above

mentioned) and Chapter IV-, "Jainas In Epigraphs and

Community Narratives: Seeking Historical Continuity."

'Early Tamilakam'? An Explanation -The most important question that may be posed about the

title of the dissertation "early Tamilakam" and how valid is

it to look at the contemporary or 'modern' periods and the

community in today's context? My answer to this is that

early Tamilakam IS where it all starts, viz. the introduction

of Jaina thought In the Tamil country and its spread across

the region. Chapter I - section ii deals with Jaina Entry into

Tami!akam quite specifically; and it only repeats what has

already been studied by many great scholars about the entry

of Jainism into the Tamil region. What is important is the

Chapter that looks at the Tamil Jaina community and lo~o,k-s--ar-----the caste question; and the vellalas and merchants who took

to Jaina thought. It begins in - with - early Tami!akam. One

has given an overview of scholarship that has dealt with

these questions, in Jaina entry into Tamijakam, references In

Cankam literature and so forth. But one has gone beyond, to

record movement of the Tamil Jaina community through

other periods.

Early Tamilakam, then, is the base, the foundation for a -t.h 0 ugh tan d earl y Tam i I a k ami s w her e the j 0 urn e y beg ins.

But even in reading that past we are In the today; and what

happens around us today, the context, the political

economic, social, cultural, does inform, and has to inform

the way we chose to look at the early periods, or any past

(within categories that cannot be comp.artmentalised sharply

6

ancient, medieval, modern) - within that history;. or any

history within those pasts and those periods.

There is al so the con tex t of di sci pH nary bou nd ari es th at

become technical Issues where history IS divided into

'ancient' , 'medieval' and 'modern' periods. 'Early'

Tamilakam also IS a consequence of this unfortunate

division. Yet, this thesis looks at the community in the

present and their perception of history, but at the same time

it IS also uSIng In the periodical sense early medieval

sou r c e s s u c has the Ni Ia k e c i , as well ass 0 u r c e s s u c has

inscriptional evidence to reconstruct this history. The effort

is to look at the broader canvas of Tamil Jainas as a living

communi ty whose hi story s tarts in earl y TamiLakam. This

should clarify any doubts on the validity of the title.

How does one study the history of a living community

especially a community which has gone through major

upheavals In the face of communal/religious conflict and

persecution and has had to negotiate its space - cultural,

social and religious through historical time? The

Digambara, Tamil Jaina community prides itself for having

been in existence in Tamilakam since 2 nd and 3 rd century BC

- as evidenced from the earliest lithic records - the Tamil

Bdihmi inscriptions.

The Tamil Jainas today mostly live in the North and South

Arcot districts,6 Chengleput, and Tanjavur districts. These

are places they are concentrated in, but some are scattered

across Tamilnadu (few settled in Chennai) on account of

employment related migration. The Tamil Jainas are mostly

6 One is using certain district names as they were in use over a long time (many of them are still in use, though officially they have been altered many times) in order to avoid confusion. The terms, 'north Arcot', 'south Arcot' in fact, are almost part of the Tamil cultural etymology. .

7

agriculturists, and very few are traders among them. 7 A small

section of Tamil Jainas are in the field of education and

fewer still In bureaucracy. Agriculture has been their

vocation for centuries and one can still find Tamil Jaina

peasantry in the villages districts mentioned above.

When one used the term Tamil Jaina, it almost invariably

a tt r act e d cur i 0 us, que s t ion i n g g I an c e. s ~~. que s. t ion s , f ~ 0 m

people. The term itself seemed rather IntrIgUIng, InterestIng,

new, to a many. Jainas in Tamilnadu - or Chennai, for that

matter - would mean, to most people, the rich Marwari

business people settled in certain pockets. These would also

be the more 'visible' lot, rendering themselves to class, and

community stereotypes in popular psyche. One could also use

the term Tamil speaking Jainas,· but then agaIn, these

mercantile, later migrants (mostly from Rajasthan) to

Tamilnadu Chennai, mostly ~

Svetambara (mainly

Miirtipiijak) Jainas who also speak Tamil, which is more so

to interact with the general populace. It is not their mother

language. The Tamil Jainas, in our case, trace their lineage

form the earliest adherents of the Jaina· doctrine - most of

them agriculturists, part and parcel of the larger Tamil

historical - cultural landscape, people 'of the soil' so to say.

How did one's association with the Tamil Jainas come about?

The stating point, of course, was the MPhil research on the

Tamil god Murukan and the 'research pilgrimage' to the SIX

sacred centers of Murukan worship In Tamilakam, called the

ArupataivTtu. The visit to these centers gave rIse to a • •

question, initially curiosity, SInce almost all these centers

had a prior Jaina association. Many were situated near, at,

7 • In fact, this is one reality that amazes people - many from the academic cOIIlmunity too - who assume Jainas to be synonymous with trading. The Tamil Jainas in fact distinguish themselves from the ~vetambara (northern) Jainas (some settled across Tamilnadu, prominently in Chennai on account of trading) whom they refer to as "seth." . .

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rock shelters, natural caverns that had at one point, been

shelters for Jaina monks and nuns. Many of these places still

preserved vestiges of the Jaina history. Perhaps, many were

still held sacred. But where were the Jainas? What happened

to the Jaina religion? One was aware of the literary works

attributed to Jainas, such as the CilappatikTuam. But the idea

that there still could be Tamil speaking Jainas did not strike

one initially. Initially, one was more intrigued by the

hidden-ness of this community.

After the MPhil, and during the period of contemplation, a

chance mention of Tamil lainas In one casual conversation

.sparked the interest all over again. That d.ecided the course.

One decided to seek the Tamil lainas adherents of a faith

that had, at one point dominated the entire Madurai

Ramanathapuram region.

Most scholarship on lainism in Tamilnadu uses sources such

as inscriptions lithic records, literature and architectural

heritage to build a linear, straightforward history of entry,

spread, prosperity and decline. Even the inscriptional

evidences are used more to reiterate the state patronage to

lainism. Persecution of the lains is mentioned, of course.

Again, limited to the period of 7th to 9 th centuries AD. The

community - of Tamil lainas - remains hidden, une~plored

In all this. There IS no analysis of the 'pacts', the

negotiations the community made - in form of subtle changes

in perhaps symbols, ways of living, worship, etc - to survive

the difficult times. Or of lainas as a peasant society; or how

they addressed the caste system.

Unfortunately, the term 'ancient' itself IS taken so seriously

that records and 'evidences' depict a fossilised period, a

fossilised community that 'was', no matter if it 'still is',.

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and 'has been'! What is important IS to see the past as it

was, until what time IS suitably called the 'past'. The

changes' wrought In the way the community behaves,

subsequently, which is a contribution of that past, seems

irrelevant, and sadly so. But it IS these changes and

negotiations for survival that reveal a past more evocatively

than can any record of state patronage ever can I could. The

marginal numbers of the Tamil Jainas today, and the

dominance of certain religious idioms and cultural traits

need to be seen together and not distinctly.

Agrarian Context - and 'early Tamilakam'

Talking about scholarship on the inscriptional records, and

agraflan history n Tamilnadu, agaIn, Jainas (and Buddhists)

appear as interesting 'interludes' or aberration - and more

often than not are mentioned as merchants, traders

patronized by the state, later persecuted, leading to their

downfall. The two sects, Buddhists and Jainas again, In these

studies, seem mute, non actors in the large socio economIC,

political history of Tamilakam, disinterested, as if, in the

mundane affairs of land, administration, royal patronage,

resource mobilisation - true to their religious doctrine of

'aparigraha'. What of the land grants to the Jainas? And the

agrarian community thus surviving, built over a period of.

centuries? Was there never serious contestation? What about , .

contestation between Buddhists and Jainas? And the Salva

• • all merely religious-Vaisnava movement? Were these

motivated? Did not the Jaina community have any worldly

concerns or ambitions?

The Tamil Jaina community needs to be recast, as a

historically placed community, as agent of history. Hence to

stop at 'early' Tamilakam, would not answer these questions. -

, ,

J.

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Identities in 'Conflict'- an Explanation

Identities in Conflict would mean a constant interplay of

social, economic, political forces that persuade changes In a

community's own sense of identity and addresses the

question of hegemony and dominance. They perceive their

community identity as having been constantly in conflict

with other sects. Chapters II, III and IV go into great detail

discussing various aspects of Tamil Jaina identity - through

t ext s , I a n g u age and lit era t u r e. The con t r 0 v e r s y 0 v e r

authorship of Ku!a! is objectively and critically analysed

from various v.iewpoints, not just Jaina.

'Conflict' - Persecution

Persecution too, is seen differently. There have been many I

times when they were persecuted, not just during the Saivite

Vaisnavite bhakti period. The Tamil Jainas peak of other ••

similar efforts of persecution - even during the late 15 th

century (reference to a story of the ki~Venkatapati Nayaka,

'Cakki!i raj'a' and the 'suma!!tavan talai pattu'). Similarly at

vaflOUS points In history, the Tamil Jainas have made

conscious efforts to proclaim their distinct identity and the

importance of this distinctness.

" ... A fuller understanding of the Jains' own understandings

of history IS essential if scholars are to gaIn a better

un d e r s tan din g 0 f the J a in t r a d it ion a saw hoI e ." 8T h u s w hat

one· tries to do is to try and understand the Tamil Jain

history as they perceive the same, as much as possible and

place it in a larger historical context of Tamilakam.

8 John E. COTt, "Genres ofJain History", Journal ofIndian Philosophy, Vol. 23, No.4, December 1995

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And. a Different Context of Writing History

Lastly but not the least important, a point about one's own

context, or placing oneself in a context which urged one to

look at the Tamil Iainas in terms of community and identity

as a community through history. As students in INU, we

were witness to one of the most crucial moments of

contemporary Indian political, social history - the MandaI

agitation on the one hand and the communalist upsurge on

the other. In this context some of our teachers were also

engaglDg with defining and redefining use and abuse of

history in the Babri Masjid- Ram Mandir conflict. There it

was a question of blatant violence and disregard for

multiplicities of identities. Many of these contexts shaped

some of our understanding of history and society, as much as

they made us reinstate some of our beliefs whilst redefining

some others. Move closer to the 'history' of this 'text' ,

about the Iainas (or Iainism In Tamilakam), one was to learn

about religious persecution In Tamilakam in the 7th _ 9 th

centuries AD; at the time when one engaged with the cult of

MurukaQ, as one has mentioned earlier.

Conflict, thus, was not new to the history of Tamilakam. -While in some cases it was obvious and visible, there were,

and are subtle 'negotiations' for communities to survive

amidst what becomes dominant and hegemonic in a particular

time and context. ,From 'arupataivltu' to the Tamil Iainas,

the 'movement' had to happen to retrieve those subtle

negotiations and 'survivals'. How far one has succeeded, is

of course, a question.

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Finally, a Note on the Annexures ,

The annexures are meant to be purely informative In a

general sense about temples, inscriptions, Tamil Jaina

villages In the present context, and so forth. In case of

Annexure 1 and 3, the lists are meant to show the renewed

interest taken by the Tamil Jainas (a group in Vandavasi and

a gurukulam in Tirumalai) in recording Jaina vestiges in

Tamilnadu. The third Annexure lists references to epigraphs.

*****

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