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Camaraderie and eating out: An investigation into the social ingredient of customer satisfaction Though many products and services are consumed collectively, e.g., in conjunction with
members of one’s family, friends, or colleagues, there is inadequate understanding of fellow
consumers’ effect on a focal consumer’s customer satisfaction. The present research speculates
on the reasons behind this deficiency. More importantly, it applies a framework for classifying
social support to analyse different types of inter-consumer social support, exchanged in course of
a consumption event, which enhance consumers’ consumption experience and contribute to their
customer satisfaction. Thus, it demonstrates the applicability of a comprehensive framework for
examining the social side of consumption and its effects on customer satisfaction.
Imagine celebrating your birthday with your friends
and family at a pizzeria. The fare is à la carte, but
you are the centre of attention. Next, imagine
attending an acquaintance’s birthday party at the same
pizzeria. The food and service are like in the previous
occasion, but you are peripheral in this group. You
can play an active part in the evening’s festivities but
you refrain, in the fear of committing a gaffe. Finally,
picture yourself eating alone at the same restaurant.
It would be logical to expect that the unalike social
settings outlined above will lead to appreciably
different consumption experiences for you, even if the
food and service were essentially the same
throughout. Conceivably, these experiences will also
lead to different levels of your overall customer
satisfaction with the evening’s experience. Yet, if the
pizzeria administered an after-meal satisfaction
questionnaire, would they even ask you about your
dining companions?
The social context pertaining to fellow consumers has
scarcely been researched, academically or
managerially, in consumer behaviour (Buttle, 1998;
Algesheimer & Wangenheim, 2002; O’Guinn &
Muñiz, 2009) and, specifically, in customer
satisfaction (Rogers, Peyton & Berl, 1991; Martin,
1996; Fournier & Mick, 1999).
As a case in point, it is barely mentioned in the over
50 academic articles on diners’ customer satisfaction
(bibliography supplied) perused in course of this
research. In none does it appear as a determinant,
directly or indirectly, i.e., as a moderator or mediator,
of customer satisfaction.
In contrast, restaurant patrons value company highly
(Andersson & Mossberg, 2004; Scitovsky, 1985,
quoted in Andersson & Mossberg, 2004) and
socializing is a major reason for eating out
(MarketResearch.com, 2010; Liang, & Zhang, 2012).
This is to be expected given the word ‘companion’
comes from, pan, Latin for bread, and literally means
‘someone to break bread with’ (Ferris & Stein, 2010).
Other research confirms the importance of social
factors in consumption (Arnould & Price, 1993; Holt,
1995; Goodwin, 1996). In the end, what is a home but
a house consumed by a family?
The disparity between the almost self-evident social
aspect of consumption and the deficiency of research
on it calls for an explanation and a remedy. Below are
an outline of the former and contribution, however
meagre, to the latter. (Please note, the deficiency
mentioned here refers to research on consumer-
consumer interactions and relations, and not to those
between consumers and companies or the latter’s
staff, e.g., research on CRM or staff empathy.)
Why this topic is under-researched
Despite its intuitive appeal, it is difficult to find
literature pertaining to consumer-consumer relations
on satisfaction. There may be several reasons for this.
Possibly researchers are too steeped in the
information processing perspective (Holbrook &
Hirschman, 1982) to look beyond the expectations-
disconfirmation model of satisfaction (Fournier &
Mick, 1999) that presupposes consumers are
concerned solely with product and service features
while judging1 these. The experiential side to
consumption (Holbrook & Hirschman, 1982) are
well-known, as is the theory that needs and fulfilment
are both many layered (e.g., Maslow, 1954; quoted in
1 “Satisfaction is the consumer's fulfillment response. It is a
judgment that a product or service feature, or the product or service
itself, provided (or is providing) a pleasurable level of consumption-related fulfillment, including levels of under-or over-
fulfillment” (Oliver, 1997 [p 13]; 2006)
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Oliver, 1997). Nonetheless, both aspects are unheeded
when it comes to actual research, so strong is the
information processing perspective.
Another reason could be that inter-consumer
interactions and relations are deemed beyond
marketers’ control (Adelman, Ahuvia & Goodwin,
1994; Martin & Clark, 1996); hence, researchers think
it is not worthwhile to research these.
The neglect of inter-consumer connections may also
stem from a preoccupation with the consumer-
marketer dyad and the accompanying neglect of other
actors, e.g., other consumers, institutions, who shape
consumption experiences (O’Guinn & Muñiz, 2009)
and evaluations.
Plausibly, this also explains why the limited research
on inter-consumer interactions or relations mainly
looks at cases where other consumers are part of the
‘servicescape’ provided by the marketer (Tombs &
McColl-Kennedy, 2003); or strangers with whom the
focal consumer may have a chance encounter,
pleasant or unpleasant (Adelman et al, 1994; Nicholls,
2011); or, at the other extreme, fellow members of
brand (centred) communities (Muñiz & O’Guinn,
2001; Fournier & Lee, 2009). These foci leave a
major consumption context unobserved, namely,
collectively consumed products and services.
Justification of the present research
Collective consumption: Many products and services
are consumed collectively or as a group, e.g., shared
by the family at home, neighbours in a
neighbourhood, colleagues at the workplace. Such
consumption situations set the stage for the exchange
of varied forms of social support (below) between
‘co-consumers’ (e.g., family, friends, colleagues or
neighbours sharing the same service or product),
leading to fulfilment of higher order needs (Oliver,
1997) which may or may not be directly connected to
the product or service consumed. For instance,
Duneier (1999; quoted in Small, 2009) finds
camaraderie among old men at a cheap eatery in
Chicago stemming from the simple practice of letting
diners linger at their tables; Harris & Baron (2004)
find chatting with fellow passengers enhances
enjoyment of rail commute; and Small (2009)
describes how mothers of children in crèches (in
Chicago) enjoy ‘unanticipated gains’ from ties
formed there (at those crèches).
It may be anticipated that such exchange between co-
consumers has considerable influence on a focal
consumer’s consumption experience and its
evaluation. Unfortunately, the ‘other consumer as
servicescape’ and ‘other consumer as stranger’
perspectives leave out co-consumers.
Further, extant theories do not go into the consumer’s
relation and responsibly vis-à-vis his co-consumers.
Data suggests this is another inadequacy. For
example, Fournier & Mick (1999) relate a case where
the father is highly satisfied with an answering
machine because it helps him control his daughter’s
social life. (The daughter ‘hates it’.) In a B2B context,
Bohlmann, Rosa, Bolton & Qualls (2006) find
professional buyers’ satisfaction to be influenced by
users’ satisfaction.
Finally, not many brands have identifiable brand
communities. In those that do, community members
take on a range of roles (Kozinets, 1997; Cova &
Cova, 2002; Fournier & Lee, 2009). Most play only
minor parts, though all may fell the bonding (Muñiz
& O’Guinn, 2009). At any rate, the bonding is via the
brand. In contrast, in the collective consumption just
outlined, consumption may have a role in forging
group identity (Epp & Price, 2008); then again, it may
not (e.g., a family is not defined by shared meals,
important as these meals may be).
Yet the very ubiquitousness of collective
consumption makes it theoretically interesting. As for
managerial relevance, it may be precipitate to state
that marketers cannot facilitate inter-consumer
interactions and relations unless they control or
manage these (as they presumably can in a brand
community initiated and managed by a firm). Also,
given the critical importance of satisfaction as a
marketing performance metric (Söderlund, 2011), it is
worthwhile to ‘explore all angles’, if only to
appreciate managers’ limitations in determining
consumers’ satisfaction.
It would be easier to understand social support during
collective consumption if there was a framework,
preferably one that is simple yet comprehensive.
Fortunately, there is one such.
Three forms of social support
The proposed framework comes from Adelman et al,
1994. As per it, social support has three benefits:
‘uncertainty reduction, self-acceptance, and social
integration’ (Adelman et al, 1994 [p 144]).
Uncertainty reduction is defined as ‘communication
that reduces uncertainty… and functions to enhance a
perception of personal control.’ Such support helps
the consumer attain personal goals and cope with
personal problems. In plain words, it means helping
each other, e.g., co-consumers sharing tips and tools
that may or may not have something to do with
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consumption.
Self-acceptance ‘provides individuals with
opportunities for feedback about themselves and for
validations of their expectations about others.’
(Caplan, 1976; quoted in Adelman et al, 1994). In the
present context, it translates into opportunities for
social comparison (Adelman et al, 1994).
The theory of social comparison (Festinger, 1954)
hypothesizes that humans communicate primarily to
reach agreement in their groups. Agreement is needed
for collective action. Agreement also validates
individual opinions and preferences. When it comes
to customer satisfaction, the evaluator seeks accord
with someone like him (Suls, Martin & Wheeler,
2000), e.g., someone from the same department
during the evaluation of coffee (Burnkrant
&Cousineau, 1975), someone from the same college,
while evaluating fruit juice (Raghunathan & Corfman,
2006).
Social integration constitutes of ‘information leading
the subject to believe that he is cared for and loved…
esteemed and valued… that he belongs to a network
of communication and mutual obligation’ (Cobb,
1979; quoted in Adelman et al, 1994). An example of
the link between this and consumption is the universal
welcome to new neighbours: “Why don’t you come
over for tea (or coffee or beer) sometime?”
Self-acceptance is a dyadic form of support whereas
social integration involves an entire group. Finally,
the three forms of social support overlap.
Method
Adelman et al (1994) use the framework principally
to explain connections between consumers and staff,
though inter-consumer connections are mentioned
briefly as well. The question was: Can the same
framework be used to analyse inter-consumer social
support? It was expected to suffice because it
structures social support in general and is not
confined to consumption contexts. Hence, it was
tested by interviewing some consumers about a
common type of collective consumption: eating out
with friends.
Context: The principle motivation for eating out with
friends, colleagues or business acquaintances is to
talk with them informally. Further, previous research
(Rosenbaum, 2006) shows consumers can describe
the social support they received from staff
interestingly and thoroughly. As such it was expected
interviewees would find it easy to recall their dining
experiences. This hope, fortunately, came true.
Eating out was also selected because of its
ordinariness. If easily classifiable data on social
support can be obtained on such a commonplace
activity, it should be feasible to obtain similar data for
memorable ones, e.g., romantic dinners, funerals,
software implementations.
Method: Interviews were used to explore consumers’
experiences. Holbrook & Hirschman (1982 [p 135])
classify eating as ‘relatively pleasure-oriented
consumption’. They suggest that such consumption
should be studied in terms of consumers’ overall
experience, i.e., the researcher should look at
subjective, introspective reports and not just objective
behavioral data. To allow each consumer to tell his or
her story of how he or she consumed the service,
interviewees were asked to describe their last
restaurant visit with friends. Three interviews
discussed the same meal.
In all, 11 persons were interviewed, four women and
seven men. Of these, one was an operations engineer,
another was unemployed, and the rest were
researchers (my colleagues). I knew all of them
personally, and the sampling was for convenience. At
the same time, the interviews came from different
cultures and varied substantially in terms of age and
experience, personal and professional. The first three
interviews were free flowing discussions on eating
out; thereafter, a set of open ended questions were
administered. All but two interviews were conducted
face-to-face; the balance interviews were conducted
via a VoIP service (Skype).
The matter was recorded, transcribed, read five times
and coded using the framework suggested in Adelman
et al (1994). No data was found that did not fit this
framework. The transcriptions were emailed to all
interviewees. None asked for revisions.
Social support during collective consumption
Uncertainty reduction and control (Help):
Expectedly, diners helped each other enjoy their
meals, and I will come to this in a moment. Before
that, I will discuss another form of help that Adelman
et al (1994) mention. In their review, this constitutes
of service providers helping consumers with
(dispassionate) counsel and sympathy, e.g., an
undertaker helping the bereaved cope with their loss
with a patient ear and a kind word. The same sort of
help is also exchanged between friends over a meal.
For instance, an interviewee spoke about his dinner
companions, a couple, discussing problematical
family issues related to their upcoming wedding. (The
same interviewee feared he committed a faux pas by
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talking about politics, a subject on which his leaning
differed from his dining companions’. Verily, social
norms are complicated.)
The more ordinary type of help, i.e., helping each
other enjoy the food, was evident too. Several
interviewees spoke of the restaurant being
recommended, either by one in the dining party or by
a friend.
An interviewee recalled she and her dining
companions debated their order for half an hour, i.e.,
they helped each other select. More interestingly, the
same person also mentioned how her dining
companions withheld discouraging information: On
previous occasions, some of her party had eaten the
dish she was keen on and had been disappointed; yet,
they held their silence and let her order it. Possibly
they reasoned that since tastes differ, she was entitled
to an experience unbiased and undamped by their
assessments, after which she would draw her own
conclusions.
Also, the three interviewees who went to the same
outing remembered that diners shared food off each
other’s plates there. This is considered taboo in
certain cultures (Fox, 2002) and, as one interviewee
noted, not everyone is comfortable with it. Most
probably they shared food in spite of such issues so
that everyone could sample a variety of dishes and
indulge in a little gastronomic adventure. There may
have been some ritualistic signalling too, e.g.,
partaking each other’s food to bond.
Self-acceptance via social comparison: The
interviewees had discussed food, sometimes at length,
with their fellow diners. Thus, they helped each other
evaluate the food, i.e., they practised social
comparison pertaining to customer satisfaction.
A different type of social comparison, one also
anticipated in Adelman et al (1994), and which draws
on Granovatter (1973), was performed too. In this, the
consumer uses the collective consumption situation to
‘compare notes’ with acquaintances, i.e., those not in
his intimate social circle. Such comparison is safe,
because it does not lead to competition, at least not
competition between close friends and colleagues. It
is also constructive, because it brings in new
perspectives.
I was sitting with A, who is a former DBA
student in this school. I think he is more than
forty and all his life he just studied and he has
lots of diplomas and we were talking about
choices in life. And I have a few diplomas of my
own and so we were talking about how weird (it
was) for people.
We were (saying) how we don’t really fit into the
social role and so we started talking about what
the society expects from people, how people try
to fit in with society’s rules and some people
don’t, and they are sort of pointed at and others
perceive them as weird people. (B)
Social integration: That eating out is as much for
social bonding as it is epicurean enjoyment was
evident in all interviews, and the topic is discussed
under the subhead that follows. Here, I confine
myself to two other subjects: using consumption to
identify with an attractive category of people; and the
consumers using ‘place-as-home’ (Rosenbaum, 2006)
to assuage loneliness.
Some diners may have come together to see
themselves as bon vivants, i.e., those who, as a group,
appreciate and indulge in the good things of life.
I think it (the thing that is common to the group)
is similar attitudes or life styles or you can say
similar consumption styles. (R)
Perhaps this feeling, amplified, leads to brand
communities. It can also be a motivation behind
certain definitive societal and familial traditions that
have to do with consumption, e.g., cooking, serving
and eating elaborate meals, with ‘signature’ recipes,
during festivals (Arnould & Price, 2000).
In keeping with this theme, words like ‘adventure’
and ‘discover’ were used, conforming to Fox (2002).
On the other end, when dining alone some people
may prefer the familiar and humdrum.
If I eat alone I go to places where I feel at home
or where I am a regular customer or where I have
been with some other girls from the school. I feel
comfortable and (have) visited that place many
times… I already know the waitresses and
waiters. So I know the staff and it is very nicely
organized and I don’t feel (I am) at the centre of
the attention if I eat alone. So that’s what feeling
like home is to me. I feel comfortable. I know the
people, I know the place well, I know the menu
well, I know the food is good and I don’t feel bad
eating alone. (B)
The comment reflects that the regular restaurant
fulfils the need safety (no unpleasant surprises) and
personal acknowledgment (knowing the staff) besides
the need for food (Rosenbaum, 2006).
Undoubtedly, this factor falls outside social support
from co-consumers and comes under social support
from service providers. Nonetheless, it illustrates how
different criteria are used for selection and evaluation
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depending on the social context of consumption
(Andersson & Mossberg, 2004).
Customer satisfaction from collective consumption
When interviewees spoke of their own satisfaction,
they essentially evaluated their overall experience, as
predicted by Holbrook & Hirschman (1982). While
food was an element of that experience, it was not the
whole. In fact, diners recognized that the raison d'être
of the meal was not eating but socializing. As long as
the social purpose was fulfilled, they did not mind if
the cuisine did not meet their expectations.
It (a noodle dish) did not live up to my
expectation because I thought it should be even
more striking. But obviously to me it was... an
ordinary meal. But I think that the purpose to
meet was… we wanted to taste the noodle but it
was not the point…beyond that we wanted to get
a chance to gather together and talk (about)
something interesting… I would say (it was) not
about only a meal to taste something new but
more about keeping our ties. (J)
If it is a new group where I need to fit... I try to
eat whatever with them. Then we become friends
and it is more relaxed. Then the food becomes a
priority as you are already friends and you call
them out to adventure with, try new food. No
pressure. (BM)
The main criterion for evaluation (whether the
experience, taken as a whole, was enjoyable) was
extended to interviewees’ estimates of their fellow
diners’ satisfaction. Two attendees of the same meal
said:
I think they (her friends) were very satisfied
because they were very happy. (Y)
At the end of the evening everybody was happy
with what happened. They said it was nice. My
close friends said that it was nice to meet new
people. My colleagues said that they would like
to do it again. (B. Note: They did do it again.)
On a different note, as predicted in Andersson &
Mossberg (2004), the criteria for selection and
satisfaction depended significantly on whether a meal
was deemed social, i.e., to be partaken with company,
or instrumental, i.e., eaten alone, to satisfy hunger.
I would feel uncomfortable being alone in this
place (a tapas restaurant) because this is more a
place where people often party and if you are
there alone with your newspaper or with your
smart phone, you will look like a stupid idiot. So
if you are alone you... (you) tend to go to a place
where there are people who are eating alone...
(C)
If I have to go alone then I would say it is a
completely different experience. It means I want
to have food only - if possible, good food - but
one of the key selection criteria - I would say
satisfaction criteria - would be the time. How
long do I have to be in the restaurant... if you are
alone, (you) want to escape completely. I want to
get out quickly... We just need food to fill our
belly and that’s it. (C)
Furthermore, while the service and decor did not
come across as major determinants of satisfaction, in
one instance a lapse did cause dissatisfaction.
I would say the service is fine but I would really
say that there was a disturbance there, because
when we had dinner together someone just came
to us abruptly and I was a little bit surprised
about that. And obviously he was a beggar and
wanted money and I was a little bit shocked
because he was standing there for two full
minutes and no one at the restaurant came to stop
him.
I don’t mind giving money but this kind of thing
really disturbs your mood and your enjoyment of
having food with your friends and this restaurant
should have a certain standard of service and they
really need to intervene in this kind of abrupt
appearance and this may have a negative
impression of the entire restaurant and they just
don’t care about their customers’ feelings during
the dinner. Maybe they never thought about it.
And maybe they just wanted to help the beggar,
but really that is not their responsibility and their
major responsibility is to ensure their food and
their service and offer the best atmosphere there.
But there was no one there when the beggar was
there and when he even aggressively asked for
money. And no one was there and no one cared
and for me that was a shock. (J, emphasis mine)
The main thing is the diner and restaurateur probably
emphasise different things when they think about
service and atmosphere. To the restaurateur, service
may mean promptness, accuracy and the like. These
are what scales like SERVQUAL (Parasuraman,
Zeithaml, and Berry, 1988) mainly measure. To the
diner these probably represent the minimum. He may
not notice if a restaurateur excels, but is annoyed
when the restaurateur falls short.
Similarly, the restaurateur may think of atmosphere
principally in terms of decor and music, factors under
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his control; whereas the diner may think of it in terms
of friendly company, the factor under his and his
fellow diners’ control.
Paradoxically, the restaurateur may be thanked for
doing some things which, logically, he must do if he
wants his patron’s business, e.g., provide a chair.
I remember that we had difficulty because we
didn’t have enough chairs. I think we reserved
for 13 (and) we had 12 chairs. They helped us
(in) moving a lot of chairs and tables to get us an
extra chair. The place was quite packed and it is
not easy to move something... (R)
Since the 13th
chair was essential for creating the
appropriate setting for the group to come together, its
supply was remembered and appreciated.
To sum up, the data shows a clear link between
motivation to consume (socializing), social support
and consequent elevation, i.e., customer satisfaction.
The social benefits are classifiable. Hopefully, their
effects are quantifiable. The next step will be to
compare findings from this study with those on
related events, e.g., business lunches and romantic
dinners.
Implication The implication of this work is methodological. If
consumers are asked about food, décor and service,
they will talk about these: If they are asked about
their friends and family, they will talk about these too.
Eventually, predictability and profits must decide
which questions are better.
For the present, it bears keeping in mind that experts
urge us to look into the social aspects of consumption.
For instance, Oliver (1999) says:
In its pure form, the village is a social alliance in
which the primary motivation to become loyal on
the part of each consumer is to be one with the
group, and the primary motivation of the group
overseers is to please their constituency. In this
situation, the consumer becomes a (willing)
participant because of the attention provided by
its members. In the limiting case, the
product/service is not the consumable. Rather, it
is the camaraderie provided by the social
organization.
Rieicheld (2006) posits that the best predictor of
future profits is customers’ propensity to recommend
a firm to their best friends, and advices marketers to
follow the golden rule: Do to others as you would
have them do to you. (Luke 6:31).
In future, should quantitative analysis show that
fulfilment of social needs through inter-consumer
interaction does substantially affect customer
satisfaction with collectively consumed products or
services, this can have wide-ranging implications.
Marketers will have to review how well they are
helping consumers fulfil their actual needs and
expectations. If they find themselves falling short,
they must reshape their offerings. Common products
(Norman, 2002) and processes (Womack & Jones,
2005) can be radically redesigned if there is the desire
to so. For example, just as a U-shaped setting in a
classroom is more conducive to inter-student
interaction (Dierdonck, Gemmel & Desmet, 2003), a
round table may be more conducive of chatting over
food, if the dining party is large. Can restaurateurs
plan ahead to have an optimal number of such tables?
There may a need to rethink in research too.
Currently, there is ‘a tendency to operate with
utilitarian assumption; a tendency to view
consumption as instrumental to other social ends
rather than having intrinsic social value; and a
tendency to refuse to accept that people are the best
judges of the meaning and value of their feelings of
satisfaction.’ Warde & Martens (2000; quoted in
Winsted, 2000). Consequently, the actual
consumption experience and its social value to the
consumer are neglected.
Happily, some scholars have avoided these tendencies
to provide readily applicable tools, e.g., the universal
product or service consumption satisfaction scale
enables a many-sided analysis of satisfaction (Oliver,
1997 [p 343]. Notably, this scale does not mention
co-consumers or other consumers.)
Research on social comparison on opinions has been
hitherto neglected (Corcoran, Crusius & Mussweiler,
2011). A remedy of this deficiency can lead to more
works on the lines of Burnkrant &Cousineau (1975)
and Raghunathan & Corfman (2006), adding to our
knowledge of customer satisfaction.
Limitation & suggestions The principle limitation of this research is the
personality of the researcher. I was extremely
uncomfortable while asking interviewees about their
experiences: I felt I was intruding into their and their
friends’ privacy. The feeling worsened when the
interviewee went out of his or her way to help, e.g.,
when an interviewee voluntarily drew out the floor
plan and seating arrangement of a restaurant he had
gone to more than a month before the interview
(Appendix A). Most probably, this, rather than my
obvious lack of expertise on interviewing, prevented
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many facets of the interviewees’ experiences from
being unearthed.
Convenience sampling is a flaw. However, given the
inclusiveness of the framework, it may not a critical
drawback, i.e., social support under other conditions
should be classifiable under the framework used.
Nonetheless, it is of prime importance that the
exercise be repeated for other services and samples.
For further generalisation, other events, like a visit to
a mall, a cruise, or a (B2B) service call, must be
investigated, perhaps by process-mapping as well as
interviewing.
Finally, if this line of research is to become
managerially relevant, it will have to be quantitative.
A start may be made by simply including two
questions in customer satisfaction questionnaires:
1. Who did you share this product (or service) with?
2. To what extent did it serve its purpose? (For
example, if you organised a seminar primarily to
generate sales leads, how many leads do you
credit to it?)
Actually, the very ordinariness of collective
consumption suggests it needs no novel or complex
method for its study. Instead, what is needed is an
acknowledgment of the obvious: The social side of
consumption may be mundane; it is almost certainly
not trivial.
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