publishing typography and politics menas

8/19/2019 Publishing Typography and Politics Menas

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/publishing-typography-and-politics-menas 1/79

Publishing, Typography, and Politics:Mena's Works and the Parallel Editions of Antwerp, 1552

by Linde M. Brocato

PaperSubmitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

for theCertificate of Advanced Study

Director: Prof. Don KrummelCommittee: Prof. Javier Irigoyen-García; Prof. Paula Carns



A CKNOWLEDGEMENTS

M Y DEEPEST GRATITUDE TO MY COMMITTEE:Prof. D. W. Krummel, presiding

Prof. Javier Irigoyen-GarcíaProf. Paula Carns

&Prof. Linda Smith

(for mediation and close reading)

THANKS ARE ALSO DUE TO:

The University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign:The Graduate School of Library and Information Science

The Rare Book Library

The Biblioteca Nacional of SpainThe Library of the Hispanic Society of America

The Caxton Club, ChicagoThe Program for Cultural Cooperation of Spain's Ministry of Culture

True Friends Who Have Kept My Body and Soul Together&

My Soul From the Slough of Despond(you know who you are)



T ABLE OF CONTENTS

PUBLISHING, T YPOGRAPHY , AND POLITICS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

THE EDITORIAL TRADITION OF MENA 'S W ORKS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

NUTIUS, STEELSIUS, AND P ARALLEL EDITIONS (1549-1555). . . . 6Group 1: Renaissance Works of Popular (Classical)

Morality. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8Group 2: Vernacular Literature. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0Group 3: Chronicles of Discovery. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 5

FEATURES OF THE EDITIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Editing Mena 1483-1582. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19The 1552 Mena Editions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

FURTHER E VIDENCE FROM OTHER IMPRINTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 7

OF SPANISH IMPRINTS IN 16 -CENTURY A NTWERP. . . . . . . . . 33TH

A PPENDIX I: JUAN DE MENA : E ARLY EDITIONS (1483-1582). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

A PPENDIX II: A NTWERP EDITIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

A PPENDIX III: STRUCTURE OF CONTENTS OF MENA

COMPILATIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

A PPENDIX IV: COMPARISON OF THE CONTENTS OF THE 1552EDITIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63

A PPENDIX V: ILLUSTRATIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

C ATALOGUES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70

SECONDARY BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 2



PUBLISHING, T YPOGRAPHY , AND POLITICS:

MENA 'S W ORKS AND THE P ARALLEL EDITIONS OF A NTWERP, 1552

In 1552, two closely related Antwerp printers, Joannes Steelsius and Martinus

Nutius, former apprentice of Steelsius, each published an edition of the works of Juan

de Mena (1411-1454) . These editions were produced within the abundant publication1

history of a Spanish "classic" in which several types of edition were possible, hence the

necessity of considering the literary/cultural and bibliographic traditions in which they

were published. That is, the literary/cultural context is inseparable from the editorial2

context, and it forms one side of the dynamic possibilities that Antwerp publishers

considered in printing Mena's works in 1552, with the array of their editorial habits and

possibilities as the another dynamic. Thus I will situate these two editions at the

meeting point of these two vectors of editorial production, then analyze the physical

features of Mena editions over time, then focusing on the 1552 editions. Finally, I will

These printers were named in the imprints (and sometimes in the text) in forms appropriate to the

1

language of the text, and in archival documents as well. Anne Rouzet chooses a standard form for theentries to her Dictionnaire des im primeurs, libraires et éditeurs des XVe et XVIe s iècles dans les lim ites géographiques de la Belg ique actuelle (Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1975), but includes alternative forms of family names found on imprints; I will use her standard terms Martinus Nutius (Martín Nucio, Martin

Nuyts), Joannes S teelsius (Juan Steelsio, Jean Steels), Joannes Bellerus (Juan Bellero , Jean Bellère), Hansde Laet (Juan Lacio), Jean Grapheus (Juan Grapheus). The article by Marie-Therèse Isaac, "Panorama del'imprimerie anversoise au XVI siècle" curiously excludes Martinus Nutius, whose production certainlye

exceeds her criterion for consideration of at least 100 imprints over the course of his career (cf. PeetersFontainas, L'Officine 17). The high quality of Hans de Laet's work is shown in Weaver's study of Laet'smusic imprints for Waelrant.

In spite of the frequent estrangement among their practitioners, textual, historical, and2

descriptive bibliography (in Terry Belanger's terms), literary history, and literary/cultural criticism (closereading, interpretation, contextualization) are closely related endeavors, all depending on each other for either method, purpose, or meaning. While my work here for the most part does not engage in literaryanalysis per se, it was in fact generated by a literary and cultural analysis of Mena's Laberinto de Fortuna,and contributes to that analysis (Brocato 1999 is a portion of the larger project, To Penetrate with Intellectual Eyes: Text, Vision, and Nation in Trastámara Spain ). Books are the ultimate hybrid culturaland social artefact, making study of them in all these dimensions both immensely rewarding andimmensely vexing to organize and focus without artificially delimiting the domains for which they are

boundary objects (see Brocato 1995; on hybridity see Latour 1993).



Brocato – CAS – 2

consider this evidence within the overall social and political context of their mid-

sixteenth-century work, closing with what this suggests about Steelsius' and Nutius'

editorial practices, the particular significance of their editions of Mena, and the

implications for further research.

In his survey of early editions of Celestina, La comedia de Calisto y Melibea

(1499) and then the Tragicomedia (1502 ff.), Víctor Infantes states that publishers don't

believe in readers but only in purchasers of books (7). He also complains that literary

analysis doesn't take into account the contribution of descriptive bibliography

(bibliografía material ) (3-4). In fact, bibliographical studies seldom suggest the

possible impacts of the materialities of books on the texts that they make available to

readers (beyond establishing the ideal text intended by an author), readers who have

always been and still remain the majority buyers of books. While unread books can be

tokens of other kinds of cultural capital – this can often be a primary motivation for

collecting rare or "collectible" books – most purchasers buy books in order to read, and

often to use (study, internalize, quote, and imitate) them, whether or not they in fact do.

Rapprochement between studies of literature and studies of bibliography can only come

from integrating as much as possible the information that both disciplines provide, as D.

F. McKenzie has shown. Here, my study links these two strands of analysis in the case

of Mena's works, focusing on their production over time, and then in the context – print

and political – of the 1552 editions, particularly of a series of sixteenth-century Antwerp

imprints in Spanish.

Even in his lifetime a dominant poetic force in Iberia, Juan de Mena (1411-1456)

was a "classic," by the mid- to late-fifteenth century a foundationally canonical national




(Castilian) poet. Court poet, Latin secretary, and chronicler to Juan II of Castile (1406-

1454), his works appear in 57 fifteenth- and sixteenth-century songbook [cancionero]

manuscripts, which include the two kinds of poetry for which he was famous: the

shorter poems typical of the court poetry compiled in cancioneros as well as his long

poems presented to their subjects, his patrons. As his works entered the culture of 3

print, he was very quickly called "the famous" [el famoso] or "the most famous poet

Juan de Mena" [el famosissimo poeta Juan de Mena] and both 1552 editions so

designate him. Mena's textual history thus makes him an ideal case study for both the

passage from manuscript to print (not taken up here) and the relationship between

literary-historical and bibliographical analyses of his works, one moment of which is the

focus of this study. The 1552 editions, doubtless composed from previously printed

editions of Mena's works though not identical to any of them, not only reveal the

development and contours of the publishing tradition of (and thus reading demand for)

Mena's works, but also signal the networks of political and intellectual culture in which

his works were read and published.

THE EDITORIAL TRADITION OF MENA 'S W ORKS

Manuel Moreno, "La transmisión de la poesía de Mena," paper presented at the conference "Juan3

de Mena: entre la corte y la ciudad" (Córdoba, Spain, 27 April 2011; handout). In addition, Mena's poems appear in the first printed cancioneros as well. Mena's poems also appear in non-poetic texts, likethe manuscript of the chronicles of Pero López de Ayala (BNE MSS/10234), which has at the end a seriesof poems by Mena to the king and to Álvaro de Luna, Condestable de Castilla, on the political situation.In terms of their composition, the earliest of the major compositions is La coronación (1436) presented toÍñigo López de Mendoza, marqués de Santillana, magnate and fellow poet. Later, Mena presents Lastrezientas (1444) to Juan II. His last major work is an allegorical debate poem, the Coplas a los siete pecados morta les (also printed as Coplas de vicios y virtudes), left unfinished at his death.




Editions of Mena's works can be divided into several types. They begin with a4

songbook [cancionero]-type anthology, in which the bulk of the works are not by Mena5

and the imprint is not designated by his name (M1); around 1500, another such

anthology tied to the name and work of Fernán Pérez de Guzmán, another of Mena's

contemporaries, includes two of Mena's works (M17). Immediately after the 14836

cancionero (M1), Mena's major works were printed as editions of single works: The

Three Hundred [ Las .CCC. or Las Trezientas] appears in ca. 1486 (M2); The Coronation

[ La coronación] in 1489 (M3); the Verses on the Seven Deadly Sins [Coplas de los siete

pecados] in 1500 (M12). His work seems to have attracted commentaries: The7

Coronation was always printed with Mena's own commentary (M3, 5, 7, 10-11, 16); The

Three Hundred was printed after 1499 with that of Hernán Núñez de Guzmán (M2, 4, 6,

8-9, 15, 19); and from 1500 or so onward, the Seven Mortal Sins primarily circulates in

the version completed and glossed by Jerónimo de Olivares, third of his continuators

(M12 [unglossed; Manrique continuation]; M13, 17-18).8

For fuller analysis of this tradition, see below, Appendix III.4

A cancionero (chansonnière in French) is usually an anthology of courtly verse by various5

authors. In the Castilian tradition, preserved manuscripts in the genre begin with the Cancionero de Baena , compiled around 1430-1445 and presented to Juan II. Here et passim all translations are my own,unless otherwise noted.

I will indicate the relevant identifying bibliographical information for each edition in the text,6

followed by its number in the bibliography of Mena editions following this essay (M#).

And inspired them. Íñigo López de Mendoza, Marqués de Santillana, composed his Proverbio s7

in 1437, a year after receiving Mena's homage in Coronación, at the request of Juan II for the educationof Prince Enrique, and included glosses; Barry Taylor notes that "there seems to be no witness in whichthe text is unglossed" (Taylor 2009:37).

Olivares expressed his discontent with other continuations of the poem in his preface, and then8

recounted a dream in which Mena appears to him to encourage him to revise and continue the poem (seeills. 5 and 5a).




Early in the sixteenth century, Mena's major works were compiled into

anthologies more recognizable to us moderns, with Las trezientas and La coronación as

the titular works of separate imprints, which included shorter poems from Mena's

cancionero work (political, amorous, and slanderous poetry [poesía de escarnio]).9

Finally, with the Antwerp editions of 1552, these anthologies were published fully

integrated into one imprint, though still often bearing a separate title page for La

coronación. Sixteenth-century editions of Mena's works close in 1582 with that of

Francisco Sánchez de las Brozas (El Brocense) and its minimalist commentary (M47).10

The edition of Jacobo Cromberger in 1512 (M22-23) set the basic pattern for

content in publishing Mena, the basis for the 1552 and 1582 editions (De Nigris 99-104),

although the 1560 and 1566 editions of Mena's works (M42-44) integrated this structure

with the cancionero tradition. The principal works are Las trezientas and La

coronación, which generally have separate title-pages and imprints, though the title-

page of Las trezientas often alludes to the inclusion of La coronación, along with a set of

There was a range of titles for these anthologies: a list of the major works such as Las. ccc.9

co[n]. xxiiij. coplas agora nueuamete añadidas: del famosissimo poeta Juan de M ena con su glosa lascinquenta con su glosa: otras obras, sometimes adding " y o tras cartas y coplas y canciones suyas" andeventually simply Copilación de todas las obras del famosissimo poeta Juan de mena followed by a listof the works (Sevilla: Varela, 1528). See below on Nutius' choice of title. In 1501 the title of the Sevilla:Hagembach edition designated Mena as "castellano" in the incipit – "Comiença el labirintho de Iuã demena poeta castellano."

A mystery of Mena's cultural afterlife, as 15th-century specialist Prof. Jeremy Lawrance pointed10

out at the recent conference on Mena in Córdoba ("Juan de Mena: Entre la Corte y la Ciudad" 27-30 April2011), is that his poetry continued to be influential and its influence contentious in the 17 century,th

although the last edition of his works until 1766 was the edition of El Brocense of 1582 (personalconversation 27 April 2011). This suggests that either we have entirely lost all copies of 17 -centuryth

editions, or, perhaps more likely, that enough copies of the sixteenth-century imprints circulated to sustainawareness and use of Mena's works. One assumes that much of his work resided in collective memoryand circulated orally and in performance.




shorter poems. These courtly poems are a relatively stable set, but are distributed11

differently in different editions. In Cromberger's editions after 1512, they follow 12

Laberinto in the first volume, while La coronación was followed by the Coplas sobre vn

macho" (the latter omitted in the 1520 edition of the Coronación).

NUTIUS, STEELSIUS, AND P ARALLEL EDITIONS (1549-1555)

The other editorial dynamic in the 1552 editions of Mena's works is their

immediate publishing context within the output of both Joannes Steelsius and Martinus

Nutius. While both printer/publishers have been overshadowed by Christopher

Plantin's position in the history of printing in Antwerp, their work is not to be disdained,

as J. F. Peeters Fontainas notes at the beginning of his L'officine espagnole de Martin

Nutius à Anvers (Peeters Fontainas 11), and their publication of texts in Spanish,

whether originally in Spanish or translations into Spanish from other languages (often

classical), was considerable (with over 140 titles in Spanish for Nutius, the vast majority

of his production). Joannes Steelsius was active from 1533-1562 (Rouzet 208-9); Nutius

was active from 1540-1558, and was apprenticed to Steelsius in Antwerp after travels in

Spain (Peeters Fontainas 12-3; Rouzet 161-2).

Cromberger did not include the Coplas a las siete pecados mortales which he had likely11

published in 1505? (M18), and I have not adequately t raced its path through the various editions. It did,however, consistently appear in what I have termed the cancionero strand of Mena editions, and was thusconsistently available for reprinting. It appeared in both Antwerp editions. Recently it has been editedwith Gómez Manrique's continuation in Coplas de los siete pecados mortales and First Continuation, ed.Gladys M. Rivera (Madrid: Porrua Turanzas; Potomac, Maryland: Studia Humanitatis, 1982).

See Carla de Nigris' edition and study of these works, Juan de Mena, Poesie minori (Napoli:12

Liguori, 1988), pp. 99-104. She asserts that Steelsius' edition derives from Cromberger's edition of 1517(102), and then Sánchez's from Steelsius in direct succession, with corrections based on sense andconjecture rather than comparison with the MSS. There is a useful table comparing the order andcontents of these three print editions on p. 100. She includes the 1517 Cromberger because she could notfind that of 1512; see Appendix III.




Peeters Fontainas' study of Nutius' press puts the editions of Mena's works in a

different focus, as he documents a series of some seven "simultaneous editions"

("éditions simultanées," 55) published by these two Antwerp printers from 1549 to

1555. Although the 1544 privilege granted to Nutius indicates a close connection13

between Steelsius and Nutius (Peeters Fontainas 13), he considers these parallel

editions a "little ["underhanded," "sournoise"] edition war which does not pay attention

to the imperial privileges" (Peeters Fontainas 17–8, 54-5). Closer analysis suggests14

that these titles fall into three categories: 1) works of popular morality based on classical

authors (Erasmus' Apothegmas and Antonio de Guevara's Libro aureo de Marco

Aurelio); 2) vernacular literature in the form of two Spanish works and a French

allegorical poem (by an author closely connected to the House of Burgundy and the

Hapsburgs) translated into Spanish (Lorenzo de Sepúlveda's Romances nuevamente

sacados de historias antiguas; Mena's works; Olivier de la Marche's El caballero

determinado); and 3) three chronicles of exploration (those of Pedro Cieza de León,

Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, and Francisco López de Gómara). These groupings

correspond to Jaime Moll's outline of the kinds of books in Spanish published in the

Low Countries:

“first editions, primarily of Spaniards who lived in Flanders, reeditions of

new peninsular editions and reeditions of standard works ["de surtido"],15

See Appendix II at the end of my analysis. I have examined most of the simultaneous editions,13

either in person or on microfilm, and have also examined several related titles that have provided a further though not complete context for these editions.

“Petite guerre d’édition sans tenir compte des privilèges impériaux.”14

"De surtido" now means "from the catalogue" which I take to mean something like "the15

backlist" of works that are in sufficient demand to keep printing but not bestsellers.




books, in certain cases even when they had lost their currency in Spain.

Generally these are published in small formats, in 8 and 12 ."o o 16

All were popular and in demand in one way or another. Looking more closely at them

and at other editions from these presses that share some of their characteristics,

suggests various possibilities for motivation or purpose. These categories are in roughly

chronological order, with the last member of the second category – El Caballero

Determinado – closing the entire series in 1555. If one were to pay attention only to

catalog descriptions of these works, whether print or on-line, one might not go further

than translating "simultaneous" to "double," although even in those bibliographical

entries and catalog records certain important distinctions are signaled. In fact,

comparing the versions of the works and their mise en page makes clear significant

differences in all but the chronicles of discovery.

Group 1: Renaissance Works of Popular (Classical) Morality

The work which begins the series, for example, is Erasmus' Apothegmatum

opus, which Nutius published in the translation of Francisco Tamara with the title17

Libro de apothegmas qve son dichos graciosos y notables de muchos reyes y principes

illustres, y de algunos philosophos insignes y memorables (ill. 11), while Steelsius18

"Primeras ediciones, principalmente de españoles que estaban en Flandes, reediciones de las16

novedades peninsulares y reediciones de obras de surtido, en ciertos casos cuando ya en España habían perdido su vigencia. Por lo general se publican las obras en formatos pequeños, en 8º y 12º;" Jaime Moll,"Plantino y la industria editorial española," 18.

This appears to be Erasmus' translation of Plutarch; ascertaining this is beyond my competence17

or brief.

According to Peeters Fontainas, some copies of this imprint lack the words "Libro de" at the18

head of the title (M43-4). Martín Abad treats them as two separate issues, and they are catalogued assuch in the online catalogs of the Biblioteca Nacional de España and the Catálogo Colectivo del




published that of Juan de Jarava, entitled Libro de vidas, y dichos graciosos, agudos y

sentenciosos, de muchos notables varones griegos y romanos, ansi reyes y capitanes,

como philosophos, y oradores antiguos : enlos quales se contienen graues sentencias e

auisos no menos prouechosos que deleytables (note that in neither edition is Erasmus

named). Nutius provides an index of proper names at the beginning of the text (ill. 12),

uses running heads with various levels of specificity (by individual and by groups; ills.

14-15), plus a subject index keyed to the printed marginal glosses at the end of the text

(ill. 16).

Following the Apothegmas in this sequence is Antonio de Guevara's then

infinitely popular (and now almost completely neglected) Libro aureo de Marco

Aurelio, by 1550 Steelsius' fifth edition (ills. 17-19), but here combined by Nutius with

the Relox de príncipes in its first issue from his presses (ills. 21-24). By 1550, Steelsius

traditionally published the Libro aureo in 12s, a slim and portable volume (compare the

1539 ed. in 8 in ill. 20 with that of 1550 in ill. 17), with a relatively self-congratulatory o

publisher's incipit and explicit. Nutius' edition (in octavo) begins with the tabla (ill.19

22), followed by a general prologue, then a prologue dedicated to Marcus Aurelius' Libro

Patrimonio Bibliográfico Español.

After praising the substance and the style of the Libro aureo , the incipit adds "And harming19

nobody one can say that such an elevated style has never been seen in Castilian" [Y aun injuriar a nadie se puede dezir, no auerse uisto hasta oy estilo tal a lto en lengua Caste llana.] (A12v). The explicit explainsthe usefulness of the "sauce" o f an excellent prose style in attracting and delighting readers, with theentailment of how books are preserved, and how his Libro aureo will not be: "There are many books of very substantial nourishment, but so insipid and so without charm in their style, that they spoil one'sappetite at the first bite. One benefit for them follows from this, which is that they're preserved safe andsound on the shelves of libraries. Which will not be the case for Marcus Aurelius. [Muchos libros ay demuy substa[n]cioso ma[n]jar, mas son ta[n] insipidos & ta[n] sin gracia en el estilo, que alos primeros

bocados pone[n] fastid io. Vn bien se les sigue desto alos tales libros, y es. Que viuen mas tie[m]po sanosenlas bibliotecas. Lo que no creo sera de Marco Aurelio.] (264v). Ironically, time has proven him wrong.




aureo (ill. 23); only after 25 pages of text – which goes back to that of the 1528 edition

(Sevilla: Cromberger) – arriving at a different translation of the text that begins

Steelsius' prologue. Indeed, at the incipit to Book I, he also describes his edition as "in

which are added certain letters of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius that were removed in

other impressions made before this one" (37r/E5r) (ill. 23). Since Cromberger also20

published both editions (Griffin 241), perhaps Steelsius and Nutius were also targeting

different sectors of the market, as Cromberger must have done, given the overlap of the

two editions in his output.

Group 2: Vernacular Literature

Beginning the group of simultaneous editions of vernacular literature, Lorenzo de

Sepúlveda's Romances nuevamente sacados de hystorias antiguas appeared in 1550-

1551, first from the presses of Martin Nutius (ills. 25-26), then from those of Steelsius

(ills. 27-28). A core group of romances – those of Sepúlveda? – are the same, as are21

the format (12mo) and page layout (foliated, in one column with specific running

headers), and an index of first lines at the front of the text (ills. 26, 28 ). Nutius, in his

preface "Martin Nutius to the Kind Reader" (2v-3r) preceding the "Tabla," claims that22

he has the work in an edition from Sevilla (1550-1, now lost; cf. Peeters-Fontainas

Officine 54-5), and that Sepúlveda was following Nutius' lead in compiling romances;

"Enla qual van añadidas ciertas cartas del emperador Marco Aurelio que se quitaron en otras20

impressiones que se hizieron antes desta."

Of Nutius, Jaime Moll says that he is the "symbol of Spanish publishing in Antwerp" [símbolo21

de la edición española antuerpense] (17). He published a number of first or early editions of major works,and initiated the collecting of romances. His is one of the first extant editions of Lazarillo (1554), and ithas been suggested that the princeps may have come from his presses.

"Martin Nvcio al benigno Letor."22




the Hispanic Society of America dates Nutius' edition as 1550?. Certainly, Steelsius'

edition included fewer romances, and signals the addition of a ballad on African

victories of the Spanish monarchy, as well as also including the navigational aid of an

index of first lines at the end of the text: "The ballad of the conquest of the city of

Ifriqiya in 1550 has been added, along with other various [ballads], as can be seen in the

table of contents" (A1r).23

Nutius' edition seems to be much rarer; and is held only by the Hispanic Society.

Its subtitle is rather coy, "There are added many [ballads] never before seen composed

by a gentleman of the Emperor's court whose name is kept secret for greater things."24

Indeed, comparison of the contents of the two works shows that even the shared core of

romances was completely rearranged, which Nutius asserted in his preface, by subject

"Añadiose el Romance dela conquista dela ciudad de Africa en Berueria, en el año M .D.L. y23

otros diuersos, como por la Tabla parece." This "conquest" was probably the taking of Mahdia (Al-

Mahdiye) in Ifriqiya (i.e. "la ciudad de África" in the poem), the coastal region of North Africa in the areaof what is today Libya, Tunisia, and eastern Algeria, captured by a coalition of Spanish and Italiansoldiers, along with the Knights of Malta, in September 1550. "Dorgut Arraez" is doubtless Turgut Reis(also modernized and transliterated as "Dorghut Rais" and "Dargouth Rais"), the Ottoman admiral and

privateer who replaced Barbarossa as commander-in-chief of the Ottoman nava l forces in theMediterranean, and whom a coalition of forces from Spain, Italy, and the Knights of Malta unsuccessfully

pursued. See Andrew C. Hess, The Forgotten Frontier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978; paperback ed. 2010), 76 for a vague mention of the campaign and Al-Mahdiye. In addition, M iguelÁngel de Bunes Ibarra mentions the episode apropos of the frequency with which "la ciudad de Africa(Mahdiyya)" appears in sixteenth-century accounts (62). See also the Corsair database athttp://www.corsaridelmediterraneo.it/corsari/d/dragut.html (accessed May 30, 2011), under 1550:Giugno/Luglio and Settembre. In general, see Mercedes García Arenal and Miguel Ángel Bunes, Losespañoles en el norte de África, siglos XV-XVIII (Madrid: MAPFRE, 1992). Hess points out that Africancampaigns were more important to the people of Spain than to the larger imperial goals of Carlos V.

"Van añadidos muchos nu[n]ca vistos compuesto por vn cauallero Cesario, cuyo nombre se24

guarda para mayores cosas," translating "Cesario" in terms of its significance rather than literally.According to Peeters Fontainas, "cesáreo caballero" perhaps refers to Cristóbal Calvete de Estrella,associated with both Nutius' and Steelsius' presses, and his own forthcoming major work, El felicissimoviaie d’el mvy alto y mvy poderoso principe don Phelippe, which journey took place from 1548-1551.This might lead one to suppose that Calvete had already arranged publication of the Viaje from Nutius'

press. See below for further discussion of this imprint.




("dealing with the same person" [que tratan una mesma persona], 3r), and has added a

number of other romances, some religious and some historical (2v-3r). In addition, this

suggests that Steelsius followed the order of the original Sevilla imprint. The absence25

of the romance on the taking of the "ciudad de Africa" from Nutius' reorganized version

was perhaps an adjustment to the concerns of those Spaniards in Antwerp, for whom

campaigns in Africa were less compelling than for those whose livelihoods remained

more rooted in the recently-closed Reconquest.

In keeping with his habitual frugality with paper (the motivation that led to his

fame for rescuing the ballad from ephemeral orality; Peeters Fontainas 11), Nutius

declares on A6r in the rubric for the first romance (unique to his collection): "ballad of a

miracle which was put here outside the order [of the text] so that the paper wouldn't

remain blank" (first line: "A Tanagildo rey Godo"). A cursory analysis of the romances26

suggests that Nutius' edition leaves out some 18 included in Steelsius', and adds some 25

not found there (see also Rodríguez-Moñino). In this, he followed the traditional

variation within manuscript culture (its mise en recueil ) for such collections of poetry 27

– cancioneros or chansonnières – which is part of the difficulty of tracing the tradition

Rodríguez-Moñino suggests this as well in his discussion of the lost Sevilla edition in the25

bib liography to Lorenzo de Sepúlveda, Cancionero de romances (Sevilla, 1584). Edición, estudio, bib liografía e índices por A ntonio Rodríguez-Moñino. Colecc ión de los Romanceros del Sig lo de Oro(Madrid: Castalia, 1967), 41.

"Romance de vn miraglo: el qual se puso aqui fuera dela orden, porque el papel no quedasse26

blanco."

These are Dr. Fiona Maguire's terms – mise en texte, mise en page, mise en recueil – for the27

version transcribed, how it is formatted on the page, and how cancionero anthologies are constructed.Personal conversation, 27 April 2011.




and stabilizing the poetic texts collected therein.28

The parallel editions of Mena's works bear distinct titles. Nutius' edition is

entitled Todas las obras del famosissimo poeta Iuan de Mena con la glosa del

comendador Fernan Nuñez sobre las trezientas: agora nueuamente corregidas y

enmendadas (ills.29-31), while Steelsius gives his edition the traditional "list" form (see

above n.9; ills. 32-37), Las trezientas d'el famosissimo poeta Ivan de Mena, glosadas

por Fernan Nuñez, Comendador de la orden de Sanctiago. Otras XXIIII. Coplas suyas,

con su glosa. La Coronacion compuesta y glosada por el dicho Iuan de Mena. Tratado

de vicios y virtudes, con otras Cartas y Coplas, y Canciones suyas. These editions

differ substantially in their mise en page and mise en recueil , and will be analyzed in

detail below.

The editions of El cauallero determinado of Olivier de la Marche which close the

series of parallel editions are also assigned to different translators, although stating the

difference thus is somewhat misleading. In fact, the illustrated Steelsius edition

( princeps 1553) (ills. 38-42), the original translation of Hernando de Acuña, is in coplas

castellanas, a very traditional native fifteenth-century Iberian verse form of 8 syllables,

while Nutius' edition (without illustrations) by Jerónimo de Urrea is an adaptation of

Acuña's translation but in Italianate verse of eleven syllables (Clavería 152–4). Of his

own translation, Acuña noted:

In her critical edition of Mena's shorter poetry, Carla de Nigris lists 40 manuscript testimonies28

of some 60 short poems by Mena, plus five print cancioneros of the early sixteenth century, but comparesand analyzes these testimonies only in small clearly related groups. As she says of systematicallycomparing the entire contents of the Cancionero de Román o de Gallardo (her MH), the Cancionero deVindel (NY), and the Cancionero general (print 1511), it would be "not only fruitless, but in additionsenseless" [non solo infruttuoso, ma addirittura senza senso] (83). The same could be said of any attemptto relate all the cancioneros, a truly rhizomous textual tradition. See also the Cancionero Virtual site,directed by Dorothy Severin: http://cancionerovirtual.liv.ac.uk/main-page.htm.




I translated this in Castilian coplas rather than any other kind of verse,

first because it is the most used and known in our Spain, for whom I

primarily translated this book. And the other because French

versification, in which it was composed, has feet so short, that it couldn't

be translated into any lengthier form without mixing up what was being

translated, putting two or three strophes in one, or putting new matter, to

the point of damaging the work. Thus what is translated goes strophe by

strophe, and what is added occurs in places where it doesn't damage.29

Urrea's version shifted the poetics of the translation to the Italianate style of the

sixteenth-century Renaissance – it was Garcilaso de la Vega, epitome of Renaissance

poetics, who said of traditional Spanish verse preceding the Italianate style (that is, his

own and Juan Boscán's) that there was nothing worth reading. As Juan Martín Cordero

stated in his“Sonnet in praise of the new translation and translator of The Determined

Knight " in the preliminaries to the text:“Go forth with a more elevated style and30

weighty / show your grave and amorous style / . . . / Urrea has made you speak as

gravely / as a knight should" (A1v). Urrea himself said the same thing: "and since the31

book deals with a weighty subject, I have translated it in weighty verse, as such a story

"Hizo se esta traducion en coplas Castellanas, antes que en otro genero de verso, lo vno por ser 29

este mas vsado y conoscido en nuestra España, para quien principalmente se traduxo este libro. Y lo otro porq[ue] la rima Francesa, en que el fué compuesto, es tan corta , que no pudiera traduzer se en otramayor, sin confundir en parte la traducion, comprehendiendo dos y tres coplas en vna, ô poniendo denueuo tanto subiecto, que fuera en perjuicio dela obra, y assi lo traduzido vâ vna copla por otra: y lo q[ue]en ellas se añade , es en partes, donde no daña." (11v)

"Soneto . . . en loor dela nueua traducion y traductor del Cauallero determinado."30

"Sal con canto mas alto y encumbrado / Muestra tu estilo graue y amoroso / . . . / Vrrea te hizo31

hablar tã graueme[n]te / Como cõuiene que hable vn cauallero.”




requires"(A3v).32

This potential conflict of traditional versus innovative poetic meter points to the

possibility of both a political and a generational split in the reading publics of the mid-

sixteenth-century Hispanic world, particularly among those Spaniards resident in the

north of Europe, with each publisher targeting one sector. This also points to one of the

key differences in Hispanic political culture in the shift from a nationalist to an imperial

culture and esthetic. Yet Acuña's translation is preceded by a Latin poem by Calvete de

Estrella himself, and is followed by an italianate octava real by Luis de Requesens y

Zúñiga (ill. 42), comendador mayor de Alcántara, page and intimate of Philip II (and

thus of Calvete de Estrella and Acuña), who would go on to be governor of Milan and of

the Low Countries. This suggests that Urrea was perhaps posturing a bit, and that there

was considerable overlap.33

Group 3: Chronicles of Discovery

In the case of the three chronicles of discovery that Nutius and Steelsius

published in 1554, there are few if any obvious differences, and all reprinted recently 34

"Y por tratar el libro materia graue lo he traduzido en verso graue, assi como tal historia32

requiere."

See Ignacio Navarrete, Orphans of Petrarch: Poetry and Theory in the Spanish Renaissance33

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).

Work on critical editions of these chronicles, of necessity detailing the relationships among the34

early editions, has begun only recently, and as yet there are only preliminary studies. Monique Mustapha,in her "Apuntes para una edición crítica de la Historia general de las Ind ias de F. López de Gómara:

problemas textuales y bib liográficos" notes that there is no "carefu l and trustworthy edition" [edicióncuidada y confiable] much less a critical edition that examines variants or is based on López de Gómara'sown corrections in the second edition (Zaragoza 1554) (262). There are two other essays dealing withcritical editions of chronicles of discovery in the same volume. As textual criticism of these editions (or any others) is beyond the scope of this project, I can only surmise on the basis of surface details andcursory analysis what the relation of the two texts might be.




published works ( princeps no more than 2 years previous to the publication in Antwerp

in this group of texts). The first of these, Pedro Cieza de Leon's Crónica del Perú was35

published by Nutius as La Chronica del Peru, nvevamente escrita por Pedro de Cieça de

Leon, vezino de Seuilla, while Steelsius' edition is entitled Parte primera de la Chronica

del Perv, qve tracta la demarcacion de sus prouincias, la descripcion dellas, las

fundaciones de las nueuas ciudades, los ritos y costumbres de los Indios, y otras cosas

estrañas dignas de ser sabidas (ills. 43-48) – again a list like his edition of Mena, in this

case perhaps tempting readers with an outline of its matter. Both editions may include36

a map printed by Joannes Bellerus (Juan Bellero), and, indeed many copies bear the

imprint of Bellerus, not Steelsius, making this a triple edition rather than a double one.37

The "Tabla alphabetica" at the end of the Steelsius edition is signed "conpuesta por Iuan

Bellero" adding another layer to the latter's participation in the multiple editions of

these works, and the colophon indicates that it was printed by Juan Lacio (ill. 48). The

illustrations in both editions of the text are very similar; in fact, engravings are often

repeated several times in the text, when thematically general enough (ills. 44-45),

although there are illustrations so particular to what is described that they are specific to

a particular segment of Cieza's text and not repeated (ill. 46).38

Only Calvete de Estrella's Viaje and the translations of El caballero determinado seem to have35

been firs t editions among the parallel editions.

Steelsius' title is more accurate, since Cieza de León only published the first part of his work 36

before his death; the remainder of the text w as p reserved in manuscript, however, and published in thelate 19 century.th

According to C. J. Nuyts, Bellerus was Steelsius' son-in-law (1).37

Some of the illustrations also appear in Nutius' 1555 edition of Augustín de Zárate's Historia del 38

Descvbrimiento y Conqvista del Peru (i ll. 49-50; compare 44-45 and 50). The illustration representedhere as ills. 44, 45, and 50 appears whenever Cieza de León discusses local religion.




The second chronicle is a translation from the Portuguese of Fernão Lopes de

Castanheda's Historia del descubrimiento y conquista dela India por los Portugueses,

compuesta por Hernan Lopez de Castañeda en lenguaje Portuguesa, y traduzida

nueuamente en Romance Castellano, which Steelsius published in a French translation,

L'histoire des Indes de Portugal : contenant comment l'inde a este decouuerte par le

commandement du Roy Emanuel, & la guerre que les capitaines Portugalois ont menee

pour la conquete dicelles. That Lopes de Castanheda's work was translated into both

French and Spanish suggests a concerted effort to reach as wide an audience as possible:

Spain and the Spanish naciones in the Low Countries; France and the French-speaking

areas of the Low Countries. The largely Portuguese spice trade connected Portugal with

Brugges and then Antwerp as centers of wider distribution, and, in these years, trade

with the New World began to dominate commerce as had the spice trade, so there was

an urgent and vital interest in both arenas on the part of players profiting and

consumers benefitting from the trade, not to mention a general curiosity about this

entirely new world for Europeans. The eagerly-assimilated geographic component of 39

the information -- social, political, and physical – is in fact signalled by Steelsius'

contents-as-title.

Finally, Francisco López de Gómara's history was published by both, with titles

that differ very little – and in spite of the governmental suppression of the chronicle by

On the Spanish nation in Antwerp, and other economic aspects of the Spanish presence in and39

possession of the Low Countries , see J. A. Goris, Étude sur les colonies marchandes méridionales(Portugais, Espagnols, Italiens) à Anvers de 1488 à 1567: C ontribution à l’histoire de débuts ducapitalisme moderne. Reprint of 1925 ed. of Louvain thesis. Two vols. in one. Burt Franklin research &source works, 678. Selected essays in history, economics, and social science, v. 237. New York: BurtFranklin, 1971), particularly pp. 58-70, but passim.




royal decree in 1553. Nutius entitled his edition La historia general de las Indias y todo

lo acaescido enellas dende que se ganaron hasta agora y La conquista de Mexico, y de

la nueua España (ill. 51-53), while Steelsius entitled his La historia general delas

Indias, con todos los descubrimientos, y cosas notables que han acaescido enellas,

dende que se ganaron hasta agora (ill. 54-58). A cursory comparison, via microfilm

copies of the imprints, as well as copies examined at the University of Illinois (Urbana-

Champaign) and at the Hispanic Society, shows few significant differences, with only a

difference of some additional five leaves in the Steelsius edition, likely due to the Tabla

in the front matter (ills. 55-57; illustrating only a few pages of the tabla), a difference in

number of leaves that remains constant throughout the text. This table of contents was

itself hurried, and without the precision of other tables of contents, and indicated only

chapter number (which was not included in a running head and so requires finding the

chapter rubrics in order to navigate); but this contrasted with Nutius' edition, which

lacked even that (ill. 52). The illustrations in the editions of Steelsius and Bellerus are40

the same, while those in that of Nutius are similar but are not the same engravings (ills.

53 and 58). Bellerus also published López de Gómara's Historia de Mexico (the second

volume of the entire work) in a very similar format, and with similar navigational aids

(ills. 59-61).41

Both editions are foliated, and Steelsius' use of chapter numbers for a table of contents before40

the text itself may suggest that he set his edition from a copy of Nutius', to which he added chapter numbers before composing , which then rendered Nutius' folio numbers incorrect for his edition. Another

possib ility is that they both set from the same copy (one of the editions from Spain of 1553 or 1554), andSteelsius decided to include a table of contents.

This is the second part of the Crónical general de las Indias; Charles V made an ineffective41

attempt to suppress the entire work after Cortés' revolt (see Mustapha). All havthe editions have aseparate title-page, though few seem to be catalogued and bound separately now. Is this true?




Thus examination of copies of these groups of simultaneous editions provides a

more nuanced context for the 1552 editions of Mena's works, which I will examine after

laying out the overall tradition of page design and layout for Mena. More

printer/publishers than just Nutius and Steelsius were involved in production of many

of the titles, particularly the chronicles, both Joannes Bellerus and Hans de Laet.

Indeed, the imprints of Nutius and Steelsius point to the overlapping cooperation of

other kinds of players in various titles as we will see with other Steelsius and Nutius

imprints.

FEATURES OF THE EDITIONS

Editing Mena 1483-1582

The editions of Mena up to 1552 were published in a variety of formats, primarily

folio and quarto. The mise en page usually consisted of commentary surrounding the

stanzas of the major works (on 2 or 3 sides) and 3-4 columns for the cancionero poetry (see ills. 1-5). The presence of commentary creates a need for a mise en page to signal

the complex textual dynamic of both the Coronación and of Laberinto, and the rhythm

of the page is correspondingly busy. The authorial dynamics of the Coplas contra los

siete pecados mortales also create a slightly different complexity, as the commentator

(Olivares) also revises Mena's text. That is, for the running commentary of the first two,

not only must the commentary and poem be distinguished typographically, but the verse

commented as lemma must also be distinguished from the running prose of the

commentary. In the last-mentioned Coplas contra los siete pecados, while the




commentary simply precedes the text, the complexity comes from the need to signal42

the revision or authorship of each stanza. Both sorts of complexity are more typical of

classical texts than of contemporary or relatively recent vernacular literature.

Typographically, gothic type was consistently used for Mena's works published in

Spain as late as the 1547 edition (M39), with different sizes used to distinguish titles,

chapter rubrics, poem, and commentary with lemmata. Major divisions of the longer

texts are often indicated by decorative initials in various sizes (see ills.4-6). Significant

marks of punctuation – largely calderones, previous manifestations of the pilcrow (¶)

(see the examples from the Varela, 1528 edition in ill. 6) – indicate rubrics, the

beginnings of verses, and lemmata in the commentary (see ills. 2, 5, and 5a).

After the Antwerp editions of 1552 (M40-41), roman and italic types also

characterized the Spanish editions: Alcalá (1566; M43-4), and Salamanca (1582; M47)

editions. Records for the 1560 (M42) edition no longer indicate gothic types, and

Aranda's Glosa (M46) is in roman and italic fonts as well. These editorial choices were

conditioned by the copy-text from which the editions were composed, within a local or

national tradition. While the printers of Antwerp possessed gothic fonts, they were

seldom used except for works in Dutch or German (Vervliet 36, 56-8). Yet all in all, the

very abundance of editions implies some strong motivation to continue printing what

must have been a fairly expensive vernacular text to produce, although significant

cultural capital was accrued by a vernacular text complex enough to need commentary,

indexing, and mise en page like a classical text.

Indeed, it is interesting that Olivares' accompanying text was called a gloss or commentary,42

since it is really a prologue or preface; I take this to be a kind of contagion from the gloss tradition of both Laberinto and La coronación .




In his Printing in Spain 1501-1520, Norton attests to the use of Italian types

(roman and italic) in Spain as early as 1507 by Arnao Guillén de Brocar (influenced by

Antonio de Nebrija; Norton Printing 42) and somewhat later by George Coci (Norton

Printing 73), but, as he notes of Brocar's 1517 edition of Seneca's Tragoediae, which is

"a piracy of the Giunta edition" printed with Italian types, but set by Coci in a traditional

Spanish gothic font because using italic types was far too risky for a Spanish reading

public (Norton Printing 42). Elisa Ruiz specifies further that in Spain, there was a43

functional distribution of fonts: "gothic forms in their fractured modality were identified

with ecclesiastical or academic production in Latin; the less angular variety, called

round gothic, was used primarily for literary works in the vernacular; lastly, roman

characters were reserved for texts transmitting new currents of thought" (Ruiz 287).44

This largely corresponds to the use of fonts in sixteenth-century editions of Mena's

works printed in Spain, although it seems rather too broad a generalization, as the

Antwerp editions initiate the exclusive use in Spain of roman and italic for Mena's

works, which could hardly be characterized as a "new current of thought," although only

three more editions were produced (plus Aranda's gloss).

Only from the Antwerp editions of 1552 onward, the mise en page was one single

text block, without columns even for the courtly verse with its much shorter lines, and

with commentary following the stanzas of the poem, rather than surrounding it on three

I cite from the original English version of Norton's still-fundamental work; it has, however,43

been edited and updated by Julián Martín Abad in a 1997 translation into Spanish. Martín Abad's Post- Incunabula supercedes N orton's Descript ive Catalogue .

"Las formas góticas en su modalidad fracturada se identificaron con la producción latina44

eclesiástica o académica; la variedad menos angulosa, llamada gótica redonda, se utilizó primordialmente para las obras literarias en lengua vernácula; por último, los caracteres romanos se reservaron para lostextos transmisores de nuevas corrientes de pensamiento."




sides, making the process of reading move only on the vertical axis from line to line,45

rather than tracking both vertically and horizontally (or diagonally) to find the textual

units. Editions of Las trezientas with commentary usually included running heads for46

Laberinto locating the reader in the different "orders" that compose the text, though

most also began with "La primera orden | de la Luna" as running head long before the

text arrives at that Order (the order has, however, a rather weakly signaled beginning

distinguishing it from the introductory frame). In 1506, Coci included a table of

contents only for Las trezientas between his own preface and Núñez's prologue on the

verso of Aii:

The table of contents of the present treatise follows: by which one can

easily find its contents by the number of the leaf. And it is to be noted that

the Trezientas that the author Juan de Mena wrote are divided into seven

orders: i.e. of the planets, and for each copla [here meaning section or

poetic unit] is only put the first line with its [folio] number, thus indicating

all the other [following] strophes.47

This is more like the earliest editions, e.g. that of the Coronación of 1489, Toulouse: Juan Parix45

y Esteban Clebat (ill. 1). This also makes for a much thicker volume, particularly when combined withthe shift to an octavo format, a choice perhaps conditioned by the Aldine octavo series of classics.

While the eye moves from left to right to read the lines, tracking the textual units depends on46

their disposition on the page, and multiple columns require more complex movements to follow thestructure of the textual units as laid out. This makes the overall rhythm of reading simpler or morecomplex in relationship to the page as the field of reading, i.e. how does the eye have to move down or across the page to complete the textual unit(s) before proceeding to the next page. Imagine an arrowindicating the order of textual units: two columns of continuous text would form a backwards N, for example.

"Siguese la tabla del presente trattado: por la qual facilmente se hallara por el numero de sus47

cartas lo contenido en e lla. Y es de notar que estas trezientas que el autor Juan de mena h izo estandiuididas en siete ordenes: esto es d[e] los siete planetas, y por cada copla por euitar prolixidad no se ponesino el primer pie de toda la copla con su numero. y assi por consiguiente de todas las otras coplas." The




Here he used a calderón (see ill. 6) preceding each order's name, followed by the folio

number. This tabla was an unusual strategy for an edition of Mena's works in 1506, as

orientation of the reader was generally provided only by the changing running heads,

with copla numbers either in the rubric or in the outer margin, and foliation – seldom

did editions of Mena have any indication of contents until the Steelsius edition of 1552, a

feature then taken up by Juan de Villanueva in 1566, who makes Steelsius' alphabetical

list of first lines into a strophe-by-strophe table of contents but divided into orders as

was Coci's tabla.

Sánchez de las Brozas used the same page layout in one column though rather

more centered than justified to the left, but the commentary becomes "annotations"

[anotaciones], much reduced, with the commentary to the Coronation in third person,

rather than in first person as it had been transmitted up to that point. El Brocense also

left out a number of shorter poems, and adds two riddles (see Appendix III). The

rhythm of the page is more measured and simpler in one more or less centered column,

even more so than that of Steelsius and Nutius (see below), and all contrast greatly with

the 2-4 column complex rhythm of the gothic page. The clarity sought by Sánchez de las

Brozas may also be called simplicity, in opposition to the density and obscurity of

Mena's own esthetic, and has its analog in the mise en page.

The 1552 Mena Editions

As noted above, the two editions have different titles. That of Nutius took a more

Renaissance approach, simply designating the collection as Todas las obras (ill. 29) and

use of "trattado" [treatise] and "copla" [group of verses, i.e. strophe or stanza] here follow the muchgreater polysemy of the 16 century.th




removing the "copilación de" that preceded the phrase beginning with the 1528 edition

from Juan Varela (M31) and that may well have signalled legal, ecclesiastical, and even

inquisitorial matters by the mid-sixteenth century. Steelsius, in much more traditional48

fashion, entitled the collection with the usual list; Las trezientas d'el famosissimo poeta

Ivan de Mena . . . Otras XXIIII. Coplas suyas, con su glosa. La Coronacion compuesta

y glosada por el dicho Iuan de Mena. Tratado de vicios y virtudes, con otras Cartas y

Coplas, y Canciones suyas (ill. 32). While both are small 8 (page height is around 15o

cm.), the first salient difference is their length. Nutius' edition is foliated as are many

sixteenth-century imprints (from both Spain and Antwerp), with 345 ff. totalling 690

pages; Steelsius' edition is paginated, with both the front and back matter unnumbered,

for a total of 894 pages.

Both combine roman and italic types in various sizes and weights in one column,

distinguishing titles, rubrics, verse, and commentary; both make use of running headers

(ills. 31, 33, 35). Nutius printed Mena's verse in roman and rubrics in roman small

caps. He set the commentaries to the longer works in italic, with lemmata initiated by 49

a pilcrow, printed in a smaller roman than the poem, and closed with a closing

parenthesis. The Coplas contra los siete pecados indicates authorship of the strophes

by either "Iuan" or "Ieronymo," sometimes in parentheses, sometimes simply printed,

A search of the Catálogo Colectivo del Patrimonio Bibliográfico Español (CCPBE) for 48

"copilación" as title keyword yields 17 titles of 16 -century imprints, the majority of which are legal andth

ecclesiastical, with one devotional text, in addition to Mena's works, the only literary title among them.Three of these are the Copilacion de las Instructiones del Officio de la sancta Inquisicion in variousimprints in the sixteenth century (and perhaps late fifteenth century), with another Inquisitorial title aswell. The CCPBE is not exhaustive, including only imprints held in Iberian libraries, but offers arepresentative sample and a starting place for further research on this aspect of the title.

Considering Nutius first does not indicate any priority in his composition or anthologizing, and49

merely serves the structure of my discussion.




either in regular font or in small caps. The continuation is signalled by the traditional

rubric. Steelsius set the verses and commentary as Nutius did: roman for the verse,

rubrics and commentary in italic, lemmata in a slightly smaller roman initiated with a

pilcrow and terminated with a closing parenthesis. Unlike Nutius, he continues the

traditional use of a pair of reversed parentheses – ")(" – to indicate revisions by

Olivares. Both Nutius and Steelsius justify the entire page to the left.

As was traditional, the running heads are more specific in Las trezientas in both

editions; Nutius' running heads remain (traditionally) more general for the remainder of

the text (no more specific than "Coplas | de Juan de Mena" or "Tratado de | vicios y

virtudes"). Steelsius, however, specifies for the "Coplas de Iuan de Mena | sobre un

macho" because it is separated from the remainder of the shorter verse, placed between

Las trezientas and La coronación (ill. 62 ); otherwise he uses the same general running50

heads.

Nutius began the edition without prologues or prefaces at the beginning of

Núñez's gloss, and proceeded through the by-now classically-structured corpus of

Mena's works established by Cromberger: Trezientas, shorter cancionero poetry,

Coronación, "Coplas sobre un macho," and adding the Tratado de vicios y virtudes

(Coplas a los siete pecados mortales) (see Appendix II). According to Julian Weiss and

Antonio Cortijo Ocaña, he revised and shortened Núñez's commentary significantly.51

Because I don't have an image of the opening in the book itself, this is as close as I can get, as50

the pdf of the microfilm goes page by page, separating the opening and distorting the page proportions.

Personal communication of Julian Weiss, who, with Antonio Cortijo Ocaña, is preparing a51

critical edition of Núñez's commentary. A draft of their edition is available on the eHumanista site athttp://www.ehumanista.ucsb.edu/projects/Weiss%20Cortijo/index.shtml. According to their provisional"Introduction" to this preliminary version, there are relatively few modifications to Núñez's commentaryin the sixteenth-century editions, with the exception of "the more substantial interventions of Martín




The layout of the page is relatively simple, consisting of a one-column text block,

whether verse or prose commentary (ill. 31).

Steelsius, in contrast, began his edition with a long dedication to Gonzalo Pérez,

secretary to Prince Philip and archdeacon of Sepúlveda, relating Mena's position and

work to that of Homer, which Pérez translated, particularly in its encyclopedic aspects

and moral philosophy (ill. 33). This is followed by an alphabetical index of first lines of

all the poetry, strophe by strophe (rather than just the first line of each order, as Coci

had done) (ill. 34), and then Mena's works (ill. 35). Here, the mise en recueil is more

like Coci's cancionero editions, with sequence of the main works – Trezientas,

Coronación, and Tratado de los vicios y virtudes – only interrupted by the "Coplas

sobre un macho" between Laberinto and Coronación (ill. 62). The shorter courtly

works follow the Tratado de los vicios y virtudes.

The volume closes, however, with an extensive subject and onomastic index,

keyed to the most striking typographical aspect of the edition, the inclusion of upper

case letters (A-D) in the outer margins of those pages with commentary, that is, for the

vast majority of the text (ills. 35-37); the locator(s) for each entry include both page

number and page segment. One last value-added feature of the text is the errata,52

complete with instructions on how to correct the errors, which are signaled not only by

Nucio, Antwerp, 1552" [las intervenciones más sustanciosas de Martín Nucio, Amberes, 1552].

"Alphabetical table, of many family and given names, both of individual persons as well as of 52

peoples and nations, tow ns, mountains, cities, places, r ivers, and of other somewhat notable thingscontained in the commentaries on the works of the famous poet Juan de Mena" [Tabla Alphabetica , demuchos apellidos y nombres, assi de personas particulares, como de gentes y naciones, pueblos, montes,villas, lugares, rios, y de otras cosas algo notables, contenidas enlos commentarios sobre las obras d’elfamoso poeta Iuan de Mena] (Ggg8r-Iii8r]). I term the divisions of the page "segments" following a 17 -th

century usage by Caspar Princtius ("segmenta") found by Christopher Handy and adduced in a discussionof marginal guide letters on Exlibris in mid-June of 2011.




page but by line number (ill. 37). As the unnamed editor says of himself:

I worked . . . to restore [Mena's works] by collating and conferring the

depraved places with old copies, communicating them to learned men of

grave judgment, and to print them in more comfortable and polished form

than they were before.53

While his editorial efforts may not have succeeded, although Sánchez de las Brozas took

this edition as his base copy (see Appendix III), his compositorial criteria were certainly

successful.54

FURTHER E VIDENCE FROM OTHER IMPRINTS

Steelsius' edition of Mena's works is truly a deluxe reader's edition, and the costs

of producing it – paper and ink, the amount of type necessary to set it and the

complexity of its composition, the time in various kinds of indexing – were undoubtedly

high. Compared with the more traditional and workaday edition of Nutius, it might lead

one to think that Steelsius was simply a much more sophisticated and better funded (or

connected) publisher and printer. Yet looking beyond these two editions and the series

of parallel editions under consideration, there are clues that further nuance possible

interpretations. In particular, two additional imprints outside the series of double

"Trabajé, segun mejor pude, restituyrlas, cotejando y conferiendo los lugares deprauados con53

exemplares antiguos, comunicandolos con hombres doctos y de graue juyzio, y imprimirlas en forma mascommoda y polida que antes etauan," 2 -3 in the Steelsius edition.v r

I often use the pdf version of this edition for my own work as a means of finding what I'm54

looking for, then turning to the latest critical edition. One wonders if Nutius himself or perhaps Bellerusmight have been the editor, who describes the circumstances of the commission as "mandando me lo IuanSteelsio, ho[m]bre aquien yo principalmente soy obligado de obedescer" (2 ). Juan Martín Cordero isv

also a possibility, although his sonnet in the Urrea version of El Caballero Determinado suggests that hewas more committed to sixteenth-century Italianate verse forms rather than fifteenth-century works likeMena's.




editions provide relevant data.

The first shows that both Steelsius and Nutius added such reader's aids to many

of their publications, and that they both produced such deluxe editions. Nutius also

published in 1552 a structurally similar deluxe edition in folio of Cristóbal Calvete de

Estrella's The Most Felicitous Tour of the Most High and Powerful Prince Philip, Son of

the Emperor Charles V The Greatest, From Spain to his Realms in Flanders, with the

Description of All the States of Brabant and Flanders. Written in Four Books (ills. 63-

64). The front matter includes the usual privileges, but for all the realms of the55

Spanish Empire (in Spanish and French), and Latin poems in praise of the work.

Calvete included a prologue dedicating it to Charles V, and, like his maestro Hernán

Núñez in the first edition of his commentary to the Laberinto, also included a

"Catalogue of the authors both classical and modern that I have followed in this work."56

This, however, is followed by an index that could have been commissioned by

Nutius or even by Calvete himself and possibly prepared by Joannes Bellerus (the

indexer of Steelsius' edition of Cieza de León) – "Index of the main subjects that are

contained in these four books of The Most Felicitous Tour. The number signifies the

leaf." (6r-8r) – again, complete with instructions. There is as well another index at57

the end, the "General and very copious index of the weighty sayings and most important

El felicissimo viaie D’el mvy alto y mvy Poderoso Principe Don Phelippe, Hijo d’el Emperador 55

Don C arlos quinto M aximo, desde España à sus tierras de la baxa A lemaña: con la descripcion de todoslos Estados de Brabante y Flandes. Escrito en quatro libros.

"Catalogo de los avtores assi antigvos como modernos, que en esta obra he seguido."56

"Tabla delas principales cosas, qve en estos qvatro libros d’el Viaje se contienen. El numero57

significa la hoja. "




and memorable things contained in these four books" (Lll1r-Nn4r), as well as an errata58

statement at the end of the volume (NNn5r-NNn6r). The text also includes an engrav-

ing of a triumphal arch erected for the imperial entry with an explanation (ill. 64).59

In prefacing the errata Nutius alluded to the complexity of the text, and the

difficulties entailed in its production:

In the printing of this book, it has not been possible to put as much dili-

gence as was required, so that it could come out without any defects. Since

who can be completely diligent, in a work as varied, and requiring as much

effort as the present one, in which are considered so many varied subjects

and histories, and in which mention is made of so many details, antiqui-

ties, and customs, of so many lands, provinces, nations, states and realms.

Even more so since the author, occupied in finding out and verifying many

places touching on the above-mentioned subjects, was unable to monitor

the details of printing. For this reason the work has appeared with some

vices, that will be emended, God willing, in the second printing, and in the

meanwhile you, Kind Reader, can easily correct them, following the

present suggestion, put on the following page. (NNn4v)60

"Tabla general y copiosissima de las sentencias y cosas mas insignes y memorables, contenidas58

en estos quatro libros" (LLl1r).

"Declaracion del arco trivmphal. La delos vocablos se puede ver enel Libro tercero."59

"Enla impression deste libro no se ha podido poner tanta diligencia como se requeria, para que60

saliera a luz sin defectos. Porque quien basta en obra tan varia, y de tanto trabajo como la presente, dondese tratan tan diuersas materias y historias y se haze mencion de tantas particularidades, antiguedades, ycostumbres, de tantas Tierras, Prouincias, Naciones, Estados y Señorios, ser d’el todo diligente? Quantomas que el Auctor ocupado en aueriguar y verificar muchos lugares tocantes alas dichas materias, no

pudo tener cuenta con las menudencias dela impression. A esta causa sale la obra con algunos vicios, quese emendaran, plaziendo a Dios, enla segunda impression, y entre tanto tu Benigno Lector los podras




The edition (folio in 8s and 6s with a page height of around 27 cm.) is truly impressive,

even with the "vicios" to which Nutius alludes in his apology and defense, similar in

structure to Steelsius' Mena yet even more elegant and sophisticated, because of its

august subject and purpose (propaganda for the imperial heir, the purpose of the entire

tour of his various North European realms, which Philip would inherit in another four

years) and its folio format. The "most felicitous tour" [felicíssimo viaje] itself – from

1548 to 1551 – corresponded to the initial phase of the series of parallel editions, and

doubtless brought a tremendous influx of Spaniards to the Low Countries which in itself

created a demand for imprints celebrating and documenting the tour of the heir.61

In addition to the similar value-added readers' tools of the edition of Mena and

The Most Felicitous Tour, one further detail connects Calvete's Tour with the series of

parallel editions. As Peeters Fontainas points out, the design of the heraldic device on

its title page reappeared in 1553 and 1555 on the title page of Acuña's translation of El

caballero determinado (ills. 38 and 63) published by Steelsius, and, as he also notes,

Calvete held the privilege for El cavallero determinado (Peeters Fontainas Officine 56),

facilmente corregir, siguiendo el presente auiso, que se pone ela hoja, que se sigue."

These include books of engravings of the decorations and structures having to do with triumphal61

entries to the main cities of the Low Countries, e.g. Cornelius de Schryver, Spectaculorum in susceptione Philippi Hisp. Prin. ... (Antwerp: Petro Alosten, 1550), showing the structures and decorations for Philip'sentry into Antwerp; a triumphal arch is reproduced on p. 33 in Fernando Checa Cremades, ed., Cristobal Plantino: un siglo de intercambios culturales entre Amberes y Madrid (Madrid: Fundación Carlos deAmberes, Ed. Nerea, 1995). See particularly Fernando Bouza's essay "De política y tipografía: en torno aFelipe II y los Países Bajos," pp. 31-52 in the same volume; also of interest is Checa Cremades'contribution, "La imagen y el texto: el valor de la actividad artística en la época de Cristóbal Plantino ,"

pp. 77-101. Josep Lluís Martos analyzes the "self-censoring" [autocensura] in Nutius' 1557 edition of theCancionero general , first published in Valencia in 1511, with additional recently-composed poems byPhilip II's retinue, many on the events of their lengthy tour with Philip, such as his marriage to MaryTudor (subject of the suppressed poem).




and personally funded its publication. Steelsius' edition of Acuña's translation was62

even more closely connected to the court, as well, in that it is asserted that Charles V

read Olivier de la Marche's French text often, as it was written by a well-loved courtier of

the circle of his great-grandfather, grandfather and aunt, and then translated it into

Spanish prose himself, to then be versified by Acuña and published by Calvete de

Estrella (Clavería 55, 61-7). Both versions of La Marche's text lay out Charles V's

genealogical connections with the principals in de la Marche's poem, the Houses of

Burgundy and Habsburg, with Urrea's account going into tedious detail, according to

Clavería (153).

The second imprint related to the parallel editions of Mena is Steelsius' edition of

La Vlyxea, the full translation of the Odyssey into Spanish by Gonzalo Pérez, to whom

Steelsius' Mena of 1552 is dedicated (ills. 65-68). Steelsius, along with Andrea de

Portonariis of Salamanca, published the first editions of Pérez's translation of books 1-13

of the Odyssey in 1550. Also beautiful publications in terms of typography and mise en63

page (all three editions are very similar), Pérez dedicated his translation of the full text

of the Odyssey to Philip II, already king as of 15 January 1556, praising him for having

all the heroic virtues of which Homer writes (particularly in regard to his returning

In 1564, he was granted an extension of the previous privilege since some 700 copies were lost62

at sea, and the merchant who was supposed to sell other copies ran off with them, one of which may berepresented in the record in Peeters-Fontainas, . See Paz y Meliá, xxv.

A bibliography of the editions of Gonzalo Pérez's translation is found in Ángel González63

Palencia's Gonzalo Pérez: secretario de Felipe Segundo (Madrid: CSIC, Instituto Jerónimo Zurita, 1945),344-7. The first edition appeared simultaneously in 1550 in Salamanca from the presses of Andrea dePortonariis, and in Antwerp from those of Juan Stelsio. Both have similar format and page layout, whichis continued again with the 1556 imprint of the full translation, only from Steelsius. As Pérez alsoaccompanied then-prince Philip on the Viaje felicísimo of 1548-1551, he too w ould have spent time inAntwerp in September of 1549 (Hernando Sánchez xiv).




England to orthodoxy). The imprint, also in 8s, has none of the navigational aids of 64

Steelsius' edition of Mena, but does include an errata statement (ill. 68). There is no

commentary and no indexing, only a brief initial introduction to the argument of each

book set in roman type, while the poem itself is set in italic (ill. 67). It does not at all

emphasize the encyclopedic aspects of Homer's work praised in the dedication to the

latter work by its unknown editor, who describes himself as a colleague of Steelsius, and

a servant of Gonzalo Pérez (a courtier or functionary).65

In all these editions, there is a common network of collaborators beyond Nutius

and Steelsius. In the same year that he republished Jarava's translation of Erasmus'

Apothegmas while Nutius published Tamara's, Steelsius also published the latter's

translation of a series of Ciceronian treatises, and included Jarava's translation of

Xenophon's Economica: Libros de Marco Tvlio Ciceron, en qve tracta Delos Officios,

Dela Amicicia, y Dela Senectud. Co[n] la Economica de Xenophon, traduzidos de Latin

en Roma[n]ce Castellano. Añadieronse agora nveuamente los Paradoxos, y el Sueño de

Scipion, traduzidos por Iuan Iaraua (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1549) (ills. 69-71).

This imprint is also an example of the kinds of relatively sophisticated indexing prac-

ticed in this group of printer/publishers, making use of printed marginalia (ill. 70)

which also serve as the lemmata for the index (ill. 71). Juan Martín Cordero, by Nutius'

Fernando Bouza's "De política y tipografía: en torno a Felipe II y los Países Bajos," pp. 31-52 in64

Fernando Checa Cremades, ed. Cristobal Plantino: un siglo de intercambios culturales entre Amberes y Madrid (Madrid: Fundación Carlos de Amberes; Editorial Nerea, 1995) contextualizes this emphasis onthe part of Gonzalo Pérez; see particularly pp. 46-9. The first edition was also dedicated to Philip, thenthe prince and heir designate, but not yet wed to Mary Tudor nor king, emphasizing the value of themoral philosophy of the Odyssey and the example of Ulysses as a wise and educated ruler.

El Brocense's edition of Mena is in line with this avoidance of the encyclopedic gathering of 65

erudition in commentary, but is thus also the last edition of Mena's poetry until the eighteenth century.




request, lived with and worked for him, and in the same period, while Cordero was still

living with Nutius, Plantin published his translation of the Flores of Seneca, one of the

first books Plantin brought out (Moll 18), and his Italianate sonnet prefaces Urrea's

"translation" of El Caballero Determinado. The 1539 edition of Guevara's Libro Aureo

carries a Steelsius imprint (ill. 20), but the colophon states that it was printed by Juan

Grapheus (175r; ill. 20a). Many Nutius, Steelsius, and Bellerus imprints carry colo-

phons that they were printed by Hans de Laet (ills. 19, 37, 48, 57, 61). As with the

chronicles of discovery, there is thus every indication of a network of cooperation and

collegiality – which certainly did not preclude conflict and competition, as can be seen

from the records of Plantin's press – among the printers in Antwerp. Plantin's records

show a great deal of trade and subcontracting among the various officines, and Nutius'

and Steelsius' imprints themselves indicate such.66

OF SPANISH IMPRINTS IN 16 -CENTURY A NTWERPTH

While certain aspects of the series of imprints by Steelsius and Nutius might

suggest competition between the two printers, many more aspects suggest a cooperative

division of labor and perhaps a different kind of competition to reach divided audiences,

and, without more direct evidence of such a "war" beyond Peeters-Fontainas' assertion,

does not stand. Each category of imprints suggests different possibilities. The popular

morality texts show considerable overlap of participants in their production, and atrading-off of more elaborate vs. simpler editions, and the same is suggested by the

See Voet II: 12, 14, 26, 245 n.4, 472 for dealings with Steelsius and Nutius; and I: 67 for a66

conflict over a privilege with the heirs of Steelsius in 1571, whose spokesman was Pieter Bellerus, whichwas resolved by both presses issuing editions.




romance literature imprints. Steelsius may have included a preponderance of value-

added navigational aids for readers, suggesting a possible difference of opinion on what

the market required or reaching either scholars or more cultured readers. Or this could

still represent a more cooperative division of expense and labor, taking turns providing

more sophisticated and thus more expensive editions for a more affluent sector of the

market, a notion supported by the fact that each brings out a deluxe edition in the same

year and for those at the highest levels of the court (Nutius with Calvete de Estrella's The

Most Felicitous Tour and Steelsius with the edition of Mena dedicated to Gonzalo

Pérez). These editions might well be directed to a sector of the market that perhaps

wanted ready-to-cite editions of either current events or classics, i.e. that didn't require

intensive reading, rubrication, and internalization on the part of the reader, who was

then armed with readily accessible tokens of high culture or with readily available

inspirational reading by topic. These "classics," both in the sense of writers of antiquity

and in the sense of already-canonical and thus much cited authors like Mena, were also

tokens of culture and social status, rather than deeply internalized erudition, and,

indeed, citing The Most Felicitous Tour would have garnered the cachet of power from

the imperial court.

Sepúlveda's romances and the chronicles of discovery are indicative of a market

clamoring for new works. Both are historical, the former in a much looser sense and the

latter more strictly, with the added dimension of carrying new geographical knowledge.

The ballads recount history, both distant and recent, along with religious and fictional

themes, rather like topical popular songs (which is in essence what they were). The

chronicles are the most compelling of recent news of exciting new realms, realms that




had everything to do with everyday commerce and personal fortunes among the Spanish

communities (Goris 58-69 et passim), particulary that resident in Antwerp, which had

become the trading center of the first globalization (Goris 2). Not only that, but the very

shape of the world changed with the discovery of the New World – signaled in correc-

tions to Núñez's commentary to Laberinto on the torrid zone by readers throughout the

sixteenth century. As one of them wrote in a copy of the edition of Sevilla: Pegnizer,

Magno, y Tomás, compañeros alemanes, 1499 (M9; BNE INC/651), "O my Comendador,

and how deceived you are along with the ancients"” (xxii ). Enthusiastic curiosity for v 67

new details was rampant, pricking ambitions, and, as noted, prompting integration of

that information into encyclopedic texts like the commentary to Mena's Trescientas.

The conquest of the New World had just been more or less completed, and new

markets were opening, creating the commercial boom (that would go bust more than

once in the financial cycles and speculation of the 16 century). But in the 1540s andth

1550s, Antwerp was a vibrant center of intellectual, religious, and commercial freedom,

and jealous of those liberties (which would be lost during the rebellion against Spanish

rule and then after Alessandro Farnese's crushing reconquest of the city in 1585) (Goris

2; Tellier 309). With Philip II's rule, the Spanish population grew from the increase of

government functionaries and soldiers as well as merchants (Goris 69) – indeed, his

"tour" of the Low Countries and his attendance on Mary Tudor in England included

some 3,000 courtiers in his train.

In addition to the significant Spanish population in Antwerp itself, the Low

Countries, and other zones of northern Europe, Flemish printers along with those of

"O mi Come[n]dador y q[ue] engañado estais ta[m]bie[n] como los antiguos."67




Lyons and Venice exported a significant quantity of books both to Spain and to the New

World (Griffin 106). According to Moll, Flemish penetration into the Spanish book

trade was not a result of Christopher Plantin's mythical imperial privilege, but a

condition of the cost of manufacturing books and the failure of Spanish publishers to

take advantage of the market for Spanish books in the rest of Europe, something that

Plantin and his successors pursued quite successfully (Moll 21). Goris documents those

foreigners importing and exporting in Antwerp in 1553, as well as locals, and Martinus

Nutius appears on the list (Goris 250). Books and paper also figure largely in Antwerp's

exports to Spain and Portugal (Goris 302-316), corroborating Griffin's data from

Spanish sources, and suggesting that paper, one of the most expensive elements of

printing, was cheaper in the Low Countries (not so cheap, however, that Nutius was

willing to let it remain blank in his imprints). Nutius and Steelsius also appear in68

transactions with Christopher Plantin in the records of the latter, buying bindings from

Plantin (Voet II:265n.4), buying books from and selling them to Plantin (Voet II:472).

As both José Simón Díaz and Léon Voet document, the legalities of publishing in

Spain and the Spanish Empire, while apparently closely legislated, were much more

difficult to enforce, and only come into full legal effect in the 1550s (Simón Díaz chaps.

2-3; Voet v.2, chap. 10, particularly 258-267). While the privileges granted to Steelsius

and Nutius were often issued by different functionaries in the imperial court in Brussels

We know from Voet that Steelsius bought paper from Plantin (Voet II:26). Lluís Martos is68

puzzled by the retention of the rubric of a poem in N utiu s' 1557 Cancionero general on the recto of a leaf,and its suppression on the verso of the same leaf (397r-397v), which caused a series of anomalies in theimprint (a missing title in the table of contents, oddities in composition). This may be explained by

Nutius' habitual frugality with paper, as the forme for the recto of the leaf was already printed when theeditorial decision was made to suppress the remainder of the poem, requiring the shifts in the other formein order to use what had already been printed.




(and usually the same ones for each), and may thus indicate the "underhanded war" that

Peeters Fontainas theorizes, this does not seem to me to be a crucial element in their

production of the dual editions under consideration here. The conflict over the privilege

granted for a liturgical imprint between Plantin and the heirs of Steelsius, resolved by

both parties producing an edition also suggests that exclusive rights were not pursued

rigidly (Voet I:67). Rather, as I have shown, a number of different factors were in play

in each group of parallel editions, and, as a relatively tight community of

printer/publishers with equally tight connections to the imperial court, they could

pursue opportunities for market penetration and niche markets that required coordi-

nated efforts of their entire community to take fullest advantage.69

Thus the simultaneous editions of Mena's works seem to me to be not so much

doubled as divided in order to conquer (to turn the figure around) – parallel editions,

designed for different audiences. As the material features of the imprints indicate and

the various contemporary imprints of their presses also show, particularly the editions

of Mena's works, each often produced a more traditional, lower-cost edition for a wider

audience, and also produced deluxe readers' editions connected to and aimed at those

with the means to buy them and the social ambitions to need them in easily navigated

versions, as well as at the highest level of the Spanish elite of not only the Netherlands,

but the farthest reaches of the Spanish Empire. The notion that different editions were

designed to more effectively penetrate a diverse market is borne out by the remaining

It is possible that, with some of the works most directly connected with the imperial court,69

individuals like Cristóbal Calvete de Estrella or others, played one printer off against the other to get a better deal. This does not, however, preclude cooperation among Nutius, Steelsius, Bellero et al . tocounter such a tactic.




copies of the 1552 editions of Mena: 40 of Nutius' edition, and 39 of Steelsius', the

highest totals and widest distribution of any early edition of Mena's works that I have

registered and tallied. What an irony: turning Antwerp's integration into the Haps-70

burg Spanish empire into a means to undercut economically that very empire, much

resented by many Flemish citizens.

In addition, these Spanish editions from Antwerp point to a rich vein of research

to pursue in both literary and bibliographical studies, as well as the history of indexing

and of the book. For example, a study dedicated to the transmission of Guevara's Libro

aureo and the Relox de principes – both dedicated to guiding the morality of the

powerful, particularly emperors like Marcus Aurelius himself, in order to discourage

tyranny – might well reveal interesting social and political dimensions to their produc-

tion and transmission, particularly in the Low Countries. Particularly interesting is the71

difference between the two Spanish versions of Olivier de la Marche's El caballero

determinado, in the context of both traditional versus italianate poetics and nationalist

versus imperialist ideologies, an aspect of particular interest in understanding the

publishing history and reception of Mena's works in the sixteenth and seventeenth

centuries. Furthermore, La Marche's poem has clear similarities to much of Iberian

poetry of the fifteenth century as well as profound connections to the attachment to

chivalresque novels on the part of royals around Europe (think of not only the vogue of

See Appendix III, particularly regarding the 1517/1520 Cromberger editions of Mena's works.70

The copy held by the Municipal Library of Besançon belonged to Nicolas Perrenot de Granvelle, Minister of Justice for Charles V.

See http://www.filosofia.org/guevara.htm, which links to digital editions of Guevara's work, and71

includes a brief biography. According to the latter, the third book of the Reloj de príncipes proteststyranny that is abusive of its subjects, in defense of the natives of the Americas. The same might beapplied to the situation of the Low Countries under the Hapsburgs.




Amadís de Gaula and its continuations and translations, but the Pisanello frescos in the

Palazzo Ducale in Mantua ).72

Closer examination of the differences in the text of Núñez's commentary in the

1552 Antwerp editions may further clarify the differences in audience to which each

printer was directing his editorial endeavor (see n.51). The Aldine octavo classics are

clearly a model for editions of canonical authors, and should be integrated into a full

understanding of their mise en page. The effect of Steelsius' edition is apparent in the

1566 editions (M43-4), and (one suspects) the 1560? edition, all from Alcalá de Henares

and the presses of Juan de Villanueva and Pedro de Robles, and that of 1582 (M47), and

the effect of the change of mise en page with a mise en recueil that is much more

characteristic of the late fifteenth century is quite curious.

My analysis here has not only outlined the major trends in publishing Mena's

works, but also suggested differing audiences for different editions, and raised questions

about the uses of Mena's work in the shifting poetics and ideologies of the sixteenth

century. Mena's position, however, was clearly not simply that of the "famosíssimo

poeta" but as an icon of traditional Spanish culture and a repository for erudition and

doctrine, indicated by the commentaries on his longer poems (and the kinds of annota-

tions to which copies were subjected), and by the doctrinal tradition (what I have here

called the cancionero tradition), which reappears in the strange editions of 1566. The

esthetic impact of the Antwerp editions of 1552 is clear, and the integration of Mena's

works into the ideology and esthetic of Renaissance culture and literature was signaled

See Joanna Woods-Marsden, The Gonzaga of Mantua and Pisanello’s Arthurian Frescoes72

(Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press, 1988).




by both the editing and the typography of his works, their mise en recueil and their mise

en page at the ebullient center of power of the Habsburg empire. With the downplaying

of erudition, and its locus in the commentaries to Mena's works, early modern editions

of Mena cease, and his works only reappear again in the context of erudition in the

eighteenth century, reprinted in the complete works of El Brocense and in anthologies of

the history of Spanish poetry. This aspect, too, calls for further research and analysis.

Clearly, a further accounting of the specific interventions of Spanish writers,

intellectuals, and political figures in the publishing history of Spanish editions in the

Low Countries – Cristóbal Calvete de Estrella, Gonzalo Pérez, Juan Martín Cordero, the

unnamed editor of Steelsius' 1552 edition of Mena – is called for and has yet to be

written – and will require archival research in Brussels and Antwerp. This small slice of

the rich history of editions of Spanish books in Antwerp as well as in Spain in itself

suggests important intellectual and editorial activity at the highest levels of the house-

holds of the Habsburg monarchs of the sixteenth century, promoting the culture of the

book. Combining the insights offered by detailed bibliographical analysis with recent73

vigorous scholarship on the libraries of Spanish monarchs and elites (Isabel the Catho-

lic, Charles V, Philip II and others ), should provide a richer and more nuanced74

Bouza's essay documents a profound interest in typography on the part of Philip II, and a deep73

awareness of not only political, esthetic, and communicative aspects of printing, but also marketingaspects of publishing.

See among o thers: Fernando Bouza, Imagen y propaganda : capítulos de historia cultural del 74

reinado de Felipe II , prol. Roger Chartier, Akal universitaria: Serie Historia moderna, (Madrid: Akal,1998); Pedro Cátedra, Nobleza y lectura en los tiempos de Felipe II: la b iblioteca de Don A lonso Osorio Marqués de Astorga (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, Consejería de Educación y Cultura, 2002);Gonzalo Sánchez-Molero, José Luis, La "Librería r ica" de Felipe II: estudio his tórico y cata logación(San Lorenzo del Escorial (Madrid): R.C.U. Escorial Ma. Cristina, Servicio de Publicaciones, 1998);Elisa Ruiz García, Los libros de Isabel la Católica: arqueología de un patrimonio escrito , Serie Mayor v.6 (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, Instituto de Historia del Libro y de la Lectura, 2004) and Isabel




understanding of the politics and culture of the book. But not only among the elite of

the late fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries, it should also provide a better idea of the

dissemination of culture and doctrine among all levels of society by means of the kinds

of imprints sponsored or promoted.

la Católica: los libros de la reina (Casa del Cordón, Burgos, 3 de diciembre de 2004 a 5 de enero de2005) (Burgos: Fundación Instituto Castellano Leonés de la Lengua, 2004).




A PPENDIX I: JUAN DE MENA : E ARLY EDITIONS (1483-1582)

My research has thus far garnered som e 47 editions, some of which will doubtless turn out to be

"ghosts" or miscatalogued , as, for example, the five copies of a 1520 Crom berger ed ition of the

Trezientas, said date being that of the separate im print of the Coronación with which it is

frequently bound (see below). This spurious edition is not counted in the above tally nor does it

appear in the bibliography of early ed itions of Mena.

1.

1483 ca. Cancionero

Coplas contra los siete pecados in Vita xpi fecho por coplas por frey yñigo de me[n]doça a

petiçio[n] dela mu y v irtuosa señora doña juana de cartagena. Zamora: Antón de Centenera .

GW Online M18727: 2 90 ff. a-e f g h-m [2]. Wilkinson: not listed.o 8 6 10 8

2.

1486 ca.

Las .CCC. Salamanca: Printer of Nebrissensis, ‘Introductiones.’ ISTC online: im00484500. GW

Online M2277710: 44 ff. a-e f (also identified there as 1481? Évora or Salamanca). Wilkinson:8 4

not listed.

3.1489 ca.

Coronación . Toulouse?: Juan Parix y Esteban Clebat. ISTC online: im0048 2000. GW Online

M22775: 4 82 ff. a-i k (Ill. 1; microfilm BNE) Wilkinson: 12783. (Ill. 1)o 8 10

4.

1489 May 8

Coblas de Juan de Mena. Zaragoza: Hans Hurus. ISTC online: im00485000. GW Online

22783: 4 46 ff. a-e f (Incipit: "Comie[n]ça el labirintho de Iuan de mena poeta castellano").

o 8 6

Wilkinson: 12784.

5.

1490-91 ca.

La coronación a Don Iñigo Lopez de M endoça, Marques de Santillana . Zaragoza?: Pablo




Hurus? ISTC Online im00482500: 4 . GW Online M22776. Wilkinson: 12785.o

6.

1496 January 12

Las ccc s ive el Labirintho. Sevilla: [Meinardus Ungut and Stanislaus Polonus], A instâcia y

espesas de juan thomas fauario de lumelo. ISTC online: im00485300. GW Online 22779: 4 44o

ff. a-e f Wilkinson: 12787.8 4

7.

1499

Coronación de Juan de Mena al Marqués. Zaragoza: Hurus. GW Online M22776: 4 104 ff. a-no 8

Wilkinson: not listed.

8.

1499 August 28

Las .CCC. del fam osissimo poeta juan de mena cõ glosa. Sevilla: Ympressos cõ mucha

dilige[n]cia y correciõ por Joãnes pegnizer de Nurenberga y magno y Thomas cõpañeros

alemanes. ISTC online: im00486000. GW Online M22780: F . 190 ff. a-z [et] Foliated.o 8 6

Wilkinson: 12790. (Ill. 2)

9.

1499 October 7

Las .ccc. de Jua[n] de me[n]a . Sevilla: Acabãse las .ccc. de Juan de m ena emprem idas en Seuilla

enel añ de M ill. cccc. e xcix. a. vij. dias d’Octubrio: por Johãnes pegnizer de nurem berga y

magno herbst compañeros alemanes. ISTC online: im00485500. GW Online M22778: 4 44 ff.o

a-e f Wilkinson: 12791.8 4

10.1499 November 5

Coronaciõ cõpuesta por el famoso poeta Iuã de Mena: al mu y illustre cauallero don Yñigo

lopez de mendoça m arques de santillana. Salamanca: Typ. de Nebrija: «Gramática» (Haeb.

470); Second Gothic Group? (HSA PB ) ISTC online: im00483000. GW Online M22774: 2 34o

ff. a-c d e f Wilkinson: 12788.6 4 8 4




11.

1499 November 12

Coronación . Sevilla: Lançalao Polono. ISTC online: im00483500. GW Online M22774: 4 80o

ff. a-k Wilkinson: 12789.8

12.

1500

Coplas d’los siete peccados mortales hechas por el famoso po eta Juan de mena. (Por

fallecimiento del fa moso poeta Jua[n] de mena prosigue Gom ez ma [n]rrique a q[ue]sta obra

por el començada: haze v n breue prohemio.) Salamanca: [Printer of Nebrissensis, 'Gramática']

ISTC online: im00481800. GW Online M22771: 4 20 ff. a b-d Wilkinson: 12792. ISTC online:0 8 4

im00481800

13.

1500 ca.

Coplas de los siete peccados mortales, glosadas y acabadas por Hieronymo de Oliuares. N.p.:

n.p., n.d. Wilkinson: Not listed.

14.1500 ca. Cancionero

De los VII peccatos mortales que fizo Joan de Mena and Obra de Joan de Mena intitulada La

Fla ca barquil la de mis pensamientos in Coplas de Fernan Perez de Guzman de vicios e

virtudes. N.p.: n.p., n.d. ISTC online: not listed. GW online: not listed. Paris Bibliothèque

National FRBNF31081042 (RES- YG- 14): F A-N (without further specification). Wilkinson:o

not listed (or not findable).

15.1501 December 7

Las trezientas de Iuande mena. Toledo: Pedro Hagembach et socios. Norton 1021: 4 a-e 40 ff.o 8

unn. 9a: 31 lines, 160 x 74 mm. Gothic. Without comm entary. Wilkinson: 12793.

16.




1504 May 13

Coronacion conpuesta por el famoso poeta Jua n de mena al muy ylustre cauallero dõ yñigo

lopez de me[n]doça, ma rq[ue]s de sãtillana. Toledo: [Sucesor de Pedro Hagembach]. Norton:

1038: 4 a-f g . 54 ff. unn. 6a: 40 lines (commentary) 152 x 96 mm. Gothic. Wilkinson: 12795.o 8 6

17.

1504-1505

[Coplas de los siete pecados mortales.] Ad . Gómez Manrique. Toledo: [Sucesor de Pedro

Hagembach]. Martín Abad Post-incunables 1031: 4 . a b c 20 ff. unn. 2a: 30 lines, 163 X 103o 8 8 4

mm. Wilkinson: 12794.

18.

1505?

Coplas de los siete pecados mortales: fechas por el famoso poeta Juan de mena: glosadas [et]

acabadas por Jeronimo d e oliuares: cauallero de la orden de alcantara. Sevilla?: Jacobo

Cromberger. Martín Abad Post- incunables 1032: 4 . Wilkinson: 12796.o

19.

1505 November 7

Las .CCC. del fam osissimo poeta juan de mena cõ glosa. Granada: Juan Varela de Salamanca.Martín Abad Post-incunables 1038. Norton 350: F . a-r 136 ff.: [1] ij-cxxxvj; 4a: 48 lineso 8

(gloss), 253 X 153 mm.; headlines. Gothic. Wilkinson: 12797.

20.

1506 May 5 Cancionero

Las CCC .. co n su g losa, e Las cinque[n]ta con su glosa, [y ] otras obras Çaragoça: George coci, a

insta[n]cia del varon Loys malferit. Norton 616: F . A a-p q . 136 ff.: [6] I-CXXX. 25a: 63 lineso 6 8 10

(comm entary), 239 x 157 mm.; headlines. Marginalia. 2-3 columns. Gothic. Wilkinson: 12798.

21.

1509 September 23 Cancionero

Las. ccc. co. xxiiij. coplas agora nueuamete añadidas: del fam osissimo poeta Juan de Mena con

su glosa las cinquenta con su glosa: otras obras . Zaragoza: George coci. Norton 631: F . [* ] a-o 2




l ll m-p q . 138 ff. [2] I-LXXXVIII, [6], LXXXIX-CXXVIII, CXXVI, CSSS. 3a: 63 lines8 6 8 10

(comm entary), 243 x 158 mm.; headlines Two-three columns. Gothic. Wilkinson: 12799.

22.

1512 May 25

Las .CCC. : cõ otras xxiii. coplas y su g losa y la Coronacion : otras cartas : [et] coplas [et]

cãciões. Agora nueuamente añadidas. Sevilla: Jacobo cronberger. Norton 821: F . a-n . 104 ff.:o 8

[1] ij-ciiij. 5a: 57 lines, 237 x 154 mm.; headlines. Two colum ns, final poems in three and four

columns. Gothic. Martín Abad: 1039. Wilkinson: 12801.

23.

1512 February 8

La coronacion com puesta por el fam oso p oeta Juan de Mena : con otra s co pla s anadidas ala

fin hechas por el m esm o poeta .. Sevilla: Jacopo Cronberger. Norton 815: F . a b c . 22 ff.: [1]o 8 8 6

ij-xxij. 3a: 58 lines, 242 x 167 mm. Two columns. Gothic. Martín Abad: 1035. Wilkinson: 12800.

24.

1514 ante quem

[Arte de poesía castellana en coplas .] [Coplas sobre el E cce H om o.] N.p.: n.p. N orton 1357: 4 .o

citing Reg. Colomb. 3973 as reliable testament to its existence. Martín Abad 1030. Wilkinson:12802.

25.

1515 October 5

Las .ccc. del fa mosissimo p oeta Juan de Mena con su glosa: & las Cinquenta cõ su glosa: &

otras obras. Zaragoza: George Coci. Norton 672: F . [ ] a-l ll m -p q . 13 8 ff.: [2 ] I-o 2 8 6 8 10

LXXX VIII, [6], LXXXIX-CXXVIII, CXXX. 3a: 63 lines (commentary), 242 x 157 mm .; headlines.

Two to three columns. Gothic. Wilkinson: 12803.

26.

1517 October 10

Crónica de Juan II . Logroño: Arnao Guillen de Brocar. Norton 427: F A B a b-z aa-hho 10 8 8 8+1 8 8

ii . 281 ff.: [26], j-v, v-ccliiij (31 is an insertion with omitted text). 7a: 54 lines, 267 X 183 mm.;6




headlines. Marginalia (last part). Two cols. Gothic. Wilkinson: 14605.

27.

1517 September 24

Las .ccc. del fa mosissimo p oeta Iuã de m ena: cõ otras .xxiii j. coplas y su g losa y la coronacion

de mesmo poeta: [et] otras cartas: [et] coplas [et] cãciões. Agora nueuam ente añadidas.

Seuilla: Jacobo Cromberger. Norton 904: F . a-n . 104 ff.: [1] ij-ciiij. 5a: 56 lines (commentary,o 8

232 x 162 mm.; headlines Two-four columns. Gothic. Martín Abad: 1040. Wilkinson: 12804.

28.

1519 April 23

Yliada en romance Esta es la yliada de homero en romãce. Traduzida por Iuan de mena.

Valladolid: Arnao Guillen de Brocar. Norton 1328: 4 a-c d . 30 ff. unn. 3a : 32 lines, 147 x 94o 8 6

mm. Gothic. Wilkinson: 10402.

29.

1520 c.

Coplas de los siete pecados m ortales. Glosa y ad. Jerónimo de Olivares Coplas de vicios y

virtudes. Burgos: Alonso de Melgar. Norton 335: 4 Wilkinson: 12805.o

30.

1520 March 8

La coronacion com puesta por el fam oso p oeta Iuan de mena: al illustre Cauallero don y ñigo

lopez de Mendoça m arques de Santillana: cõ otras coplas añadidas ala fin fechas por el mesmo

poeta . Sevilla: Jacobo Cromberger. Norton 927: F . a b c . 22 ff. unn. 17a: 58 lines, 243 x 167o 8 8 6

mm . Two columns. Gothic. Wilkinson: 12806.

31.1528 May 16

La coronacion co[m]puesta por el fa mo so poeta Juan de M ena : con otras coplas añadidas a la

fin hechas por el m esm o poeta . Sevilla: Juan Varela. lmb: a-b , c . Two-four columns. Page8 10

height: 28.1 x 20.1 cm. Gothic. (Ill. 5, 6) Wilkinson: 12810.




32.

1528 May 20

Copilacion de todas las obras del famosissimo poeta Juan de mena: co[n]uiene saber : Las .ccc.

con otras .xxiiij. coplas y su glosa: y la coro[n] acio[n] y las coplas de los siete pecca dos [sic]

mortales co[n] otras cartas y coplas y canciones suyas / Agora nueuame[n] te añadidas.

Sevilla: Juan Varela. lmb: a-n Two-four columns. Page height: 28.1 x 20.1 cm. Gothic.8

Wilkinson: 12808, 12809. (I ll. 3 -4, 6)

33.

1534 May 20

Copilacion de todas las obras del famosissimo poeta Juan de mena: co[n]uiene saber : Las .ccc.

con otras .xxiiij. coplas y su glosa: y la coro[n]acio[n] y las coplas de los siete pecados mortales

co[n] otras cartas y coplas y canciones suyas / Agora nueuam e[n]te añadidas. Sevilla: Juan

Varela. Wilkinson: 12811.

34.

1534 October 6

Coronación . Sevilla: Juan Varela. Wilkinson: 12812.

35.1536

Copilaciõ de todas las obras del famossisimo poeta J. de Mena conviene saber las CCC cõ otras

xxiiii coplas y su glosa y la Coronaciõ, de la s coplas de los Siete Pecca dos m ortales con otras

cartas y coplas y canciones suyas. Agora nuevam ente añadidas. Valladolid: Juan de

Villaquirán, a costa de Cosme d am ian. Wilkinson: 12813.

36.

1536 June 28Coronación . Valladolid: Juan de Villaquirán por Cosme Damián Wilkinson: with 12813?

37.

1540

Copilación de todas las obras del famo ssisimo poeta Juan de M ena: cõviene saber las .ccc. con




otras .xxiiij. coplas y su glosa: y la coronaciõ de las coplas de los siete pecados mortales con

otras cartas y coplas y canciones suyas. Agora nueuamente añadidas [et] imprimidas .

Valladolid: Juan d e V illa quirán. Wilkinson: 12814

38.

1540 December 12

Coronación . Valladolid: Juan de Villaquirán. Wilkinson: with 12814?

39.

1547 December 15 (-1548)

Copilacion d[e] todas las obras del | fam osisimo oeta Juã de m ena: cõ | uene saber Las .ccc. cõ

otras .xxiiii. | coplas y su glosa.y la Coronación | delas coplas delos siete Pecca | dos

mortales:con otras cartas | y coplas y canciones suyas. Agora nueuamente añadidas [et]

Imprimidas . Toledo: Fernando de Santa Catalina defunto. Wilkinson: 12816, 12817.

40 .

1552

Todas las obras del famosissimo poeta Iuan de M ena con la glosa del comendador Fernan

Nuñez sobre la s trez ientas: agora nueuamente corregidas y enmendadas . Antwerp: Martin

Nucio. lmb: 8 A-Vv 345 numbered lvs.; page height: 15.5 cm. (Ills. 29-31) Wilkinson: 12823.o 8

Peeters-Fontainas Biblio graphie : 774.

41.

1552

Las trezientas d 'el fam osissimo p oeta Ivan de Mena, glosadas por Fernan Nuñez, Comendador

de la orden de Sanctiago. Otras XXIIII. Coplas suyas, con su glosa. La Coronacion compuesta

y glosada por el dicho Iuan de Mena. Tratado de vicios y virtudes, con otras Cartas y Coplas, y

Canciones suyas. Todo con exquisita diligencia corregido, y emendado de infinitos errores,allende de otras qualquier impressiones: añadidas de nueuo dos tablas. vna de las coplas, otra

de las materias principales, declaradas por todo el discurso delos Comm entarios. Antwerp:

Juan Steelsio. lmb: 8 A-Iii [32], 830, [34] p.; page height: 14.8 cm. Wilkinson: 12821,o 8 8

12822. Peeters-Fontainas Bibliographie : 773. (Ills. 32-37, 62)




42.

1560? Cancionero

Glosa sobre las trezientas del famosissimo poeta Iuan de Mena co[m ]puesta por Fernan Nu ñez

... ; Comiença la Coronaçio[n] com puesta por el famoso poeta Iuan de Mena ... ;Tratado de

vicios y virtudes hecho por Iuan de Mena, glosado y acabado p or fr. Ieronimo de Olivares de la

Orden de Alcantara ; Siguense los diez mandam ientos y los siete pecados mortales con sus

virtudes contrarias, y las quatorze obras de misericordia tempora les y espirituales y en breue

trobadas por fray Iuan de ciudad rodrigo frayle de la orden de santa m aria dela merced ....

Alcalá de Henares?: en casa de Iuan d e V illanueva y P edro de Robles : a costa de Alonso

Gosner? Wilkinson: 12826.

43.

1566 Cancionero

Las Trezientas del fam osissimo p oeta Iuan de Mena ; con su g losa, y las cinquenta con su

glosa, y otras obras. Alcalá: Juan de Villanueva: Impresso en casa de Iuan de Villanueua y

Pedro de Robles : acosta de miguel Rodriguez. Provisional collational formula: [ð ] ð A B-Ll75 1 2 4 4 8

A-L Wilkinson: 12830. [D igitized m icrofilm of im perfect cop y from the B iblioteca Histórica de8

la Universidad de Alacalá de Henares: Hathi Trust]

44.1566 Cancionero

Las Trezientas del fam osissimo p oeta Iuan de Mena ; con su g losa, y las cinquenta con su

glosa, y otras obras. Alcalá: Juan de Villanueva: Impresso en casa de Iuan de Villanueua y

Pedro de Robles : acosta de Alonso Gomez librero en corte. Provisional collational formula: [ð ]1

ð A B-Ll A-L Wilkinson: 12829; 12830 with date of 1567. [Digitized microfilm of imperfect2 4 4 8 8

copy from the Biblioteca Histórica de la Universidad de Alacalá de Henares: Hathi Trust]

45.1573

The collation of both M43 and M44 has been determined from a digitized microfilm, of the75

Computense copy which lacks the title page. That the preliminaries form a quaternion without the t.p. iscurious, unless the t.p. were tipped on, or perhaps because it was being printed for two booksellers or

perhaps because it contains an engraving. I infer the firs t preliminary gathering, a lthough the copy onHathi Trust lacks it.




Obras. N.p.: n.p. [British Library record: C.20.b.33] Wilkinson: 12832? (Toledo: s.n., 1574)

46.

1575 November 15

Glosa intitulada segunda de m oral sentido, à differencia de otra deste nombre, à los muy

singulares prouerbios del Illustre señor don Yñigo Lopez de Mendoça, Marques de Santillana :

contiense mas eneste libro otra glosa à veynte y quatro coplas de las trezientas de Iuan de

Mena com puestas por Luys de Aranda, vezino d e Vbeda . Granada: Hugo de Mena. Wilkinson:

not listed.

47.

1582

Las O bra s del fam oso P oeta Iuan de Mena nueuamente corregidas y declaradas por el M aestro

Francisco Sanchez Cathed ratico de Prim a de Rhetorica en la V niuers idad de Salam anca.

Salamanca: En Casa de Lucas de Iunta. CCPBE: A-M N Wilkinson: 12834.8 12 4




A PPENDIX II: A NTWERP EDITIONS

("Parallel" editions signalled by *.)

1539 Steelsius

Guevara, Antonio de. Libro aureo de Marco Avrelio, em perador, y eloquentissim o O rador,

nueuamente corregido. Vendense en Enueres por Iuan Steelsio, enel escudo de Borgoña.

Colophon: Fue impresso en la triunfante villa de Enueres por Iuan Grapheus. Año del Señor de

mill e quinie[n]tos e XXXIX. 8 A-Y (UIUC A-X Y ) [Microfilm; UIUC x937.06 Au64Wgo 8 8 8-1

1539] Peeters-Fontainas Bib liographie : 560. Wilkinson: 9895. (Ills. 20-20a).

*1549 Steelsius

Erasmus, Desid erius; trans. J. Jarava, Libro de vidas, y dichos graciosos, ag udos y

sentenciosos, de muchos notables varones Griegos y Romanos. [Not examined] Peeters-

Fontainas Bib liographie : 387. Wilkinson: 6930.

*1549 Nutius

Erasmus, Desider ius; trans. Francisco Tamara. Libro de apothegm as qve son dichos graciosos

y notables de muchos reyes y principes illustres, y de algunos philosophos insignes y

memorables y de otros varones antiguos que bien hablaron para nuestra doctrina y exemplo:

agora nueuam ente traduzidos y recopilados en nuestra le[n]gua castellana 8 a-z A-Z A ao 8 8 8

Bb . [Hispanic Society] Peeters-Fontainas Bib liographie : 386. Wilkinson: 6928, 6929. (Ills.4

11-16)

1549 Steelsius

Cicero; trans. Francisco Tamara. Libros de Ma rco Tvlio Ciceron, en que tracta delos Officios

DelaAmicicia, y D ela Senectu d. Cõ la Econom ica de Xenophon, traduzidos de Latin en Romãce

Castellano. Añadieronse agora nvevam ente los Paradoxos, y el Sueño de Scipion, traduzido

por Iuan d e Ia rava . [UIUC Rare Books MINI00376] Peeters-Fontainas Bibliographie: 250. Wilkinson: 3265, 32 63. (Ills. 69-71)

*1550? Nutius

Sepúlveda, Lorenzo de. Romances nvevam ente sacados de hystorias antiguas dela cronica de

España por Lorenço de Sepulueda vezino de Seuilla. Van añadidos muchos n a vistos




compuesto por vn cauallero Cesario, cuyo nombre se guarda para mayores cosas. [Hispanic

Society] Peeters-Fontainas Bib liographie : 1186. Wilkinson: 17692. (Ills. 25-26)

*1550 Steelsius

Guevara, Antonio de. Libro aureo , dela vida y cartas de M arco Aurelio, Em perador, y

eloquentissimo Orador, nueuam ente corregido, y enmendado. Añadiose de nueuo la Tabla de

todas las Sentencias, y buenos dichos, que en el se contienen. En Anvers. En casa de Iuan

Steelsio. (5 edition for Steelsius.) [Microfilm] Peeters-Fontainas Bib liographie: 565.th

Wilkinson: 9954. (Ills. 17-19 )

*1550 Nutius

Guevara, Antonio de. Libro avreo de Marco Aurelio conel Relox de principes. Imprimiose en

Anvers en el vnicornio dorado a costa de Martin Nucio imprim idor jurad o. [M icrofilm ]

Peeters-Fontainas Biblio graphie : 566. Wilkinson: 9953. (Ills. 21-24)

1551 Steelsius

Ovid; trans. Las m etamorphoses, o Transformaciones del muy excelente poeta Ouidio,

repartidos en quinze libros y traduzidos en Castellano. [UIUC Rare Books IUA09365] Peeters-

Fontainas Bib liographie : 1013. Wilkinson: 14063.

*1551 Steelsius

Sepúlveda, Lorenço de. Romances Nueuamente sacados de historias antiguas dela cronica de

España compuestos por Lorenço de Sepulueda. Añadiose el R om ance dela conquista dela

ciudad de Africa en Berueria, en el año M.D.L. y otros diuersos, como por la Tabla parece.

[Hispanic Society] Peeters-Fontainas Bib liographie : 1185. Wilkinson: 17691. (Ills. 27-28)

1552 Nutius

Calvete de E strella, Iuan Christobal. El fel icissim o viaie D’el m vy alto y mvy Poderoso Principe Do n Phelippe, Hijo d’el E mp erador Don Carlos quinto M aximo, desde España à sus tierras de

la baxa Alemaña: con la descripcion de todos los Estados de B rabante y Flandes. Escrito en

quatro libros, por Iuan Christoual Caluete de Estrella. [Hispanic Society] Peeters-Fontainas

Bibliographie: 170. Wilkinson: 2403. (Ills. 63-64)




*1552 Nutius

Todas las obras del famosissimo poeta Iuan de M ena con la glosa del comendador Fernan

Nuñez sobre la s trez ientas: agora nueuamente corregidas y enmendadas . Antwerp: Martin

Nucio. lmb: 8 A-Vv 345 numbered lvs.; page height: 15.5 cm. Peeters-Fontainas Bibliographie :o 8

774. Wilkinson: 12823. (Ills. 29-31)

*1552 Steelsius

Las trezientas d 'el fam osissimo p oeta Ivan de Mena, glosadas por Fernan Nuñez, Comendador

de la orden de Sanctiago. Otras XXIIII. Coplas suyas, con su glosa. La Coronacion compuesta

y glosada por el dicho Iuan de Mena. Tratado de vicios y virtudes, con otras Cartas y Coplas, y

Canciones suyas. Todo con exquisita diligencia corregido, y emendado de infinitos errores,

allende de otras qualquier impressiones: añadidas de nueuo dos tablas. vna de las coplas, otra

de las materias principales, declaradas por todo el discurso delos Comm entarios. Antwerp:

Juan Steelsio. lmb: 8 A-Iii [32], 830, [34] p.; page height: 14.8 cm. Peeters-Fontainaso 8 8

Bibliographie: 773. Wilkinson: 12821, 12822. (Ills. 32-37, 62)

*1554 Nutius

Cieza de León, Pedro. La Chronica del P erv , nvevamente escrita por Pedro de Cieça de Leon,

vezino de Seuilla. T.p. imprint: En Anvers. En casa de Martin Nucio, M.D.LIII. Con previlegio

imperial. A-Bb Cc . 8 , 204 leaves; wood engravings, some repeateds. [Description from8 4 o

Peeters Fontainas, "Officine" 60] Peeters-Fontaina s Bibliographie: 256. Wilkinson: 3312.

*1554 Steelsius

Cieza de León, Pedro. Parte primera de la chronica del Perv, qve tracta la demarcacion de sus

prouincias, la descripcion dellas, las fundaciones de las nueuas ciudades, los ritos y

costumbres delos Indios, y otras cosas estrañas dignas de ser sabidas. Hecha por Pedro de

Cieça de Leon, vezino de Seuilla. Añadiose de nueuo la descricion y traça de todas las Indias,

con vna Tabla alphabetica delas materias principales enella contenidas. T.p. imprint: "En Anvers, en casa de Iuan Steelsio, M . D. LIIII." Colophon (358v): "Im presso en Anvers por Iuan

Lacio. M. D. LIIII." [Hispanic Society] Peeters-Fontainas Bibliographie : 254. Wilkinson: 3315,

3311 (dated 1544) . (Ills. 43-48)

*1554 Steelsius




López de Gómara, Francisco. La Historia general de las Indias con todos los descubrimientos, y

cossas notables que han acaescido enellas, dende que se ganaron hasta agora . . . Añadiose de

nuevo la descripcion y traça delas Indias, con vna Tabla alphabetica delas Prouincias, Islas,

Puertos, Ciudades, y nomb res de conquista dores y varones principales que alla han passado .

[Microfilm] Peeters-Fontainas Bibliographie: 716. Wilkinson: 11520, 11518 ( Hist. de M exico).

(Ills. 54-58)

*1554 Joannes Bellerus

López de Gómara, Francisco. La Historia general de las Indias con todos los descubrimientos, y

cossas notables que han acaescido enellas, dende que se ganaron hasta agora . . . Añadiose de

nuevo la descripcion y traça delas Indias, con vna Tabla alphabetica delas Prouincias, Islas,

Puertos, Ciudades, y nomb res de conquista dores y varones principales que alla han passado .

Peeters-Fontainas Biblio graphie : 715. Wilkinson: 11521. (Ills. 54-58) [UIUC Rare Books x970

G58h 1554]

*1554 Joannes Bellerus

López de Gómara, Francisco. Historia de Mexico, con el descvbrim iento dela nueua España,

conquistada por elmuy illustre y valeroso Principe don Fernando Cortes, Marques del Valle,

Escrita por Francisco Lopez de Gom ara, clerigo. Añadiose d e la nueuo [sic] descripcion y

traça de todas las Indias, con vna Tabla Alphabetica de las materias, y haza-ñas memorab lesenella contenidas. [Hispanic Society; UIUC Rare Books x972.02 G584h 1554] Peeters-

Fontainas Bib liographie : 715 (v. II). Wilkinson: 11517. (Ills. 59-61)

*1554 Nutius

López de Gómara, Francisco. La Historia general delas India s, y todo lo acaescido enella s

dende que se ganaron hasta agora. Y la conquista de Mexcio, y dela nueuva España. La

segunda parte dela historia general delas Indias. que contiene La conquista de M exico, y dela

nueua España. [Hispanic Society: 2 vols.; microfilm] Peeters-Fontainas Bibliographie: 713,714. Wilkinson: 11522. (Ills. 51-53)

*1554 Nutius

López de Castañeda, Hernán. Historia del descvbrimiento y conquista dela Ind ia por los

Portugueses, co mpuesta por Hernan Lopez de Castañeda en lenguaje Portuguesa, y traduzida




nueuamente en Romance Castellano. [Hispanic Society] Peeters-Fontainas Bib liographie : 712.

Wilkinson: 2872, 28 76.

*1555 Nutius

Marche, Olivier de la; trans. Jerónimo Urrea. Discv rso dela vida hum ana, y aventvras del

Cauallero determinado, traduzido de Frances por don Ieronymo de Vrrea. [Hispanic Society]

Peeters-Fontainas Biblio graphie : 664. Wilkinson: 11068.

*1555 Steelsius

Marche, Olivier de la; trans. Hernando de Acuña. El cavallero determina do tra dvzido d e

lengva Francesa en Castellana por Don Hernando de Acuña, y dirigido al Emperador Don

Carlos Quinto Maximo Rey de España nuestro Señor. [Hispanic Society] Peeters-Fontainas

Bibliographie: 661. Wilkinson: 11065. (Ills. 38-42)

1555 Nutius

Zárate, Augustín de. Historia del Descvbrim iento y Conqvista del P eru con las cosas natvrales

que señaladamente alli se hallan, y los sucessos que ha auido. La qual escriuia Augustin

Çarate, exerciendo el cargo de Contador general de cuentas por su Magestad en aquella

prouincia, y en la de Tierra firme. En Anvers En casa de Martin Nucio . . . Año. M. D. LV.

[microfilm] Peeters-Fontainas Bib liographie : 1393. Wilkinson: 19772. (Ills. 49-50)

1556 Steelsius

Hom er; trans. Gonzalo Pérez. La Vlyxea de Ho mero, traduzido de griego en lengua Castellana,

por el Secretario Gonçalo Perez . Impressa en la insigne ciudad de Anuers, en casa de Iuan

Steelsio, 1556. 8 A-Kkk [UIUC Rare Books] Peeters-Fontainas Bibliographie: 604.o 8

Wilkinson: 1040 6. (Ills. 65-68)




A PPENDIX III: STRUCTURE OF CONTENTS OF MENA COMPILATIONS

1. C ANCIO NERO-LIKE A NTHOLOGIES

Mena 's work entered print via the 1483 imprint of the Coplas de la vita Christi of Fray

Íñigo de Mendoza (M1). This cancionero-like anthology begins with some eleven w orks by

Mend oza, and ends with a series of works by other fifteenth-century Castilian writers, including

Las coplas de los siete pecados m ortales , here printed with its first continuation, that of Gómez

Manrique (subject of the preceding poem in the Vita Christi anthology, the "Coplas a la muerte

de su padre" of Jorge Manrique) (see below). Another printed cancionero of around 1500 (M14)

centers on the work of Fernán Pérez de Guzmán, but includes several of the same texts and

authors found in the Vita Christi anthology, including Mena's Coplas de los siete pecados

mortales, plus an excerpt from the closing stanzas of Las trezientas, "La flaca barquilla de mispensamientos," which Foulché Delbosc took to be a separate poem appended to La s trezientas.

This cancionero combination was shifted slightly but continued under the aegis of

Mena's name through a good bit of the sixteenth century. Beginning with George Coci's

illustrated 1506 anthology of Las .CCC. (M20), only his major tex ts (Trezientas, Coronación ,

and Siete p eca dos mortales, with no shorter courtly poetry) are found accom panied by doctrinal

works of other fifteenth-century authors: Fray Juan d e C iudad Rodrigo on the ten com mand-

ments and the seven mortal sins; fray Íñigo de Mendoza on the tourney of reason against

sensuality; Diego de San Pedro on despising worldly fortune; Fernán Pérez de Guzmán directinga caution to the powerful that we all must die (see below). It is significant that a nexus of 15 -th

century poets – Íñigo de Mendoza, Diego de San Pedro, Fernán Pérez de Guzmán – remains

constant, that the slant of the mise en recueil is doctrinal, and that Mena's name com es to the

fore as the umbrella under which these texts were gathered in this tradition, which continued a

strongly rooted manuscript tradition. Coci illustrated this cancionero doctrinal with large

woodcuts, some full page and also found in his edition of the Flo s sanctorum (129-140, see

particularly fig. 103 on p. 136).

These compilations were an editorial phenomenon that extended and focused the

cancionero approach, and a series of printers chose to pr int Mena's works in this mise en

recueil , presumably to reach a certain group of readers willing to pay for illustrated editions in

the case of Coci's, the only editions of anything besides La coronación printed with illustrations




beyond the d ecorated tit le page. Coci republished this edition in 1509 (M21) and 1515 (M 26);76

it was reprinted without illustrations at Valladolid by Juan de Villanueva and Pedro de R obles in

1560? (M42) and in 1566 (M43, 44), the latter in two separate issues for different booksellers,

one in Alcalá (?) and one associated with the court ("librero en la corte"). In its mise en texte

and mise en page, the 1566 edition is laid out and formatted like the Antwerp editions, and, like

those editions, uses roman and italic fonts, but its mise en recueil is that of the late medieval

doctrinal compilation, with the oddity of integrating La coronación in terms of pagination, but

paginating the other doctrinal works separately. This cancionero tradition did not appear again

as such after 1566.

2. SINGLE W ORKS

La s Trez ientas or Las .CCC. was next to enter print, and it initiated a series of editions of the major works generally without other texts that continues into the early years of the sixteenth

century. Las trezientas circulated without commentary from 1486 (M2), through three more

editions (M5 , 6, 9), one of which(1499, M9) is an edition without g loss finished on 7 October

1499 by the same printers who a little more than a month before (28 August 1499) published

Las .CCC. with Núñez's commentary. Another single edition of the uncomm ented text was

issued by Pedro Hagembach et socios in Toledo in 1501 (M15). These two uncommented

editions point to a group of readers (and thus a market) for the text in its traditional form. The77

second edition of Núñez's commented ed ition of 1505 (M19) was the last to consist only of thetext of Las Trez ientas, and this version is included in all the remaining co mpilations of Mena's

works except the last edition o f th e sixteenth century (1582; M 47). Copies of N úñez's com -

mented edition becom e the basis of the later anthologies that take shape after 1505, combined

with other imprints or manuscripts of Mena's works.

3. A NTHOLOGIES

During the sixteenth-century proliferation of Mena's works, they were published in

vario us comb inations, with three w orks as single tons that appeared once and w ere not inte-

Editions of Coronación have an illustration of the human body with signs of the zodiac on the76

parts of the body they rule , and of a "pyramidales" – the cone-shaped rays of light that hit the eye and arethe basis of sight.

Until I can examine copies of the 1499 and 1501 uncommented editions, it is hard to suggest77

particulars or the profile of their readership implied/encoded in its mise en texte or mise en page.




grated into anthologies of Mena's works: an Arte de poesía castellana en coplas with Coplas

sobre el Ecce Homo that is no longer extant (M 24), La crónica de Juan II of 1517 attributed in

part to Mena (M26), and the Yliada en romance of 1519, his translation of the Ilia s latina

(M28). In addition, Luis de Aranda selects 24 coplas from Laberinto d e Fortuna , glosses78

them, and publishes them (M 46) along with his glosses to several proverbs of Íñigo López de

Mendoza, Marqués de Santillana, contemporary and friend of Mena. This corresponds to the79

lively 16 -century cultural and editorial interest in the nucleus of foundational Castilian writersth

of the 14 and 15 centuries marked by the publication of such works as Jorge Manrique'sth th

Coplas a la muerte de su padre, Santillana's Proverbios and his Bías contra fortuna , the

historical and doctrinal works of Fernán Pérez de Guzm án, the continuously popular and

reprinted wo rks of Fray Íñigo de Mendoza, and other works from the cultural patrimo ny of the

late Middle Ages.

Mena's principal works, however, remained his consistently-reprinted longer poems, the

Coronación , La s trezientas, and the Coplas a los siete pecados mortales. From 1506 onward

these works were the core combination: Las trezientas with Núñez's second revised (and

simplified) edition of his commentary; the Coronación with Mena's own self-authorizing

commentary virtually without exception; and the Coplas contra los siete pecados mortales,

generally with the additions and commentary of Jerónimo de Olivares. The final sixteenth-

century edition of 1582 (M47) is El Brocense's, and he reduced and tremendously rewrote

Núñez's commentary. With the edition of Jacobo Crom berger in 1512 (M 22-23), a basic pattern w as set for

content in publishing Mena, though Cromberger's editions were still in gothic founts. The

Juan de Mena, Comiença la cronica del serenissimo rey don Iuan el segundo deste nõbre78

impressa enla muy noble [et] leal ciudad de Logroño: por mãdado del catholico rey dõ Carlos su visnieto(Logroño: Arnao Guillén de Brocar, 1517 October 10); Esta es la yliada de homero en rom ãce . Traduzida por Iuan de mena (Valladolid: Arnao Guillén de Brocar, 1519 April 23).

Luis de Aranda, Glosa intitulada segunda de moral sentido, à differencia de otra deste nombre,79

à los muy singulares prouerbios del Illustre señor don Yñigo Lopez de Mendoça, Marques de Santillana :contiense mas eneste libro otra glosa à veynte y quatro coplas de las trezientas de Iuan de M enacompuestas por Luys de Aranda, vezino de Vbeda (Granada: Hugo de Mena, 1575 November 15). TheBiblioteca Nacional in Madrid also holds a manuscript of Aranda listed as Cancionero que contienequatro obras de provechosa erudicion, which includes "Contra hechas de Juan de Mena" (ll. 1-30v),followed by "Glosa estravagante de Juan de Mena" (ll. 31-64). As it also includes the "Glosa de losProverbios del Marques de Santillana" (ll. 97-127), one suspects that this is the manuscript of the"traslación" that he had made " a good while back: [muchos dias ha] (l. 4v) mentioned in the "Prologo" tothe 1575 glosa.




principal works were Las trez ientas and La coronación, which continued to have separate title-

pages and imprints, though the title-page of La s trezientas often alluded to the inclusion of La

coronación , along with a set o f shorter cancionero poems. These courtly poems are a relatively 80

stable set, but are distributed differently in different editions. In Cromberger's editions after81

1512, they followed Laberinto in the first volume, while La coronación was followed by the

Coplas . . . sobre vn macho (the latter omitted in the 1520 edition of the Coronación).82

For a good bit of the 16 century, the Coronación remained a separate imprint, even if th

coordinated with editions of the Trescientas. Julián Martín Abad notes in his catalogue of Post-

incunables ibéricos, apropos of Cromberger's edition of 1512 (his n. 1039; M22 here) and of 1517

(his n. 1040; M27) "debe tenerse en cuenta que el texto de la [sic] coronación, anunciado en el

título, no se incluyó" (Martín Abad 369-370). In the first of these entries, he cross-references his

n. 1035 (M23), the 1512 edition o f the Coronación. In the second entry, many of the copies he

lists have shelfmarks indicating that they are bound with some ed ition of the Coronación , and in

citing privately purchased and missing copies, his notes indicate that they are all bound with the

1520 Cromberger edition (M30).

My inquiries to libraries holding the supposed 1520 ed ition of La s .CCC. have generally

resulted in finding that the Trezientas is from 1517 with the date of the entire volume (assumed

to be one imprint) taken from the colophon of the 1520 Coronación . OPAC records (never

completely reliable) of five libraries indicated a 1520 edition of Las .CCC.. The Bibliothèque

Municipale of Besançon, the Biblioteca Palatina of Parma, and the British Library all reportedthat La s trez ientas was actually the 1517 imprint (which even Dennis Rhodes did n't catch);

Gröngingen and Freiburg require further inquiry. For example, the Biblioteca Nacional of

Cromberger does not include the Coplas a las siete pecados mortales which he had likely80

published in 1505? (M18), and I have not adequately t raced its path through the various editions. It does,however, consistently appear in what I have termed the cancionero strand of Mena editions, and is thusconsistently available for reprinting. It appears in both Antwerp editions. Recently it was edited withGómez Manrique's continuation in Coplas de los siete pecados mortales and First Continuation, ed.

Gladys M. Rivera (Madrid: Porrua Turanzas; Potomac, Maryland: Studia Humanitatis, 1982).

See Carla de Nigris' edition of these works, Juan de Mena, Poesie minori (Napoli: Liguori,81

1988), pp. 99-104. She asserts that Steelsio's edition derives from Cromberger's edition of 1517 (102).

Carla de Nigris includes the 1517 edition of Cromberger's copilación, asserting that the 151282

edition which establishes the publishing of Mena's shorter works cannot be found ("oggi introvabile");nonetheless, copies are found at the Biblioteca Nacional, Biblioteca Real, and the Escorial in Madrid; theBritish Library and Cambridge; and in the United States at Yale and the Hispanic Society (De Nigris 70-1).




Madrid holds two copies of Cromb erger's 1517 .CCC. (BN R/13020 (1) and R/31567(1)) that are

bound with his 1520 Coronación , as is the copy held at the Biblioteca Palatina of Parm a (Italy).

The copy held at the B ibliothèque M unicipale of Besançon's copy is the 1517 Trezientas bound

with the 1520 Coronación , in a sixteenth-century binding, that belonged to Nicolas Perrenot de

Granvelle, Minister of Justice for Charles V and father of Cardinal Antoine Perrenot de

Granvelle.

Thus, there is evidence that suggests that the nam ing of the Coronación on the t.p. of the

Trescientas indicates that the imprints form a set of two volumes corresponding to the two main

works for w hich Mena w as "el famosissimo poeta." These separate imp rints were either from the

same year or from the sam e printer, but left the possibility for separate sale. Copies in

sixteenth-century bindings may well indicate that the imprints were bought/sold together, as

well as bound together. In terms of the b usiness m otivation for the d ifference in years fo r the

1517/1520 editions, perhaps it indicates either an increase in sales of Las trezientas or a slowing

of sales of La coronación after Cromberger's 1512 editions, leading him to republish only La s

.CCC. in 1517, as he still had sufficient stock of the 1512 Coronación .83

It is not just from Crom berger that editions of Mena's two main w orks appeared either in

the same year but with separate imprints , or within a very few years (the case with

Cromberger's 1517/1520 editions). That they are separate is indicated by a colophon at the end

of Las trezientas, a separate t.p. for La coronación, with its own separate foliation and separate

signing, beginning the sequence again without having com e to the end of the alphabet (e.g., a-n8

a-b c in the case of Varela's 1528 edition [M31-32]). In addition, these coordinated editions8 10

are often found bound together, but are also found bound separately: Sevilla: Cromberger 1512

(M22-23) and 1517/1520 (M27, 30); Sevilla: Juan Varela 1528 (M31-32) and 1534 (M33-34);

Valladolid: Juan d e V illa quirán 1536 (M35-36) and 1540 (M 37-38), and the 1547-8 edition from

Toledo: Fernando de Sancta Catalina defuncto (M39). The latter is signed and foliated sepa-

rately, with a separate t.p. for La coronación, and separate dates (15 December 1547 in the

colophon of the Trezientas and 1548 on th e t.p. of Coronación) but does not appear in current

catalogs as bound separately . With the editions of 1552 onward (M 40-45, M47), the two maintext units were integrated in term s of pagination or foliation and signing, even though La

coronación retained a separate t.p. throughout the 16 century.th

The structure of the contents of the 1552 editions is presented in Append ix IV.

If this is the case, one expects to find combinations of 1517/1512 bound together.83




Cancionero-type Compilations

Zaragoza: Coci, 1506

1: Glosa sobre las trezientas

2: El labyrinto [i.e. Las trezientas, w. the commentary of Fernando Núñez de Guzmán

3: Comiença la coronacion compuesta por el famoso poeta Juan de mena

4: Siguense las coplas que hizo el famoso Juan de mena contra los pecados mortales

5: Siguense los diez mandamientos [et] los siete pecados mortales con sus virtudes

contrarias: [et] las quatorze obras de misericordia temporales y espirituales: y en breue

trobadas por fray Juan de cibdad rod rigo frayle de la orden de santa maria de la merced

6: De las justas de la razon contra la sensualidad... compusolo fray Yñigo de mendoça

indigno frayle menor de obseruancia de sant Francisco

7: Esta obra hizo san pedro y llamase desprecio de la fortuna

8: Este dezir muy gracioso [et] sotilmente hecho [et] discretamente fundado hizo y ordeno

Fernan perez de guzman por contemplacion de los emperadores reyes [et] principes [et] grandes

señores que la muerte cruel mato y leuo deste mundo [et] como ninguno no es reuelado [sic por

releuado] della

¶ Later editions remove the last poem of Fernán Pérez de Guzmán.

Alcalá: Villanueva y Robles, 1560? and 1566 (both issues)1. Glosa sobre las trezientas

2. el Laberyntho de Juan de Mena

3. la Coronacion compuesta por Juan de Mena

4. las Coplas que hizo Juan de Mena contra los siete pecados mortales

5. Los diez mandam ientos y los siete pecados mortales con sus virtudes contrarias, por

Juan de Ciudad Rodrigo

6. La historia de la question y differencia que ay entre la razon y sensualidad, sobre la

felicidad y bienauenturança humana, compusolo Yñigo de Mendoça7. Desprecio de la fortuna, hecha por sant Pedro

Cromberger Editions

Las .CCC.

1 : Las trescientas with Núñez commentary [2 cols]




2: Carta de Juan de mena: La lumbre se recogia [4 co ls]

3: Otras suyas: [precedes each new poem; 3 co ls]

4 : E l sol clarescia los mõtes acayos

5: Al fi jo muy claro de ynerion [sic: Hyperion]

6: Canciõ que hizo Juan de mena estando mal: Donde yago en esta cama

7: Canciõ d[e] Juã de mena: O quien vis to nos oviesse

8: Canciõ que hizo el rey don Juan nuestro señor que dios aya: Amor nunca pense

9: Juã de mena al rey don Juan quãdo salio de Madrigal contra el pr ipe que venia de

Areualo: [e t] quedaron en cortes: Santa paz santo m ysterio [debate w /Juan II with both

parts printed as one poem]

10: Cancion d[e] Juna de mena: Oyga tu merced y crea

11: Juan de mena: cuyd ar me haze cuyd ad o

Coronación

1: Coronación con glosa

2: Coplas que fizo Juan de mena sobre vn macho que compro de vn frayle

Note that Cromberger does not include the Coplas de los siete pecados mortales.

Sánchez de la Brozas Edition

1. El Labyrintho

2. Siguese veinte y quatro añad idas a las trecientas

3. La Coronación

4. Claro escuro de Juan de M ena (El sol clarecia los montes Acayos)

5. Otros suyas: Ya el hijo muy claro de H yperion

6. Sobre un macho que comprò de un Arcipreste

7. Cancion del Rey don Juan: Amor yo nunca pensè8. Juan de M ena al Rey don Juan quand o salio de Madrigal . . .: Santa paz, santo misterio

9. Decidme qual es la cosa milagrosa

10. Que es el cuerpo sin sentido

11. Coplas contra los siete pecados




A PPENDIX IV: COMPARISON OF THE CONTENTS OF THE 1552 EDITIONS

Nucio Steelsio

Todas las obras del famosissimo poeta Iuan de Mena

con la glosa del comend ador Fernan Nuñez sobre las

trezientas: agora nueuamente corregidas y

enmend adas. En Anvers. En casa de Martin Nucio.Con priuilegio Imperial de cinco años. An.M.D.LII.

Las trezientas d'el famosissimo poeta Ivan de M ena,

glosadas por Fernan Nuñez, Comendador d e la orden d

Sanctiago. Otras XXIIII. Coplas suyas, con su glosa. La

Coronacion comp uesta y glosada por el dicho Iuan deMena. Tratado de vicios y virtudes, con otras Cartas y

Coplas, y Canciones suyas. Todo con exquisita

diligencia corregido, y emendado de infinitos errores,

allende de otras qualquier impressiones: añadidas de

nueuo dos tablas. vna de las coplas, otra de las materia

principales, declaradas por todo el discurso delos

Comm entarios. En Anvers, En casa de Iuan Steelsio.

M. D. LII. Con Priuilegio Imperial. A-Vv 8

8 345 numbered ff.; 15.5 cm.o

Colophon (345v): "DEO GRATIAS"

A-Iii8 8

8 [32], 830, [34] p. Headlines; pagination begins witho

Labyrintho on B1, end s on p. 830 (foliation and signa-

tures of .CCC. and Coronación are continuous). Colo-

phon (830): “Fin delas obras de Iuan de Mena.”

Colophon (Iii8v): "Fue impresso en Anuers por Iuan

Lacio."

1: El Priuilegio. (t.p. verso)

2: Al muy Magnifico y muy reverendo Senor [sic], el S.

Gonçalo Perez, Arcediano de Sepulueda, y secretario

d’el muy alto, y muy poderoso Señor, don Phelipe ,

principe de España, &c. y señor nuestro. [2r-3v]]

3: Tabla de todas las Coplas de Iuan de Mena. [4r-A7r

1: Glosa sobre las Trezientas del famoso poeta Iuan de

Mena, compuesta por Fernand Nuñez Comendador d ela

orde[n] de Santiago (Nuñez’s prologue)

4: Glosa sobre las Trezientas d’el famoso poeta Iuan d e

Mena, cõpuesta por Fernan Nuñez, Comendador dela

orden de Sanctiago . . . Prologo [A7v-A8v]

2: El Labyrintho de Iuan de Mena Poeta Castellano 5: Comiença el Labyrintho de Iuan de Mena Poeta

Castellano

3: Siguense veynte y quatro coplas 6: Siguense .xxiiii. coplas ... añadidas

4: Sigue[n]se vnas Coplas añadidas nueuamente del

muy famoso Poeta Iuan de Mena: Carta de Iuan de

Mena. La lumbre se recogia

5: Otras svyas. El sol esclarecia los montes Acayos




6: Otras svyas. Al hijo muy claro de Hyperion

7: Cancion qve hizo Ivan de Mena estando malo. Donde

yago enesta cama

7: Coplas que hizo Iuan de Mena, sobre vn macho que

compro de vn frayle.

8: Cancion de Ivan de Mena O quien visto nos ouiesse 8: La Coronacion compuesta y glosada por el famoso

poeta Iuan de Mena, dirigida al illustre cauallero don

Yñigo Lopez de Mendoça, marques de Santillana.

Tractado de vicios y virtudes, come[n]çad o por Iuan de

Mena, acabad oy [sic] glosado por fray Ieronymo de

Oliuares, cauallero dela orden de Alcantara, con otras

cartas, y coplas, y canciones suyas. [printer’s device:

res parvae crescunt concordia] En Anvers. En casa de

Iuan Steelsio. M. D. LII. Con Priuilegio Imperial.

[Rr1r]

9: Cancion qve hizo el rey Don Iuan nuestro señor que

dios aya. Amor nunca pense

9: Comiença la Coronacion, compuesta por el famoso

poeta Iuan de Mena, al illustre cauallero don Yñigo

Lopez de Mend oça, marques de Santillana. Prologo.

10: Ivan de Mena al rey don Iuan quando salio de Mad-

rigal contra el principe qt venia de Areualo: y quedarot

en cortes. Santa paz santo mysterio [dialogue:

Respvesta del rey. -- Mena.]

10: Tratado de vicios y virtudes, hecho por Iuan de

Mena, glosado y acabado por fray Ieronym o de

Oliuares, cauallero dela orde de Alcantara.

11: Cancion de Ivan de Mena. Oyga tu merced y crea 11: Hasta aqui llego Iua[n] de Mena con esta su obra, la

qual el dicho fray Ienymo [sic] igualo en cop las, y

corrigio el estilo. Y agora tracta delos otros tres vicios

que quedaron por hazer, quando Iuan de Mena murio,

y hablando sobre su m uerte, dize assi.

12: Ivan de M ena. Cuydar m e haze cuydado 12: Coplas añadidas nueuam ente alas obras del m uy

famoso poeta Iuan de Mena. [¶Carta de Iuan de Mena:

La lumbre se recogia

13: Comiença la co ronacion: compuesta por el famoso

Poeta Iuan de Mena al ilustre cauallero don Yñigo

Lopez de Mendoça Marques de Santillana.

13: Otras suyas El Sol esclarecia los montes Acayos

14: Coplas que hizo Iua[n] de Mena sobre vn macho

que compro de vn frayle.

14: Otras suyas al hijo muy claro de Hyperion

15: Tractado de vicios y virtudes hecho for Iua[n] de

Mena, glosado y acabado por fray Ieronymo de

Oliuares, cauallero dela orden de Alcantara.

15: Cancion que hizo Iuan de Mena estando mal.

16: Hasta aqui llego Iuan de Mena con esta su obra, la 16: Cancion de Iuan de Mena. O quien visto nos




qual el dicho fray Ieronymo ygualo en coplas y corrijo el

estilo.

ouiesse,

17: Cancion que hizo el rey Don Iuan nuestro señor, qu

dios aya. Amor nunca pense

18: Iuan de Mena al rey don Iuan, quando salio de

Madrigal contra el principe que venia de Areualo, y

quedaron en cortes.

19: Cancion de Iuan de Mena. Oyga tu merced y crea,

20: Iuan de Mena. Cuydar me haze cuydado

21: Tabla Alphabetica , de muchos apellidos y nombres

assi de personas particulares, como de gentes y

naciones, pueblos, montes, villas, lugares, rios, y de

otras cosas algo notables, contenidas enlos

commentarios sobre las obras d’el famoso poeta Iuan d

Mena. [Ggg8r-Iii8r]

22: Las faltas qve se cometieron enla im pression d’este

libro, corregiras primero quelo leas, enesta manera.

[Iii8v]




A PPENDIX V: ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Mena, Coronacion (M3) (Toulouse: Juan Parix y Esteban Clebat, 1489), f. ix (text withr

commentary on two sides).

2. Mena, Las .CCC. del fam osissimo p oeta juan de mena cõ g losa (M8), (Sevilla: Ympressos cõmucha dilige[n]cia y correciõ por Joãnes pegnizer de Nurenberga y magno y Thomas cõpañerosalemanes, 1499 August 28), f. vii (text with commentary on three sides, and printed marginalia)r

3. Mena, Copilacion de todas las obras del famosissimo poeta Juan de mena (M 31) (Sevilla: Juan Varela, 1528 May 20), t .p. (two colors)

4. Mena, Copilacion (M31) (Sevilla: Juan Varela, 1528 May 20), f. 104 (courtly poetry in threer

columns; calderones)

4a. Mena, Copilacion (M31) (Sevilla: Juan Varela, 1528 May 20), f. 29 (text and commentary inr

two columns; decorative initials; calderones; specific running head)

5. Mena, Coronacion, "Tratado de vicios y virtud es..." (M32) (Sevilla: Juan Varela, 1528 May 20), f. 22 v

5a. Mena, Coronacion , "Tratado de vicios y virtud es..." (M32) (Sevilla: Juan Varela, 1528 May 20), f. 25 (text in four columns; calderones; indications of revision, ")(" means that Olivares v

polished the style)

6. Mena, Copilacion (M31) (Sevilla: Juan Varela, 1528 May 20 ), examples of calderones

7. Guevara, Libro aureo ... ([Rome: Antonio Blado], 1531), t.p.

8. Guevara, Libro a ureo... ([Rome: Antonio Blado], 1531), A1 -A2 , combination of roman and v r

gothic fonts.

9. Guevara, Libro a ureo ... (Alcala de Henares: en casa de Seba stian Martinez, 1566), t.p.

10. Guevara, Libro aureo ... (Alcala de Henares: en casa de Sebastian Martinez, 1566), A3 -A4 , v r

combination of roman and gothic.

11. Erasmus, Apothegm as ... (Antwerp : Martinus Nutius, 1549), t.p.

12. Erasmus, Apothegm as ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1549), ()2 , Index of proper nounsr

13. Erasmus, Apothegm as ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1549), a1 , [Preface]r

14. Erasmus, Apothegm as ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1549), 5 -6 , running head for v r

individual.

15. Erasmus, Apothegm as ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1549), 150 -151 , running head for v r

group.

16. Erasmus, Apothegm as ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1549), 167 , subject index.r

17. Libro aureo ... (Antwerp: Joannes Stee lsius, 1550), t.p., 12mo.

18. Libro aureo ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1550), &8 , subject index.r

19. Libro a ureo ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1550), &12 , colophon.r

20. Libro aureo ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1539), t.p., 8 , note "I.G." in woodcut decorativeo

frame/border.




20a. Libro aureo ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1539), 171 , colophon, "I.G." is "Iuanr

Grapheus."

21. Libro aureo ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1550), t.p., 8 .o

22. Libro a ureo ... 3 vols. (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1550), I: A2 , table of contents of Libror

primero.

23. Libro aureo ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1550), I: 37 , beginning of text of Libro primero,r

with commentary on edition.

24. Libro aureo ... (Antwerp : Martinus Nutius, 1550), III: Hh4 , table of contents for Libror

tercero, with commentary on edition.

25. Sepúlveda, Roma nces ... (Antwerp: M artinus Nutius, 1550?), t.p., 12mo.

26. Sepúlveda, Romances ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1550?), A3 -A4 , index of first lines; * v r

indicates additional ballads.

27. Sepúlveda, Romances ... (Antwerp: Joannes Stee lsius, 1551), t.p., 12mo.

28. Sepúlveda, Romances ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1550?), Y7 -Y8 , index of first lines. v r

29. Mena, Obras ... (Antwerp: M artinus Nutius, 1552), t.p.

30. Mena, Obras ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1552), A1 -A2 , beginning of Núñez's commen- v r

tary.

31. Mena, Obras ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1552), A4 , beginning of Laberinto.r

32. Mena, Trezientas ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1552), t.p.

33. Mena, Trezientas ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1552), *1 -*2 , dedication to Gonzalo Pérez. v r

34. Mena, Trezientas ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1552), *4 , index of first lines (of all ther

strophes, not just of all the poems).

35. Mena, Trezientas ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1552), A2 , beginning of Laberinto withr

marginal guide letters for index of the commentaries.

36. Mena, Trezientas ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1552), Ggg8 , subject index with the pager

number and letter for the segment of the page.

37. Mena, Trezientas ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1552), Iii8 , errata and colophon. v

38. El Cavallero determinado ... (Antwerp : Joannes Steelsius, 1555), t.p., compare device to thatof ill. 63.

39. El Cavallero determinado ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1555), A5 , dedication to Charlesr

V.

40. El Cavallero determina do ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1555), f. 12 , first illustration v

(forms an opening with 41).

41. El Cavallero determinado ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1555), f. 13 , beginning of poemr

(forms an opening with 40).

42. El Cavallero determ inado ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1555), 115 , octava real of Luis de v




Zúñiga.

43. Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1554), t.p.

43a. Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú ... (Antwerp: Jean Bellère, 1554), map (tipped in at A8 , v

folded).

43b. Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú ... (Antwerp: Jean Bellère, 1554), map (tipped in at A8 , v

unfolded)

44. Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú ... (Antwerp : Joannes Steelsius, 1554), 171 , illustration v

(compare to 45 and 50).

45. Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1554), 216 , illustrationr

(compare to 44 and 50).

46. Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1554), 264 , unique v

illustration.

47. Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1554), [286] , subject indexr

by cha pter (which are not indicated in the running heads).

48. Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1554), [294] , errata and v

colophon.

49. Augustín de Zárate, Historia ... del P erú ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1555), t.p.

50. Augustín de Zárate, Historia ... del P erú ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1555), 19v, illustra-tion (compare to 44 and 45).

51. López de Gómara, Historia general de las Indias ... (Antwerp : Martinus Nutius, 1554), t.p.

52. López de Gómara, Historia general de las Indias ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1554), 6 -7 , v r

first chapter (note lack of chapter num bers).

53. López de Gómara, Historia genera l de las Indias ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1554), 288 ,r

illustration ("vaca corcobada;" compare to 58)

54. López de Gómara, Historia general de la s India s ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1554), t.p.

55. López de Gómara, Histo ria general de la s Indias ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1554), A6 ,r

beginning of index (by chapter num bers; no table of contents and no specif ic running h eads)

56. López de Gómara, Historia general de la s India s ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1554), B8 ,r

index by chapter numbers.

57. López de Gómara, Historia general de la s Indias ... (Antwer p: Joannes Steelsius, 1554),B8 -A'1 , errata, colophon, and beginning of text. v r

58. López de Góm ara, Histo ria general de las India s ... (Antwerp: Joannes Stee lsius, 1554),275 , illustration ("vacas corcobadas;" compare to 53). v

59. López de Gómara, Historia de México ... (Antwerp: Joannes Bellerus, 1554), t.p.

60. López de Gómara, Historia de México ... (Antwerp: Joannes Bellerus, 1554), 349 , index v

signed by Bellère.

61. López de Gómara, Historia de México ... (Antwerp: Joannes Bellerus, 1554), Yy8 , errata and v




colophon.

62. Mena, Trezientas ... (Antwerp: Steelsius, 1552), 604-605, running head for "Coplas . . . sobreun macho," marginal guide letters to zones in commentary on 604.

63. Calvete de Estrella, Viaje ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1552), t.p. (compare device to 38).

64. Calvete de E strella, Viaje ... (Antwerp: Martinus Nutius, 1552), A8 , engraving of triumphal v

arch.

65. La Uly xea ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1552), t.p.

66. La Uly xea ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1552), A2 , dedication to Philip II.r

67. La Ulyxea ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1552), A8 -B1 , beginning of text (summary and v r

poem).

68. La Uly xea ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1552), Kkk8 , errata. v

69. Libros de ... Cicerón ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1549), t.p.

70. Libros de ... C icerón ... (Antwerp : Joannes Steelsius, 1549), 112 , text with marginal gloss (seer

71).

71. Libros de ... Cicerón ... (Antwerp: Joannes Steelsius, 1549), *2 , subject index (see 70).r




C ATA LOGU ES CONSULTED

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Flemish Books Printed in O ther Countries from 1470 to 1600 . Comp. A. F. Johnson and

Victor Scholderer. London: Trustees of the B rit ish Museum, 1965.

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before 1601 now in the British Library. 2 ed.. Comp. Dennis Rhodes. London: Britishnd

Library, 1989.

CCPBE . Catálogo Colectivo del Patrimonio Bibliográfico Español

(http://www.mcu.es/bibliotecas/MC/CCPB/index.html).

GW Online. Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke

(http://www.gesamtkatalogderwiegendrucke.de/GWEN.xhtml).

ISTC. Incunabula Short-title Catalog (http://istc.bl.uk/).

Library of Congress and the National Union Catalog Subcommittee of the Resources Committee

of the Resources and Technical Services Division, American Library Association.

National Union Catalo g, pre-1956 imprints. London: Mansell, 1968-81.

Martín Abad, Julián. Post-incunables ibéricos. Madrid: Ollero & Ramos, 2001.

Norton, F. J. A descriptive catalo gue of printing in Spain and P ortugal, 15 01-1520 . Cambridge

and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1978.

Peeters Fontainas, Jean. Bib liographie des im pressions espagnoles des Pays-B as Meridionaux .

Mise au point avec la collaboration de Anne-M arie Frédéric. Publication / Centre

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Anversois, 1956.

Palau y Dulcet, Antonio. Manual del l ibrero hispano-am ericano; b ibliografía general española

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Portuguese or on the Iberian Peninsula before 160 1 / Libro s publicados en español o

portugués o en la P enínsula Ibérica antes de 1601 . Leiden: Brill, 2010. Brill EBooks: 18

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