protest reagan’s first i00 days april coalition march

5
Volume 6 t Number 15 Published every two weeks r UCSD Protest Reagan’s First I00 Days... AprilCoalition March, Peace Expo set for May 9 Unprecedented herein San Diego, formerly considered a stronghold of Reagan supporters, an extremely broad- based coalition of progressive groups and individuals supporting peace and justice has formed in opposition to the rbe ofthe"New Right" in general and to the Reagan Administration in particular. April Coalition general meetings continue to draw nearly 200 participants, representing a wide variety of groups concerned with many issues, from local tointernational. The call for a non-sectarian coalition issued from preliminary discussions held on March 12 and 13 at UCSD and SDSU. Thediscussions were organized by the Committee Against the New Right and San Diego Students for Peace INSIDE THIS ISSUE: Guatemala,Terrorism,Komix, E! Salvador, and more inresponse to Reagan’s scheduled visit with Mexican President Lopez Portillo in San Diego. Despite the Reagan assa~ssination attempt and subsequent cancellation ofhis meeting with Portillo, April Coalition plans fora march and Expo for Peace & Justice have proceeded with enthusiasm. The April Coalition Peace & Justice Exposition will take place on Saturday, May 9, at the BalboaPark Organ Pavillion, from I I amto 4pm. A march beginning at 9:30 am from Sixth and Laurel Streets, downtown, then back to the Park, will precede the Expo. The Peace & Justice Expowill feature speakers, displays, music and theatre. On Thursday, April 23, the Coalition held its third General Assembly Meeting atCarpenters Hall in Golden Hills. Co- facilitators for the Meeting, attended by nearly 200 people, were Kathy Gilberd of theNational Lawyers Guild and Rick Jahnkow,active with Committee Against Registration and the Draft. The first major agenda item for the evening entailed discussion on April Coalition Demands passed by the first General Assembly on March 26, subsequently amended with specific wordingadded duringthe second Meeting on April 8. After hearing impassioned arguments in favor of regeneralizing the demands and in opposition tothe proposal, nearly two- thirds of the participants approved a returnto the general wording of demands aspassed bythe first Assembly. A call for unity and cooperation within the Coalition followed the decision to regeneralize the Demands andwasmet with enthusiastic concordance. Thediscussion wasenlived by two position papers distributed as meeting participants poured into Carpenters Hall. One paper, presented to the Coalition by a committee composed of anarchists and independent commun- ists, argued infavor of regeneralizing the demands. Itcharacterized the specific wording of demands as a tactical error likely to destroy the coalition’s efforts at outreach, its internal unity, consistency within the coalition, and inviolation of the very nature of a coalition. Another position paper, distributed by party communists, supported the specific wording ofdemands and argued that what some refer to as "special interests," thetrial of theNASSCO Three for example, are in factthe original basis forthe Coalition. The paper acknowledged "differences over the specific demands vs. general demands" within the Coalition, yet also denied the divisive role of the wording, claiming that this analysis "plays right into Reagan’s blood-stained hands." April Coaftion Demands constitute the conclusion to a Declaration overwhelmingly approved by thefirst General Assembly. TheDeclaration and Demandsreaffirmed at the Third Meeting are reprinted below. "The April Coalition is united in support of peaceand constructive policies which serve the interests ofthe greatest number. Through education and protest, weoppose those policies of the ReaganAdministration which promote war and stand to benefit only an elite few. "Every human being has the responsibility to help bring about a world more just and gentle, with respect to relations both among ourselves and with our environment. "Participation is open to all progressive individuals and groups who support this fundamental purpose and intent of the April Coalition. The Coalition respects theautonomy and equality ofall participants. "In conclusion, we demand: 1) An end to U.S. intervention in ElSalvador and all ofCentral America. Nodraft, noaid, no advisors, no arms. U.S. OUT OF EL SALVADOR! 2) A reversal of Reagan’s budgetpriorities. Expandsocial services. Full employment. Safe energy production. PRODUCTION FOR PEACE, NOT WAR! 3) An end to continued onpage 7 14th ~ of publication - ! Rallies in Support of U.S.Intervention opposed... Students Combat Moonies More than200 people protested a Moonie-sponsored rally supporting U.S. intervention inElSalvador Friday, April 17. A similar rally, held April 16, was disrupted by 150 students, who shouted down speakers from the Moonie front group, the Collegiate Association forthe Research of Principle (CARP). TheThursday April 16 rally took place onthe Gym steps, featuring a rock band and a one-week publicity blitz in which Moonies distributed hundreds of flyers publicizing the event. Although no organized opposition to the rally developed, 150students attended to protest; ultimately gathering on and around thegym steps chanting "U.S. Outof El Salvador" anddrowning out Moonie speakers. After half an hour of this, police ordered the Moonies to disperse. Approximately~0-50 supporters-- including speakers and organizers--of the Moonie rally were in attendance. The rally the next day, called atthe last minute bythe Moonies, drew 50-60 supporters--some of them from out of town. Several police were alsoin attendance, taking photographs of protesters, and undercover cops mingled in the crowd. Wellover200 people protested that rally, held at the Third college campus behind the Center for the People. About 50 protestors went on a march through campus following the conclusion of the Moonie rally, chanting continued on pale 5 An Act of Forgetting... Watson RewritesL-Z History "All reification is a forgetting." Art fights reification by making the petrified world speak, sing, perhaps dance. Forgetting past suffering and past joy alleviates life under a repressive reality principle. Incontrast, remembrance spurs the drive for the conquest of suffering and the permanence of joy. But the force of remembrance is frustrated: joy itself is overshadowed by pain. Inexorably so? The horizon of history is still open. If the remembrance of things past would become a motive power inthe struggle for changing the world, the struggle would be waged for a revolution hitherto suppressed in the previous historical revolutions. --from /"he Aesthetic Dimension. by Herbert Marcuse Wednesday, April 15, wasthe annual Third College Day. TheThird College Resident Advisors (those students who get free room andboard forpolicing their fellow dormitory residents) put together a rendition of thecollege’s history. They used a slide-show with sound track (Doors’ "Riders on the Storm") anddramatic readings andre- enactments. I will try to address both the aesthetic and the political/historical levels ofthe performance These two levels are really inseparable in this case, butthe effort may have analytical value. Third College history., Lumumba-Zapata College history. epitomizes the cultural, intellectual, and political ferment ofWestern university life, and life in general, in the late sixties andearly seventies, as well as the Establishment’s response to this ferment. I won’t recount this history here, as it isavailable elsewhere (see New Indicator 1980 Disorientation Manual). The performance of "A History of Third College" wasa 45-minute play, with no planned discussion or participation of the audience either before or after. The audience was thus captive, and was the object of the actors’ intentions. LikeTV. It was a fine example of whatJacques Ellul calls "integrationpropaganda"--the manipulation of people’s emotions and consciousness to achieve an identification with the dominant values andoutlook of thestatus quo(from Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes). The play was a case study in theEstablishment’s response to the demands forrevolutionary egalitarian changes in the reality of the American Dream. The Resident Advisors represent the Establishment; inthis case, the administration of college provost Joseph Watson and the Board of Regents to which he must answer. The ThirdCollege, or Lumumba- Zapata College--its legitimate name-- was founded upon the educational philosophy of UCSD’s Black Student Council and the Mexican-American Youth Association, in 1969. It was to be a quality academic program devoted to theeducation of large numbers of educationally disadvantaged minority and white youth, and to thestudy and resolution ofthe social problems ofall peopies. ]’hecollege wasto be controlled by its students and its faculty--not its administration. The performance washonest and true to the initial spirit ofthe college. Whitewash and propaganda describe the depiction ofthe process of moving away from the initial spirit of the college. The play was, inits closing moments, openly advocating the promotion of Joe Watson to the position of Vice Chancellor for Undergraduate Affairs! This was done with university funds! The play opened with a very effective and moving pictorial tour ofthe icons of the Civil Rights Movement and the Vietnam anti-war demonstrations. Whythey picked a Doors song forthe slide-show sound track is a vital question. Jefferson Airplane, Jimi Hendrix. Bob Dylan, or perhaps a medley of the leading protest music of the period might have made more sense, both artistically and historically. Maybe they just liked the fact that the Doors’ song was a good length for their slide- show. Everything flows rather nicely along thelines of the actual events of the college’s early days, with anespecially brilliant scene re-enacting the double- speak parliamentary nonsense of the Academic Senate discussion on the students’ demands for a Lumumba- Zapata College. The acting and reading skills ofthe Resident Advisors were. of course, uneven. Someshowed great talent and artistic preparation. Others could scarcely read their lines from the pages the) held bet~eci~ themselves and their audience. continued onpage 8

Upload: others

Post on 29-Oct-2021

4 views

Category:

Documents


0 download

TRANSCRIPT

Page 1: Protest Reagan’s First I00 Days April Coalition March

Volume 6t Number 15 Published every two weeksr UCSD

Protest Reagan’s First I00 Days...

April Coalition March,Peace Expo set for May 9

Unprecedented here in San Diego,formerly considered a stronghold ofReagan supporters, an extremely broad-based coalition of progressive groupsand individuals supporting peace andjustice has formed in opposition to therbe of the"New Right" in general and tothe Reagan Administration inparticular. April Coalition generalmeetings continue to draw nearly 200participants, representing a wide varietyof groups concerned with many issues,from local to international.

The call for a non-sectarian coalitionissued from preliminary discussions heldon March 12 and 13 at UCSD andSDSU. The discussions were organizedby the Committee Against the NewRight and San Diego Students for Peace

INSIDE THIS ISSUE:Guatemala, Terrorism, Komix,E! Salvador, and more

in response to Reagan’s scheduled visitwith Mexican President Lopez Portilloin San Diego. Despite the Reaganassa~ssination attempt and subsequentcancellation of his meeting with Portillo,April Coalition plans for a march andExpo for Peace & Justice haveproceeded with enthusiasm.

The April Coalition Peace & JusticeExposition will take place on Saturday,May 9, at the Balboa Park OrganPavillion, from I I am to 4pm. A marchbeginning at 9:30 am from Sixth andLaurel Streets, downtown, then back tothe Park, will precede the Expo. ThePeace & Justice Expo will featurespeakers, displays, music and theatre.

On Thursday, April 23, the Coalitionheld its third General Assembly Meetingat Carpenters Hall in Golden Hills. Co-facilitators for the Meeting, attended bynearly 200 people, were Kathy Gilberd ofthe National Lawyers Guild and RickJahnkow, active with CommitteeAgainst Registration and the Draft.

The first major agenda item for theevening entailed discussion on AprilCoalition Demands passed by the firstGeneral Assembly on March 26,subsequently amended with specificwording added during the secondMeeting on April 8. After hearingimpassioned arguments in favor ofregeneralizing the demands and inopposition to the proposal, nearly two-thirds of the participants approved areturn to the general wording ofdemands as passed by the first Assembly.A call for unity and cooperation withinthe Coalition followed the decision toregeneralize the Demands and was metwith enthusiastic concordance.

The discussion was enlived by twoposition papers distributed as meetingparticipants poured into CarpentersHall. One paper, presented to theCoalition by a committee composed ofanarchists and independent commun-ists, argued in favor of regeneralizing thedemands. It characterized the specificwording of demands as a tactical errorlikely to destroy the coalition’s efforts atoutreach, its internal unity, consistencywithin the coalition, and in violation ofthe very nature of a coalition.

Another position paper, distributedby party communists, supported thespecific wording of demands and arguedthat what some refer to as "specialinterests," the trial of the NASSCOThree for example, are in fact theoriginal basis for the Coalition. The

paper acknowledged "differences overthe specific demands vs. generaldemands" within the Coalition, yet alsodenied the divisive role of the wording,claiming that this analysis "plays rightinto Reagan’s blood-stained hands."

April Coaftion Demands constitutethe conclusion to a Declarationoverwhelmingly approved by the firstGeneral Assembly. The Declaration andDemands reaffirmed at the ThirdMeeting are reprinted below.

"The April Coalition is united insupport of peace and constructivepolicies which serve the interests of thegreatest number. Through educationand protest, we oppose those policies ofthe Reagan Administration whichpromote war and stand to benefit onlyan elite few.

"Every human being has theresponsibility to help bring about aworld more just and gentle, with respectto relations both among ourselves andwith our environment.

"Participation is open to allprogressive individuals and groups whosupport this fundamental purpose andintent of the April Coalition. TheCoalition respects the autonomy andequality of all participants.

"In conclusion, we demand: 1) An endto U.S. intervention in El Salvador andall of Central America. No draft, no aid,no advisors, no arms. U.S. OUT OF ELSALVADOR! 2) A reversal of Reagan’sbudget priorities. Expand socialservices. Full employment. Safe energyproduction. PRODUCTION FORPEACE, NOT WAR! 3) An end to

continued on page 7

14th ~ of publication -

!

Rallies in Support of U.S. Intervention opposed...

Students Combat MooniesMore than 200 people protested a

Moonie-sponsored rally supportingU.S. intervention in El Salvador Friday,April 17. A similar rally, held April 16,was disrupted by 150 students, whoshouted down speakers from the Mooniefront group, the Collegiate Associationfor the Research of Principle (CARP).

The Thursday April 16 rally tookplace on the Gym steps, featuring a rockband and a one-week publicity blitz inwhich Moonies distributed hundreds offlyers publicizing the event. Although noorganized opposition to the rallydeveloped, 150 students attended toprotest; ultimately gathering on andaround the gym steps chanting "U.S.Out of El Salvador" and drowning outMoonie speakers. After half an hour of

this, police ordered the Moonies todisperse. Approximately ~0-50supporters-- including speakers andorganizers--of the Moonie rally were inattendance.

The rally the next day, called at thelast minute by the Moonies, drew 50-60supporters--some of them from out oftown. Several police were also inattendance, taking photographs ofprotesters, and undercover cops mingledin the crowd. Well over 200 peopleprotested that rally, held at the Thirdcollege campus behind the Center for thePeople. About 50 protestors went on amarch through campus following theconclusion of the Moonie rally, chanting

continued on pale 5

An Act of Forgetting...

Watson Rewrites L-Z History

"All reification is a forgetting." Artfights reification by making the petrifiedworld speak, sing, perhaps dance.Forgetting past suffering and past joyalleviates life under a repressive realityprinciple. In contrast, remembrancespurs the drive for the conquest ofsuffering and the permanence of joy. Butthe force of remembrance is frustrated:joy itself is overshadowed by pain.Inexorably so? The horizon of history isstill open. If the remembrance of thingspast would become a motive power in thestruggle for changing the world, thestruggle would be waged for a revolutionhitherto suppressed in the previoushistorical revolutions.

--from /"he Aesthetic Dimension.by Herbert Marcuse

Wednesday, April 15, was the annualThird College Day. The Third CollegeResident Advisors (those students whoget free room and board for policingtheir fellow dormitory residents) puttogether a rendition of the college’shistory. They used a slide-show withsound track (Doors’ "Riders on theStorm") and dramatic readings and re-enactments. I will try to address both theaesthetic and the political/historicallevels of the performance

These two levels are really inseparablein this case, but the effort may haveanalytical value. Third College history.,Lumumba-Zapata College history.epitomizes the cultural, intellectual, andpolitical ferment of Western universitylife, and life in general, in the late sixtiesand early seventies, as well as the

Establishment’s response to thisferment. I won’t recount this historyhere, as it is available elsewhere (see NewIndicator 1980 Disorientation Manual).

The performance of "A History ofThird College" was a 45-minute play,with no planned discussion orparticipation of the audience eitherbefore or after. The audience was thuscaptive, and was the object of the actors’intentions. Like TV. It was a fineexample of what Jacques Ellul calls"integration propaganda"--themanipulation of people’s emotions andconsciousness to achieve anidentification with the dominant valuesand outlook of the status quo (fromPropaganda: The Formation of Men’sAttitudes). The play was a case study inthe Establishment’s response to thedemands for revolutionary egalitarianchanges in the reality of the AmericanDream. The Resident Advisorsrepresent the Establishment; in this case,the administration of college provostJoseph Watson and the Board ofRegents to which he must answer.

The Third College, or Lumumba-Zapata College--its legitimate name--was founded upon the educationalphilosophy of UCSD’s Black StudentCouncil and the Mexican-AmericanYouth Association, in 1969. It was tobe a quality academic program devotedto the education of large numbers ofeducationally disadvantaged minorityand white youth, and to the study andresolution of the social problems of allpeopies. ]’he college was to becontrolled by its students and its

faculty--not its administration.The performance was honest and true

to the initial spirit of the college.Whitewash and propaganda describe thedepiction of the process of moving awayfrom the initial spirit of the college. Theplay was, in its closing moments, openlyadvocating the promotion of JoeWatson to the position of ViceChancellor for Undergraduate Affairs!This was done with university funds!

The play opened with a very effectiveand moving pictorial tour of the icons ofthe Civil Rights Movement and theVietnam anti-war demonstrations.Why they picked a Doors song for theslide-show sound track is a vitalquestion. Jefferson Airplane, JimiHendrix. Bob Dylan, or perhaps amedley of the leading protest music ofthe period might have made more sense,both artistically and historically. Maybethey just liked the fact that the Doors’song was a good length for their slide-show.

Everything flows rather nicely alongthe lines of the actual events of thecollege’s early days, with an especiallybrilliant scene re-enacting the double-speak parliamentary nonsense of theAcademic Senate discussion on thestudents’ demands for a Lumumba-Zapata College. The acting and readingskills of the Resident Advisors were. ofcourse, uneven. Some showed greattalent and artistic preparation. Otherscould scarcely read their lines from thepages the) held bet~eci~ themselves andtheir audience.

continued on page 8

Page 2: Protest Reagan’s First I00 Days April Coalition March

2LETTERS ,hen, h=theU.S.r,f.,,,dto, ot=ear"Funky La Joila

limitations? Why build cruise missiles?

Military Recruiting DefendedAlthough ! believe that the collective’s

editorial opinions are in most cases wellthought out and consistent, I think thatyour stance on on-campus militaryrecruitment requires a more convincingdefense than has so far appeared in yourpublication.

First of all, is it your contention thatthe United States does not need amilitary establishment? Ideally, ofcourse, this would be the case; butsupposing it was in your power toeliminate the armed forces of the U.S.tomorrow, would you do it? Even themost fanatical military opponents wouldhave to admit that leaving the U.S. insuch a vulnerable position would be toomuch of a good thing.

Assuming that we agree that thecountry requires at least minimal defensecapability (although ! would say that ourcurrent defense commitment far exceed’sanyone’s definition of ’minimal’), howwould you obtain personnel for thismachine? Draft them? No way. The NICvigorously opposes the draft. Recruitindividuals on a voluntary basis from thegeneral population? Most people wouldhave no objection to this, however, onceagain we encounter sporadic oppositionfrom the collective. The militaryhierarchy requires a certain percentageof college graduates, and yet the NICwould hamper its efforts to obtain suchindividuals by barring it from on-campus recruiting programs.

Once again, suppose that you couldcar~’ out your desires and eliminate allon-campus recruitment by the military.What purpose would this serve? Wouldthe military vanish through lack ofinterest? Unlikely. Would the public’sor the student body’s attitude towardsthe armed forces change significantly? ldoubt it. Would the expenses incurredby the Defense Department increase as aresult of recruitment difficulties, leadingto larger military expenditures?Probably. Would the quality of mflita~personnel, already seriously low, declinefurther?. You know it. Would thelikelihood of a draft increase as thePentagon found it to be the only way toachievo the necessary manpower quotas?Undonbtedly. It is my belief that thosewho oppose the draft and other forms ofinvoluntary servitude should support

and encourage voluntary recruitment |wherever it occurs.

Don’t misunderstand. I am noadmirer of the military forces in this

country, and I deplore armed aggressionwherever it occurs. Nevertheless, Irecognize the U.S.’s need for a workabledefense mechanism. Whether or not themilitary is overstepping its role as apurely defensive force (I certainly believeit is) is another issue which is notpertinent to this discussion, and whichshould not be dealt with by attacking thearmed forces’ right to exist¯

In summary, I contend that the NIC’sopposition to on-campus recruitment isincorrect¯ The Indicator’s opposition tothe U.S.’s admittedly questionablemilitary policy has led it into blindlyopposing anything related to themilitary. This is a poorly though outpolicy, and one which is conspicuous forthat reason among the well-justifiedstances which the Collective usuallyadopts on similar issues.

l invite your response.--Rtndee Smith

NIC Response: Talk of maintaining theU.S.’s "defense capability" is nonsense. Thethousands of U.S. military bases around theworld have led to a situation where there arealmost as many military bases as KentuckyFried Chicken .franchises. (The latestavailable figures indicate almost 5,000chicken franchises to only 3,400 militarybases.)

What Smith so casually refers to as"defense’ was known as War up throughWorld War IL Until that point, it was aDepartment of War, headed by a Secretary OfWar. The name may have been changed, butthe reality has not. Green Berets m ElSalvador is not defense. Nor are star warshuttles, or MX shell games.

The New Indicator Collective, it is true,opposes all forms of conscription. Thatincludes economic conscription. Unless youforce people to go to war, most won’t. Themilitary goes after the poor, after minorities.after people without viable economicalternatives. This is evident in their recruitingliterature, which gloats over the deterioratingeconomic situation.

And it is true that the Pentagon has beenrecruiting--as a result qf its very nature--only those pe,Jple who lack a stake in society.A nd the Pentagon finds thzs dangerous. Willtoday’s Army be prepared to fight in EiSalvador to save the American wa.v? We hopenot.

The War Department consumes the matorproportion of the U.S. federal budget--about half if you include agencies such as theCIA and FBI. These monies, and the peoplethfv buy, could be used in much moreproductive ways in meeting real social needs

War is a threat to people, we agree. Why,

Thuraday, Apdl 30--"Tree of the Wooden Clogs", UCSD MandevilleAuditorium, 8 pm¯ $1.75

Fdday, May 1--"The Wobblies", "With Babies and Banners" and "TheReckoning." Also: coal miner and union activist Chuck Parker. UCSD

TLH 107, 7:00. Free

Saturday, May 2--’Central America--The Fire This Time’, a panel

discussion at the Militant Forum (1053 15th St.). 7:30. For info:234-4630.

Sunday, May 3--An International Program to Honor World Workers’Solidarity. SDSU Aztec Center, Montezuma Hall, 6:00 pm.

Friday, May 8--"Hollywood on Trial" and "Red Nightmare." UCSD

TLH 107, 7:00. Free

Saturday, May 9--Protest Against the First 100 Days of the ReaganAdministration. March begins 9:30 am, 6th and Laurel; Peace andJustice Exposition 11:00, Balboa Park Organ Pavillion. Speakers,displays, music and theater. Childcare provided, wheelchair

accessible.

Mondays--Women’s Resource Center Meetings. 4:00

Mondays--Registration and Draft Information Clinic offers freeevening draft counseling in Encinitas. Info or appt.: 753-4602.

Tuesdays--2nd and 4th¯ AFSCME Self-Help Workshops. UCSDemployees can receive information on their rights. 4:45-5:45 pm, RM.111 MTF (behind BSB). AFSCME ph.: 297-1396

Tuesdays--New Indicator Collective Meetings. 5:30 pm, Student

Center, 2nd floor. NIC office. All welcome.

Thurgdays~Economic Alternatives Study Group. Meets at the Che

Care every Thursday, 7 pm. For more infer call Austin or Garth, 481-9974.

Fddaya--2nd and 4th. TGIFs at Groundwork Books. 4:30-6:30 pm.Refreshments available.

Tuesday, May 12--First meeting, Women’s Self Defense class. 7:00-10:00 pm, North Conference Room. 6 classes, $2. Sponsored byWomen’s Resource Center and open to faculty, staff and students.Info: 452-2023

neutron bombs? Why threaten blockades ofCuba? Why intervene in El Salvador? There :::is more to the military then defense--themilitary establishment is about war, and thatis why we, and large numbers of people,refuse to support it.

Our opposition is not sporadic,throughout our fourteen year history we haveconsistently opposed military recruitmenton-campus. Just as we have opposed warresearch, ROTC programs, etc. And itshould be noted that our opposition tomilitary recruiting at UCSD is shared bymost students. The recent referendumshowed that students, 8-1, oppose the use ofstudent fees to provide institutional supportfor military recruitment.

If the military becomes a truly defensiveorganization, the New Indicator Collectivewill reconsider its opposition. But, shouldthat occur, the military will find it easier to fillits (vastly reduced) ranks, and will not forced to resort to the multi-million dollarpropaganda barrage that, combined withrecruiters’ lies and misrepresentation and astagnating economy, currently enables themilitary to fill its ranks.

ERRATUM:Last lssue’s article on The Struggle in

Latin America was reprinted from theIndustrial Worker and should have beenso credited. We regret this error.

No column from Charles A.Patterson was received this issue.

Patterson, who has beenunderground (evading bounty

hunters seeking a $500 reward putup by local zionists) for the past

several weeks, could not belocated when an intrepid reporter

went out to hunt. None of hiscontacts have seen him recently,

and we have been forced toregister him as a missing person.

A.S. Elections--Who Cares?Despite one of the more poorly

conducted and less publicized ASUCSDelections in recent years, UCSD studentslast week demonstrated a firmcommittment to progressive politics on anumber of referendum questions, whileparadoxically ignoring issue criterionfor individual candidates.

The factors contributing to thevictories of many candidates involvedname recognition and trite slogans suchas "Vote for Yourself" (which ironicallyspawned only a few write-ins) and "Chufor You" (which apparently implanteditself in hundreds of minds). Sloganssuch as "Action not Reaction" containedtoo many syllables, and failed to winvoter approval in more than oneinstance.

in the referendum questions, studentsresoundingly opposed subsidization ofmilitary recruiting on campus. Only 222students felt that "student fees should beused to provide institutional support formilitary recruitment", while 1766opposed such support. Career Planning& Placement Director Mike McGraw,whose 100% Registration Fee-fundedoffice has demonstrated a firmcommitment to using student fees tobring military recruiters on campus, wasunavailable for comment on this result.It is anticipated that McGraw--who hasfirm ties to the military establishment--will refuse to modify CPP policy, andwill defy student opinion.

Students approved an increase in theCampus Activity Fee of $2 asrecommended by the New Indicator

the new indicatoris officially recognized as a campus

newspaper. The views expressed do notnecessarily represent those of theCommBoard. the Chancellor. theRegents, or any other group orindividual.

The new indicator subscribes toLiberation News Service (LNS) and is member of the Ahernative PressSyndicate (,4 PS).

Articles and letters are welcomed.Please type them, double-spaced, on m55-space line, and send Io: New IndicatorCollective/UCSD, B-023/l,a Jolla, CA92093. ph.: 714-452-2016.

Copy which is printed without a bylinemay he assumed to represent the positionof the New Indicator Collecti~ e.

Collective contributory and workers:kevin, karl, frederick, michael, peter,ton3. ion, montv, lee, rosa. mao. bob,paul. emmett, don. betty, joU, paul,mark, charles, gerry, diana, john, barry,victor, reggie, david, juri. robin, rick &trix. thanx, a lot,

Collective. (The N.I.C. was the onlyorganization or individual to take apublic stand on this issue.) These moniesare mandated for "providing additionalprogramming and funds for studentorganizations," and show theimportance students place onmaintaining organizations on campus.This vote should help studentorganizations to resist the attacksplanned by newly-elected right wingActivity Fee Board chair David Tollner(the only avowedly right-wing candidateto be elected).

A solid majority ot UCSD studentsonce again opposed the UC ties with thenuclear weapons labs; opposed thecontmued sale of Nestle products incafeterias, snack bars and vendingmachines during the Nestle boycott;supported almost 2-1 creation of aWomen’s Studies Program; andsupported the establishment of a full-time paid staff position for the Women’sResource Center.

Students voted overwhelmingly infavor of allowing students to serve ondepartment/program tenure committees(1543 to 266); granting studentrepresentatives to committees of theAcademic Senate full voting rights(1542-223); and opening such meetingsto the public (1721-97). Students alsosupported repealing the $2.50 studentcenter fee increase implemented last yearwithout student vote.

Serious questions, however, remain asto whether the newly elected A.S.Council is fitted, in terms of experienceor ideology, to implemented thesepositions. The Presidential racecontinues to the run-off, pitting beermogul Josh Harris (with one of the worstattendance records of any A.S. Councilmember) against B.S.U. member JulesBagneris. Their respective vice-presidential candidates also capturedrun-off spots. Vice presidentialcandidate Alma Key has been garneringsignificant support from A.S. Councilmembers, and from several of heropponents in last week’s electioncampaign.

Several council upsets ensued in theelection; resulting in one of the moreinexperienced A.S. Councils on record.Candidates running on issue-orientedcampaigns seemed to fare particularlypoorly. The "Immoral Minority" slate,for example, running one of the mostissue-oriented (and progressive)campaigns generally fared poorly,although beating the explicitly right-wing "Rational" slate in all races. The

continued on page 8

AMERICAN JOURNAL/David Armstrong

Covering E! SalvadorAlex Dreshler it a reporter for the Su

Dkgn Union. He recently returned from12 days in El Salvador, where he traveledwith guerillas who oppose that country’sAmerican-backed regime. Like manyjournalists, Dreshler’s opinion of whathe saw in E! Salvador is at odds with theReagan Administration’s official versionof events. More so than most, Dreshler iseager to state his dissenting opinionpublicly and graphically.

"I went to El Salvador to cut throughall of the builshit I’ve been reading in thepapers," Dreshler declared. "I coveredthe revolution in Nicaragua, too, andmost of the reporters I saw there werehanging out at the International Hotel inManagua, making sure not to missHappy Hour."

Dreshler repeatedly emphasized that,for the most part, the American mediaare repeating their dismal performancein Nicaragua and Vietnam. Lazy andmyopic, relying on self-interestedgovernment officials for much of theirinformation, American journalists in ElSalvador too often dish out warmedovercharges of communist subversion toexplain the latest popular uprisingagainst state terror.

On April 15, Dreshler and three other

journalists who have returned from E!Salvador since the first of the yearaddressed a crowded meeting in SanFrancisco sponsored by the MediaAlliance, an association of some 1700journalists. What they had to say sharplycontradicted Wuhington’s view of thewar--as well as press accounts thatroutinely describe E! Salvador’s rulingjunta as "centrist,’--without thequotation marks--thus accepting theU.S. State Department’s interpretationof the junta’s politics as fact.

None of the four journalists I heardand met that night had uncoveredevidence that the Soviet Union or itssurrogates were the main sources ofweapons for Salvadorean rebels, asWashington has repeatedly charged¯"The majority of the weapons 1 saw,"said Dreshler, "were Belgian-made.They’re smuggled into the country andsold to the guerillas by corruptlegislators in Costa Rica. This didn’tcome out in the State Department’s’white paper’--documents allegedlycaptured from the rebels that ’prove’ thatthe Russkies are running the show southof the border.

Richard Boyle, a freelancecontributor to NBC Radio, found

First Amendment Still ChallengedThe San Diego city attorney’s office

filed a misdemeanor criminal chargeApril 9 against New Indicator Collectivemember Jon Bekken, and may filecharges against one or two othercollective members as well. The chargestems from a complaint filed by arepresentative of the Pacific TelephoneCompany protesting the re-publicationin the new Indicator of supposed "creditcard" codes. Use of these is alleged toenable telephone users to place longdistance calls and charge them toanother number. The telephonecompany apparently feels that thisinformation will be used to evadepayment of telephone long distancecharges.

Evasion of long distance charges is aviolation of state law, and could result incriminal prosecution.

At new Indleator press time, the cityattorney’s office and National LawyersGuild attorney Gerald Blank were

discussing possible resolution of thecase. Should such resolution proveimpossible, Bekken ts slated forarraignment on Thursday, April 30.

The New Indicator Collectivemaintains that major free press issues areinvolved in the matter. As collectivemember Jon Bekken points out, the onlyinformation which newspapers areprohibted from printing in this state isinformation on the nature andconstruction of nuclear devices, andinformation on the telephone system.(The issue of whether restrictions on theformer are constitutional has not yetbeen resolved, as the Federalgovernment rescinded its attempt toprevent The Progrmtve from printingsuch information.)

The ban on the publication ofinformation regarding nuclear devices isnational--the law banning publicationof information regarding the telephonesystem is, however, only a state law.

University Events Office Proudly Presents:

Terry GarthwaiteRosalie Sorrels

Bobbie Louise Hawkins

An

Evening of

Saug &Story

Wednesday, May 68:30 pm, Revelle Cafeteria

Students $2.50, G.A. $3.50

weapons of different origins in the partsof El Salvador he visited, but agreed theywere not Soviet-made. According toBoyle, "A lot of the rebels’ weapons wereBritish and Israeli." Boyle added that hesaw no Russian evil-doers in ElSalvador¯ He was backed in his findingby Dreshler, as well as by StuWasserman, a freelance radion reporter,and Don Gomez, a rovingcorrespondent for a San Jose, Calif., TVstation. Gomez added sardonically that"Only a purple rhino would attract moreattention than a Russian down there."

None of the four reporters confirmedthe Reagan-Haig line that the guerillashave little support among the people.Dreshler described the support for therebels in Chalatenango, themountainous border provine he visitedin January, as "tremendous."Chalatenango is a guerilla stronghold¯ Ingovernment-controlled regions, the fourreported, torture and murder by thejunta keep public support for the rebelsto a minimum. "Virtually everyone in ElSalvador has had personal experiencewith terror," Boyle said. "Death is realreal there. That’s why there are no publicmeetings and no opposition press."

Not infrequently, threats of force areextended to American journalists whoget too nosy about the war they went toEl Salvador to cover. Gomez told ofthreats on the life of New York Tim~correspondent Alan Riding that drove

3Riding to Mexico, where he now write=about the war at a physical remove.Boyle reported that Americanjournalists, including himself, have beensubjected to 24-hour tails and telephonetaps, adding that police in the capital cityof San Salvador twice broke into his car,making off with valuable tape-recordedinterviews.

When American reporters attempt toleave the comforts of San Salvador forthe countryside, where most of thefighting is, they face the posssibility ofviolent death at the hands ofgovernment security forces like thosethat apparently murdered fourAmerican churchwomen last December.According to Wasserman, "Reportershave asked the Salvadorean governmentfor letters of protection, and some havebeen granted, but they are good for onlya week, and most Salvadoran soldierscan’t read, anyway."

This restricted mobility helps ensurethat only top junta officials andconservative businessmen are easilyaccessible to journalists, whom theysolicit in ceremonious visits to theCamino Real Hotel and other plushwatering holes in the capital. "Whenopposition leaders tried to hold a pressconference last year," Wassermanrecalled grimly, "they were murdered."

I listened to these skin-crawlingreports with increasing horror,remembering that it took the on-cameramurder of an ABC-TV reporter bygovernment troops to turn Americaagainst the brutal Somoza dictatorshipin Nicaragua. The deaths of thousandsof Nicaraguans weren’t enough.American reporters in El Salvador arekeenly aware of the precedent,*and noneof them wishes to become a dead hero.

Alex Dreshler, for example,disregarded his editor’s injunction to’"arm yourself only if you aresurrounded and there is no way out.’Reporters aren’t supposed to carryweapons," he acknowledged. "But if I’msurrounded and there’s no way out, it’stoo late. I can argue ethics later."So we sit and wait, waitingfor the death of the first

continued on page 6

In Commemoration of International Workers’ Day

BIG

also: "With Babies and Banners"and special speaker:

Chuck Parker(coal miner and union organizer)

Friday, May 1UCSD TLH 1077:00 pm, Free

sponsored by: Women’s Resource Center, Committee for WorldDemocracy and Third World Studies

with uucsd-allocated student fees

/ ;

Page 3: Protest Reagan’s First I00 Days April Coalition March

¯

Terrorism is the applied use of fear.Terrorism either exploits the disorgani-zation of any opposition to prevent itsorganization, or terrorism is activelydivisive in trying to break the oppos-ition’s solidarity. Those who are thetarget of terrorist attack play an oddsgame. Chances are they will not bestruck down by terrorism, but if they are,the results are fatal. The terrorist uses theodds to separate those fearful of theirchances from those collectively steadfastin their opposition to the terrorist.

Terrorism, however, is not alwaysviewed tactically or strategically.Sometimes it is considered a goal; therealization of humanity and solidarity.Terrorism-as-a-goal, that is, Romanticterrorism is separated from materialreality and built upon abstractions. It isill-timed and dangerous, producing inindustrialized "core" nations eitherfascism or Left adventurism. The RedArmy Faction in West Germany and theWeather Underground Organization inthe United States are examples ofRomantic terrorism on the Left.

PART TWO:REVOLUTIONARY

TERRORISM--RIGHT & LEFT

Revolutionary terrorism is, first of all,terrorism employed by the relativelyweak against the relatively strong. Butrevolution is not just the overthrow of aruling elite. It is a fundamental change insocial relations and institutions. By thiscriteria, the Right, though sometimesclaiming to be revolutionary as in thecase of fascism, can never be trulyrevolutionary. Therefore, terrorismemployed by the so-called revolutionaryRight ultimately serves to consolidate,maintain or return to thinge-as-they-are,i.e. capitalism in its corporate monopolyform. in fact, the terrorism of the"revolutionary" right has material rootsin the contradictions of capitalism and inthe frustration of specifically minorclasses in capitalist society.

The Left can claim to be revolutionaryin many instances, and the terrorism ofthe Left is part of the tactics, andsometimes the strategy used to make theradical transition from capitalism tosocialism. It arises from the materialconditions of capitalist society, but italso arises from the desire of theoppressed to make history, that is, toresolve the contradictions of capitalismby transcending them. Terrorism can beconsidered a military or political tactic,as well as a military or political strategy.When the Left adopts terrorism as amilitary strategy, it should do so out ofnecessity alone because terrorism as amilitary strategy can never be sufficient.When the Left adopts terrorism as apolitical strategy serious problemsdevelop that endanger the possibilitiesfor revolution itself. Left terrorism, to becorrect should be considered a militarytactic and must be considered a politicaltactic.

This analysis can becomeovercomplicated because otherimportant catagories suggest them-selves. One of these catagories is the dis-tinction between internally directedterrorism and externally directedterrorism. Internally directed terrorism,as practiced by Nazism and the Ku KhixKlan on the Right and the BlackLiberation Army and Quebec Libre onthe Left, targets one’s own society and itsruling elites for terrorist attack.Externally directed terrorism focuses oncolonial or imperial powers external tothe society, as is the case with theAfghani Mujahideen on the Right andthe Palestine Liberation Organizationand Irish Republican Army on the Left.This catagory is less than useful, andindeed becomes extremely muddled

because many terrorist groups take ontheir own ruling elites claiming them tobe supported by outside imperialism.For the purposes of PART TWO of thisstudy of terrorism then, the Nazis ofWeimar Germany on the Right, and theVietnamese National Liberation Frontand Uruguayan Tupamaros on the Leftwill be used to illustrate Revolutionaryterrorism.

FASCISMFascism was mentioned under PART

ONE: ROMANTIC TERRORISM, butit bears further attention, given fascism’ssuccesses, explicit and implicit,throughout the world. Historians talk ofthe Fascist Era of 1925 to 1945, as iffascism is dead and buried in the 1980’s.Explicitly fascist movements andregimes in industrialized "core" andindustrializing "semi-peripheral"nations can be confined to the secondWorld War and before, but this ignoresimplicitly fascist movements andregimes in "semi-peripheral" and"peripheral" Third World nations today.Nazism, that is, National Socialism, canbe used first to define fascism and then todiscredit fascism’s revolutionary claims.

Nazism, and by generalizationfascism, can be characterized in threeways. Politically, Nazism emphasizedthe charismatic dictator, the totalitarianparty and the authoritarian state.Economically, Nazism practicedimperialism and corporativism; the ideaof integrating labor, capital and the stateinto one co-ordinated unit to eliminateclass struggle and preserve capitalism.Socially, Nazism idealized leadership,youth, hierarchy, and a mystic collectiveunity based on mythic racial or historicroots. Nazism claimed to be a revolutionof the young and energetic against theold and decadent. Nazism was anti-Marxist, anti-liberal, anti-conservativeand it perported to be anti.capitalist.This last point is the basis for NationalSocialism’s revolutionary posture, andbefore historically demonstrating this tobe a lie, the structural origins and classappeal of Nazism, and fascism is inorder.

It is no coincidence that fascism arosein Europe and Japan at the same timethat Stalinism was consolidated inRussia and that FDR proposed his NewDeal for the United States. All threewere responses to a profound crisis ofworld capitalism, characterized byextreme inflation in Weimar Germanyand extreme depression in the UnitedStates. Depressions are more conduciveto the growth of Leftist movementsbecause work, while rare, retains itsvalue. Inflation destroys the buyingpower of wages and hence is destructiveto the value of work, creating fertileground for the growth of fascism.

Further, minor classes in a system ofcapitalism in crisis readily take upfascism as a solution to their problems.In Weimar Germany, fascism originatedin the petty bourgeoisie (middle classes-shopkeepers, professionals, white collarclerical workers), squeezed as it wasbetween organized capital and labor,and fascism recruited from thelumpenproletariat (underclass-unemployed, underemployed, criminalelements), crushed as it was beneathlabor and capital. Therefore NationalSocialism has been called amittlestandtpolitick-a politics of thosestanding in the middle--and ashopkeeper socialism.

Specifically, Nazism pusiaed anideology that was anti-urban, anti-industrial and anti-capitalist. Theideology of National Socialism favoredworkers, peasants and the little man,envisioning an ideal German society ofproud landed peasants free from thecorruption and decadence of moderncivilization. Nazism’s practices wascompletely the reverse. Germany at theend of the war was more industrializedand more urbanized than before the war.Labor was nationalized by National

Socialism, capital was not and indeedwas more concentrated at the end of thewar as a result of Nazi economic policies.

Nazi terrorism then was intendedsimply to overthrow one ruling elite andreplace it with another-tbe NationalSocialist party. This is not revolution.Specifically, Nazi terror was aimed atkeeping opposition to fascismdisorganized and demoralized. Sincefascism is not revolutionary it cannot befought effectively by the state. Nazismwas supported by capital and industrywho thought it could then be controlled.Society as a whole, and the Left inparticular, must organize to fightfascism, a lesson for the United States inthe 1980’s. In Weimar Germany, theCommunist Party, already somewhatisolated in German politics, was the onlyorganized force capable of undestandingthis. Instead of fighting Nazism tooth-and-nail, the German CP adopted theattitude of "first Hitler, then us," anattitude that insured Nazism’s victory.

The experience of Spain underlinesthese points. The triumph of Franco andfascism in Spain was used toindustrialize and capitalize Spain, notsocialize it. The divisions on the SpanishLeft during the civil war only insuredfascism’s victory. Spanish fascism wascarried into power by the military, andSpain is the model for Third Worldfascism today. Appealing to the pettybourgeoisie and lumpenproletariat, andchampioned by the military, ThirdWorld fascism originates in the crisis ofAmerican imperialism, in the break-upof the United States empire.

GUERRILLA LEFTWhen confronted with anarchist and

ultra-left terrorism, Lenin severelydenounced terrorism as a strategy andtactic. However, terrorism has returnedto Leninism through guerrilla warfare,and guerrilla warfare must be explicated.

Like revolutionary terrorism,guerrilla warfare is used by relativelyweak revolutionary forces against therelatively strong forces of the state andcapital. Terrorism though is an aspect ofguerrilla warfare, as are ambush,indirect confrontation, assasination, etc.Ernesto "Che" Guevara and RegisDebray are credited with codifyingmodern guerrilla warfare. Guevaraismois characterized by the theory ofthefoco,and focuismo; the electric effectproduced by the small guerrilla band inthe countryside or the city. The guerrillafoco was "the small motor which movesthe large motor of revolution" andwhile Guevara downplayed urbanmilitance,focuismo has been adopted tourban settings. The glaring flaw offocuismo is its deemphasis of massorganizing and the lack of importance ofsecuring liberated territory which haslead to an elevation of guerrilla warfare,and the terrorism associated with it, tothe level of military strategy, andsometimes to a political strategy. This isan emphasis of the armed line over themass line. As a result of this the historyof focuismo is a history of failure. Itwas defeated as a rural strategy inArgentina (1959, 1964, 1968), Brazil(1962, 1967, 1969, 1970), Bolivia (1967,1970), Colombia (1961), the DominicanRepublic (1960, 1973), Ecuador (1962),Paraguay (1959, 1962), and Peru (1963,1965). Carlos Marighella’s adoption of

focuismo to an urban setting in Brazilwith his Minimanual of the UrbanGuerrilla in 1969 was equallyunsuccessful, and the death in Bolivia ofChe Guevara, strategist and advocate offocuismo, symbolizes its failure.

One alternative tofocuismo has beenprovided by Abraham Guillen, whosePhilosophy of the Urban Guerrilla notonly codified urban guerrilla warfare,but revolutionized anarchist terrorismby linking it concretely to mass struggles.Guillen was influenced by the traditionof urban insurrection begun with theParis Commune and culminating withthe Russian Revolution. Initiated byclandestine revolutionary cadres, theurban insurrection is carried out by themasses through general strikes andurban soviets to seize the urban centersof communication, transportation and

administration, and through civil war todestroy the remnants of the army andgovernment in smaller cities and thecountryside. Guillenismo is a masterfulreconciliation of mass and cadre, of massline and armed line, integratingGuevaraist rural guerrilla warfare withurban guerrilla warfare and mass-lineorganizinl~ in a strategy of combinedstruggle that includes Guevara’semphasis on continental revolution andanarchism’s emphasis on the socialism ofworkers’ control.

Guillen has been considered theideological founder of the Tupamaros-MLN, an incorrect assessment as anexamination of this Uruguayan urbanguerrilla movement makes clear. TheTupamaros-MLN:"built up a mystique of themselves asarcheo’pical romantic revolutionaries.Their actions were characterized by

flawless planning and execution, and,perhaps most important, style. Forexample: there was the time when aTupamaro delivered first aid to abystander who had fainted during abank hold-up; or the action where acommando insisted that an old man’sdeposit be entered in his bank bookbefore expropriating the money; or thesign, found in the tunnel through whichover 100 Tupamaros had escaped fromPuma Carretas, which proclaimed"’Movement for National LiberationTransit Authority--Please Keep to YourLeft."The Tupamaros mistake is precisely infailing to understand the essence ofGuillenismo, the combination of massline and armed line, and instead optingfor Guevaraismo, the elevation ofquerrilla warfare and its terrorism to thelevel of military strategy.

Guillen is critical of the Tupamarosbecause they emphasize the armed lineover the mass line. Indeed theTupamaros mass line is for the masses totake up arms:"’For the people--those who trulydisagree with the injustices of the regime--the choice is much simpler. They wantchange, and they must choose betweenthe improbable and remote changewhich some offer through proclama-tions, manifestos, or parliamentaryaction and the direct road embodied bythe armed group and its revolutionaryaction."The Tupamaros contend that fromarmed revolutionary action both themass movement and the political partywill emerge, and Guillen is correct whenhe says that "their superb tactics havebeen nullified by mediocre strategy and aquestionable politics." When this isunderstood, Guillen’s other criticisms ofthe MLN become clear.

" When revolutionary action is limitedto a series of military engagementsbetween guerrillas and a repressivearmy, armaments are of little use inmobilizing the people for nationalliberation. The correspondingfoquismo(exaggerated reliance onguerrilla focos, armed encounters andmilitary tactics to spark a massinsurrection) is petty bourgeois in originas well as outlook--evident in the tokennumber of workers and peasants in theguerrillas’ ranks. Actually, it is aninsurrectional movement for piling upcadavers, for giving easy victories to therepressive generals trained by thePentagon.

in the case of the Tupamaros thecommanding cadres and the greaterpart of the rank and file have come fromthe universities, the liberal professionsand the rebellious petty-bourgeois youthwho have learned how to disobey. Theylong for a revolution. But what kind ofrevolution? Since there are few workersand peasants in the columns of theTupamaros, it is understandable that thestruggle is limited mainly toengagements between the guerrillas onone side and the army and police on theother, in these encounters the people arecaught in the middle, leaving a politicalvacuum which only a different kind ofguerilla movement can fill: oneproviding support for all popular acts of

continued on page 5

Guatemala: Rising Free...

Reagan in Bed with RightWhen the Caner administration was

in power their shift away from the LucasGarcia regime for human rightsviolations incensed the rich inGuatemala--Carter was seen as aCommunist, and the ultra-rightMovement for National Liberationcalled for a break in diplomatic relationswith the U.S. Roberto Alejos Arzu, awealthy landowner who funds a pro-Garcia lobby in the U.S. (theGuatemalan Freedom Foundation),complained about the Carteradministration. "Most of the elements inthe State Department are probably pro-Communist--they’re using humanrights as an argument to promotesocialism in these areas."

Ronald Reagan, on the other hand,was seen by the rich in Guatemala astheir last chance to cling to power. Hewas their "only hope." And thus beganthe courtship of the Guatemalan rightand Reagan.

"Enthusiasm in Guatemala Because ofthe Victory of Reagan", read newspaperheadlines in Guatemala City the dayafter Reagan was elected president. Thepro-government newspapers predictedgreater private investment, sinceinvestors knew Reagan would protecttheir interests. Relations betweenGuatemala and the U.S. were expectedto be much stronger with Reagan inoffice.

Business figures and landowners inGuatemala were estatic about Reagan’selection and the Administration’scurtailment of criticisms for humanrights violations. In addition, theyexpect a resumption of U.S. militaryaid to Guatemala, cut off in 1977 by theCarter Administration for human rightsviolations.

Connections between Reagan’s campand Guatemalan military officials andlandowners began in December, 1979.At that time a delegation from theAmerican Security Council (ASC), private U.S. militarist group, visitedGuatemala to offer ’advice on thegovernment’s counter-insurgencyprogram. The delegation was led by Lt.Gen. Daniel Graham, Reagan’s advisorand ex-director of the DefenseIntelligence Agency, and Gen. John K.Singlaub. Robeno Alejos Arzu hostedthe Dec. ’79 visit by the ASC delegationand put them in contact with high-ranking government officials.

The ASC delegation easedgovernment concerns regardingAmnesty International’s findings ofhuman rights violations. "Guatemala

Terrorism...continued from page 4

protest, strikes, demonstrations, studentrebellions, etc. Only through theintermediary of the people, in otherwords, can urban guerrillas pass fromthe first phase of revolutionary war to ageneralized state of subversion leadingto a social revolution. ’"

Guillenismo correctly limits guerrillawarfare, and the terrorism associatedwith it, to a military and political tactic.Maoism achieves this same position byunderstanding terrorism and guerrillawarfare as stages in the revolutionarystruggle. In particular these stages areTerrorism(the birth of guerrillawarfare)-Guerrilla Warfare(the fruitionof guerrilla struggles and the birth of thered army)-Red Army(the fruition of thered army and the achievement of dualpower). In addition, Maoismemphasizes mass peasant organizationand mobilizatiop, the seizure of land andthe securing of liberated zones, and thecreation of counterinstitutions likepeasant soviets in the militarily defendedliberated zones.

The Vietnamese National LiberationFront is an example of this stage theoryin practice. Ho Chi Minh organized theVietminh to bring terrorism andguerrilla warfare to bear upon the

should not feel demoralized by thedefamatory campaign," they said,"because each day in influential circles inthe United States there is moreawareness of the reality in CentralAmerica."

Since Dec. ’79 Reagan has kept closecontact with Guatemala’s right wingthrough various advisors and associates.Several meetings took place during 1980,at least one of which was during theRepublican National Convention.Roberto Alejos Arzu hosted anothervisit in 1980 for officials from the YoungAmericans for Freedom, MoralMajority, Young Republicans’ NationalFederation, the American ConservativeUnion, Conservative Digest andmembers of the Conservative Caucus.Other Reagan advisers who visitedGuatemala in 1980 include DanialGraham; Roger Fontaine, one ofReagan’s chief Latin America advisors;Richard Allen, now head of the NationalSecurity Agency. At Reagan’sinauguration, several Guatemalan right-wingers attended the ceremony towitness their great hope take office.

Another person involved in Reagan’sGuatemala connection is MichaelDeaver. In order to influence U.S. publicopinion and policy, Amigos dei Palspays $11,000 a month to Deaver andHannaford, a Los Angeles/Washingtonpublic relations firm. The Amigos delPals is funded by right-wing Guatemalanindustrialists and has been lobbyingCongress, particularly the House ofRepresentatives Committee on Inter-American Affairs, for resumption ofmilitary aid. Deaver resigned from thefirm recently after being appointedspecial assistant to Reagan.

Although Reagan has close ties withGuatemala, and promised several timesduring his campaign not to "force"human rights on the Guatemalangovernment and resume military aid.While in office, no official action basbeen taken. Indirectly, however, severalprovisions have been made to provideassitance to Guatemala, and to reinforceperceptions of a so-called "communistplot to take over Central America." Oneof these is through the Foreign Aid Billsubmitted to Congress in March.Certain clauses within the bill allow for a"free-floating slush fund" that Secretaryof State Haig can use to funnel fundsinto Guatemala and other countries;thus bypassing Congressional approval.The other is the recent accusation by theGuatemalan government that Cuba andNicaragua are providing assistance to

French colonial regime. With the Frenchdefeat, the establishment of a liberatedzone in North Vietnam and America’sinvolvement, Vietnamese guerrilla unitsin the south were supplimented by unitsof the North Vietnamese Regular Army.In turn, the mixed forces of guerrilla andRed Army units gave way to the RedArmy as the Americans were defeatedand the guerrillas were disbanded orincorporated.

However, Maoism is no guarantee of acorrect use of terrorism. The KhmerRouge in Cambodia, supported byChina and theoretically alligned withMaoism, established DemocraticKampauchea and proceeded to commitgenocide against their own people,killing between 2 and 3 millionCambodians by placing terrorism notsimply as military strategy but aspolitical strategy. Guiilen’s comment on"piling up cadavers" takes on monstrousdimensions when terrorism becomes apolitical strategy.

To conclude, there is no such thing asrevolutionary right-wing terrorism. Leftrevolutionary terrorism, in the contextof guerrilla warfare, should beconsidered a military tactic, though itcan be used as a military strategy in thelast resort. Under no circumstancesshould the Left adopt terrorism as apolitical strategy. Left terrorism, to becorrect, must remain a political tactic.

5

"...our cause will continue living. Others will follow ,d>?’--a quote from SandinG

"subversives"; the evidence for thisaccusation is once again the all-too-familiar case of "captured documents"from the enemy.

The possible drift of Central and LatinAmerica away from the U.S. sphere ofinfluence is a source of great concern toReagan. With the revolution inNicaragua and the rejection of the"moderate" government by the people ofEl Salvador, the Reagan administrationsees Guatemala as a vital pawn in thestruggle to continue its hold in thatregion. The question is how long theAdministration is willing to wait beforeintervening directly on behalf of themilitary regime. The answer may beinfluenced by two factors.

On the one hand, Guatemala isimportant because of its minerals andnatural resources. After the discovery ofrich oil fields in Guatemala one U.S.diplomat commented, "It’s foolish forour government to distance itself fromGuatemala’s potential." Guatemala hasthe largest portion of U.S. investment inthat region.

But even though ~ashingtorsuspended militar~ aid in It~ ~7, the:Guatemalan army has mainlamed i,.,strength through military asslstanc~from Israel, Argentina and Chile lsra~is now supplying a large part of tla~"military assistance previousb, provide:by Washington, in adoltion t,technicians and experts in such areas aspropaganda and security. However, withthe unification of the four revolutionaryguerilla movements and their stepped upactions against the government, theyhave not only limited the Guatemalanarmy’s ability to act as a U.S. proxy butalso pose as a real threat to thedictatorship of Lucas Garcia.

These factors no doubt will be used tosell the idea of intervention inGuatemala to the American people.While the possibility of U.S.interventional threat; a unified CentralAmerican liberation struggle that hasdeveloped vastly over the last 10 yearswill prove too much for U.S. imperialismand will deal it a crushing defeat, asoccured in Vietnam.

OF flu

¢

Students Can Carpcontinued from page l

"U.S. Out of El Salvador," "MooniesOff Campus" and other chants.

The CARP organization--which isentrenched at San Diego State--hasannounced its intention to organize astrong campus chapter, relating to

Big Time MoonTwo former top leaders of the

Reverend Sun Myung Moon’sUnification Church have landed big jobsin right-wing bases in Washington, D.C.

Michael Young Warder was apowerful lieutenant of the KoreanMessiah for many years, and thepublisher of Moon’s flashy New Yorkdaily, News World. He is now director ofadministration at the HeritageFoundation, the ultra-right think tankthat has gained Reagan’s ear.Meanwhile, Gary Jarmin, once one ofMoon’s top political officers inWashington, is now legislative directorof the Christian Voice lobby.

Both men say they are no longerassociated with Moon, but some Mooniewatchers are not so sure. They citeMoon’s speeches, which reveal an

continued on pale 6

UCSD as a hotbed of subversive activitywith two "leftist" newspapers, the newindicator and the Guardian. Two weeksago, following a year of organizing, theysucceeded in securing the four member.~necessary to register as a studentorganization and reserve universityfacilities.

CARP--and the Moonie organiza-tion in general--is currently engaged in amassive nation-wide red baitingcampaign, attacking organizations suchas CalPIRG, leftist groups and gaystudent organizations which receivestudent fees. The M oonies have acquiredseveral businesses, own a dailynewspaper in New York city, and haveclose ties with high ranking officers in"New Right" think tanks and lobbyinggroups, according to the May 1981 issueof Mother Jones. Their organization iswell financed, publishing a weekly’newspaper’ aimed at students,producing slick two-color anti-communist leaflets and posters, anddirecting a major effort towardsreaching college students.

i I

Gritty Working Class QuarterlyMagazine out of Pittsburgh--The Mill Hunk Herald. Lookingfor creative writers and cheapsubscribers ($3 a year), 916Middle St. Pgh., PA 15212

Page 4: Protest Reagan’s First I00 Days April Coalition March

6

Ex-Student Arrested at RevelleA series of seemingly bizaare

occurences has led to the arrest of formerUCSD student John Gavin by UCSDPolice. Gavin recently has been the;ubject of numerous oppressive legal and;xtra-legal proceedings.

These stem from the break-up of3avin and his girl friend some time ago.After that break-up, Gavin continued to~how affections to her in a manner which.he found distressing. Ultimately, a¯ ourt order was issued basicallyequiring that neither of the two contactach other or come within 100 yards of

he others place of residence.

The Feb. 26 court order made itffectively impossible for Gavin to be on"evelle campus without violating the:der, as his ex-girlfriend resides in Argo;all. Although Gavin was no longer aJ CSD student at the time of the order,

the majority of his local friends reside atReverie. And although the woman whohas refused his attentions is graduatingthis year, the court order is effective untilFebruary 26, 1984.

The only apparent exception underwhich Gavin may be on the Revellecampus is for "social functions", a termwhich is not defined in the order.

Gavin, a well thought of employee ofLa Joria Village Inn, has been fired fromhis job. The Inn is often the host ofUCSD conferences and extensioncourses and, according to a former co-worker of his, Gavin was fired at therequest of certain UCSD official(s). Thisco-worker prefers to remainanonymous, rather than risk being fired.

These events culminated on the nightof April 16 when Gavin (invited by a few

friends who live on the third floor ofArgo hall) was actually arrested. At 8 pmthat night, three UCSD police officersknocked on the door, apparently tippedoff by some R.A., and proceeded toarrest Gavin for being in violation of thecourt order.

It is in this context that the clausepermitting Gavin to be attend "socialfunctions" on the Reverie campusbecome.,, important. Is sitting withfriends drinking beer a"social function?"Certainly some ambiguity exists.

Despite the totally benign nature ofGavin’s activities, he was booked intoCounty Jail on the night of the 16th, andwas not released until 4 am, on the nightof the 17th. This whole series of eventspoints out the degree to which authority(be it that of the University or of the legalsystem) interferes with the attempts ofeven apolitical and well-meaningindividuals to conduct their lives in aresponsible manner.

Moonies hit roadcontinued from pep 5

obsession with influencing Washingtonpolicy, his past successes in plantingspies in the offices of congreumemhersand ongoing cooperation between thetwo and various Moonie projects, TheFeb. 20 edition of the Moonie studentnewspaper (World Student Times,officially published by the CARP frontgroup), ran a lengthy interview withJarmin in which he hyped ChristianVoice. --Mother Jones

El Salvador...continued from page 3

American reporter, the first Americanmilitary advisor, to carry us deeper intoour latest foreign war. Just how deeplywe’ll go, we don’t know. Thanks toDreshler and a few other maverickreporters, we are at least beginning tofind out how far we’ve already gone.

}

rcerpted from NORTH AMERICAN%NARCHISM: The 1993 Revolution by ThomasVeysey (European Copyright 2020)

...The turn to the right in the United States in the!980"s led to cuts in Federal funds for welfare0rograms and aid for urban areas. Inner cities;ontinued to suffer from unemployment, crimemd physical decay, spawning a series of urban raceriots culminating in the Chicago/Detroit rebellion~f 1983. Although brutally suppressed, the:ebellion gave birth to the ThlrdFor~t, a network,f urban guerrilla cells, composed by 1985 of~ evolutionary black, chicano, and native American,rationalists...

...Business was deregulated and environmentalconcerns were sacrificed for profit. Life in manycitit~ and a few regions in the United States becamea health hazard in the ’80’s The 1982 nuclearaccident at San Onofre brought many in theenvironmental movement to the conclusion thatmore drastic measures were required. Thesophisticated destruction of the Seabrook nukewith timed explosives brought public attention to~I~W~FO¢I~ guerrillas in 1984_.

...Government attacks on labor and in particularorpnized labor went hand in glove with businessesnew lilx~rt/¢s. Legislative hedges on the Taft-Hartlcy collective bargaining and strikeprovisions, legal attempts on minimum wage andunemployment benefits, and support forbuaine~ amlult on the union shop motivated theformation, in 1983, of the ~ Aeem¢le,~m

Confederation of Labor (NACL) Composed atfirst of independent or radical unions, the NACLapproved of dual unionism and dual federalism togain ground in the AFL-CIO dominated unionmovement. Marxist tendencies in the NACLpushed for the creation of a party of labor tochallenge the right in 1984, liberal tendencieswanted a revived militant trade unionism, andanarchist tendencies organized for workers’control of business and industry...

...The Pentagon4ostered alliance of CentralAmerican Juntas could not solve the problems inEl Salvador, Honduras and Guatamala. Guerrillassupported by popular resistance threatenedrevolution in El Salvador and the Pentagonresponded with massive military aid tied to anOAS sponsored intervention advised by NorthAmericans. The full initiation of registration in1981 was followed by limited conscription in 1983in response to the assasination of the US envoy toMexico by El Salvadorian terrorists. Studentstrikes of major North American campusesfollowed the draft’s reintroduction...

...Returning to control of the Federalgovernment by a narrow electorial majority in1984, the Right still had not managed to preventrevolution in the Third World or to insureeconomic stability, let alone prosperity at home.Bank expropriations by the ThlrdFore~ financedcommunity service work. the spectacularpyrotechnics of GreenFo~ kept the media’sattention, and the student movement fought

pitched battles with police on campuses against lullconscription and military intervention in ElSalvador. But the most critical developments werehappening within the labor movement...

...The organizing emphasis of the NACLchanged from "building the party of labor" before1984 to "building for workers’ control" after theelections, reflecting the growth of decentralistelements within the organization. In 1985 theformation of the North Anm~,an ArmrehlslF~i’atlon {NAAF}-a network of anarchistmilitants in the NACL pushing for popularalliances with the middle classes, workers’ controlfor dual power, the general strike supported byseizure of factories and businesses all supported byurban guerrilla units, and the direct armeddictatorship of the proletariat-gave anarchism aneffective political organ, paradoically much like avanguard leninist party only with a direct actionstrategy...

...The general strike, timed as it was for anelection year, brought down the Republican partyand the Right in 1988. This well understoodhistorical fact does not reflect the countless local,regional and industry-wide strikes-somesuccessful, most unsuccessful-which built for thisgeneral strike. Nor does it reflect who benefited, interms of the elections, from labor’s impressiveshow of strength. While the NAAF captured theleadership of the Confederation of Labor. manyMarxist members of the NACL achievedimportant positions in the 1988 Democratic party

sweep of the electrons......The new administration developed striking

reforms--economic syndicates composed ofrepresentatives from capital, management, labor,"consumers" and the government to manage theeconomy-which were implimented "at a price."The Red and Black Purges of theNACI in 1991 tobridle the Confederation of Labor for the nationaleconomic syndicate, initiated by former Marxistmembers of the NACL, only succeeded in drivingiu leadership, the N~UkP, underground. The~neral strike of May-June-July, 1993.emonstrated its power and reach through the

NACL. That the strike coincided with theinsurrections in Watts, Newark, Harlem andOakland, as well as Om~mFofee’s assault onMonterey Bay’s deepwater oil port brought theState full against this "Revolution of 1993"...

...The massive reppression that followed the"Revolution of 1993" drove what was left of theNo,lh American Confederltloe of Labor, ledby the North Amedcan Anarchist Federlllloninto a revolutionary stance. The under/roundNAAF joined the urban guerrilla movement and in1995 initiated its own actions. The 1997coordinated front between theN/L~F, ThlfdF~OmlmFOree, and radical elements of the studentmovement can be considered the beginning of theSecond American Civil War, a civil war whichspread from the United States to Mexico andCanada in 1999 when the US government launchedretaliatory strikes on guerrilla strongholds in thesecountries...

Reagan Protest..coaflnued"h’om page 1

government repression at home andabroad. No new McCarthyism. ANEND TO RACIST AND SEXISTVIOLENCE! 4) Support of humanrights for undocumented workers. Anend to U.S. corporate control of theMexican economy. Self-determinationfor Mexico. SOLIDARIDAD CON ELPUEBLO MEXICANO!"

The third Meeting also considered andapproved by consensus a proposalcalling for the April Coalition to sponsora picket outside the Mission Bay Hiltonon Monday, April 27, during a noonaddress by Reagan’s policy chief EdMeese.

Apart from the proposals, AprilCoalitrion business included a Forumsupda’,e and Committee reports.Forthcoming April Coalition Forums,in addition to four which had already

Reagan PacksBureaucracy

In the past month the Reaganadministration has been quietlyappointing people to sub-cabinet leveljobs. In many agencies these second-level personnel implement policy, andthus wield significant power. Many ofthese appointees are directly opposed tothe programs they head.

Chief of the Agricultural Dept.’sForest Service, for example, is timberlawyer John Crowell. An outspokencritic of the entire concept of nationalforests, Crowell served for 14 years ascounsel for Louisiana-Pacific, the thirdlargest U.S. forest products company.

For chief of the EnvironmentalProtection Agency (EPA) formercorporate attorney and Colorado statelegislator Anne Gorsuch. Given a keyrecommendation hy Joseph Coors,Gorsuch believes the EPA is"a regulator

continued on page g

taken place, included the followingFederal Budget Forum, April 24,downtown YWCA building. U.S.-Mexico Border Issues Forum, April 26,Golden Hills Community Hall. ElSalvador/Draft Forum, April 27 CityCollege. International Womeh’s IssuesForum, May 3, place to be announced.

Colorful posters and flyers publicingthe May 9th march and Expo weredistributed by the Publicity Committee.Logistics requested volunteers forchildcare, monitor training andpreparation for the Expo site. TheFundraising Committee collected morethan $100 in donations during theMeeting, matched dollar-for-dollar bythe California Democratic Party.

The Speakers Committee announcedentertainers and speakers scheduled forthe May 9th Expo, confirmed as of theMeeting on April 23. Speakers includeFrank Wilkinson, Executive DirectorEmeritus of the National CommitteeAgainst Repressive Legislation, TulioMendoza, currently in exile from E!Salvador, William Wipsler, head of theNational Council of Churches HumanRights Division, Don Lazere, a linguistspeaking on the "Language of Mega-Death," Anthony Ngubo, a formerUCSD professor and specialist on SouthAfrica, Merkle Harris, director of theWelfare Rights Organization.Entertainers confirmed so far includePeter Alsop, Carlata Hernandez,Womansong and poet James TyroneWallace. Many more internationally andIocaly renowned speakers andentertainers have been contacted andtentatively scheduled to appear at theApril Coalition Peace & JusticeExposition. The Coalition promises anexciting and well-rounded program.

To get involved with the Coalition, orif you wish to set-up an exhibit at theMay 9th Expo, please contact the AprilCoalition, c/o San Diego Students forPeace (452-4450), the National LawyersGuild Military. Law Panel (233-1701), the Committee Against Registration andthe Draft (753-7518).

You

Can BecomeA Member of the

General Store Co-opDiscount PricesSchool Supplies & moreNo Long LinesClass Schedules

Located in South Side, Student CenterOPEN: M-F, 11-4 pm 452-3932

GAY ¯ LABOR ̄ LATIN AMERICA ̄ ECOLOGY

MARXIST-HUMANISM̄ POLITICAL ECONOMY

¯ MEN ¯ BLACK ¯ NON-VIOLENCEWOMEN

MID EAST

HEALTH

ENERGY

ART

GroundworkBooks

MARCUSE

CHINA

IRELAND

MEDIA

UCSD Student Centeri 5 to [.-:,,If’non iefff at w(yN~ler,

toolloriOCle riQht into pCIrklr~ lot

452-9625’ AALBANI Mon-S~t 11 am-8 pm RECORDS

SCIENCE FOR THE PEOPLE ̄ ASIAN AMERICAN

NUCLEAR POWER ̄ MARXIST/LENINtSM ̄ IRAN

LEGAL HASSLES ̄ YOUNG PEOPLE ̄ CHICANC

MARXISM ̄ NATIVE AMERICAN ̄ ORGANIZING

FOOD ̄ US LEFT ¯ LIBROS EN ESPANOL

University Events Office presents:

"You will be absorbed in wondermentevery flame of the way." ,,,,,, ...,.,,

I’,,.lu,, ,i b~ Kt; Arid iT.aim ,I, qql A (l’%l:~l(~r~ 1%,.~t I~ ~1 ~ ~ tHkl F4 111 <, l tcir,l’.,

Thursday, April 30Mandeville Auditorium

8:00 pm, $1.75

I1 II

Recycling CoopVolunteer meetings, Mondays, 5pro,

at the Ch6.Or Call" 452-8005

IN THE CHE CAFE COLLECTIVEa friendly, supportive community

WelcomeMON-THURS 10:30 AM- 10PM

FRIDAY 10:30 AM-5PM

located in the eucalyptus grovesoutheast of the Humanities Library

I "

III1’

Volunteer 2 hours per weekreceive discounts at the

Che CafeFood Co-op

General StoreGroundwork Books

Assorted Vinyl V E

JOIN THE CHE CAFE COLLECTI

7

!!

Page 5: Protest Reagan’s First I00 Days April Coalition March

$

Watson Pushes False Historycontinued from page I

When the student-faculty-staff strikeof Spring 1972 comes along, the partisancharacter and intent of the entireproduction comes out. It isacknowedged that the strike demandedJoe Watson’s resignation as collegeprovost on the grounds that he wasusurping the power of the college’sfaculty and student controlled Board ofDirectors, and also that the nowinfamous former chancellor, WilliamMcEIroy, delegated "full provostpowers" to Watson--in completeviolation of the By-Laws of the ThirdCollege (which have never beenrepealed). It was also mentioned that theBlack Students Union supported

,Watson during this strike, althoughthere was no mention of those Blackstudents who did not. Nor was itmentioned that the Black studentr.:wspaper Ujima later condemned"arson for "prostituting" the interests,~ ~d goals ol the college. The outcome of," c str~k’e a defeat for student-faculty. ~-mocracv m the university--- is brushed:~.ide. ()is well! The freedom fighters,,t and now we can use our exotic and

"-iting htstorv to build pride in ourr~, b~)r~ng and normal college! And

-’.ce Joe Watson worked so hard to get; :ndin~ for the buildings (which remain’ +.apty :~t me intended educational,ctivity) he should get our unqualified.,Jpport! I-he play went so far as to.,ttac,, the Lumumba-Zapata: ~e~ense Offense Support Group of the,’,tuder~! Cooperative Union forc~rculatmg a petition demanding thatWatson not be given the job of ViceChancellor of Undergraduate Affairs(see inset). Clearly, "A History of ThirdCollege" was anything but ’art for art’ssake’. Contrary to the message of thisplay, one defeat is no sign of the end ofthe long struggle for liberation andjustice.

Now most students at Third College,myself included, are very aware of JoeWatson’s recent report on affirmativeaction progress and problems at UCSD.Some think he is a friend of affirmativeaction. He is not. The new chancellor,Richard Atkinson, commissioned thereport. Why he asked Joe Watson tomake the report, rather than request theStudent Affirmative Action Committeeand other concerned parties to co-authorit, is a question 1 will raise and leavehanging. But the result was a self-servingplug for hiring more underrepresentedminority and women personnel into thetanks of the upper administration--aneeded change, which unfortunatelycomes across as a promotional for JoeWatson.

The report talks about the limitations9f a "color blind" or "sex blind"~pproach to achieving the goals ofequality, and makes the crucialobservation that most rules andregulations on this campus ignore the

impact on affirmation action caused bythem. (Perhaps "Affirmative ActionImpact Reports" analogous to"Environmental Impact Reports" wouldbe a logical suggestion, but Watsondidn’t go that far). The report is,however, "income blind" or "classblind"--it fails to address the economicand financial obstacles to education andcareer advan~ment encountered by somany underrepresented minority andwomen students and scholars.

If Joe Watson becomes ViceChancellor, we can expect the bitterquarrels which have been typical at theThird College to spread to a campus-wide version. The students will beconfronted with all the problems oftrying to avoid the traps and stupidity ofracism while condemning the racist,sexist, and anti-social policies of the

i¸..I’-,~ .. ~., .. .....

administration’s new buffer andspokesperson, a very loyal but tokenBlack administrator named Watson.

I will close with a comment on theResident Advisor’s programmeintroduction. "The history is a basicbuilding block for the strong sense ofcommunity felt by Third Collegestudents of the past, present, andfuture", they said. We must be wary ofthose who advocate a strong sense ofcommunity without mentioning a strongsense of equality, freedom of discussion,and the abolition of class, sex, and racepriveleges. The fascist program in thetwenties and thirties (and also today)emphasized the solidarity of thecommunity and the "nation" against anydivisiveness or dissent or elementsforeign to the rulers’ definition of thecommunity or the nation. In theGerman version, of course, Jews,communists, homosexuals, and otherswere defined as foreign disruptors of thecommunity, whereas the modern KKKand the Euro-American ned-Nazimovement has a much longer hit list.As Lumumba-Zapata College co-founder Angels Davis has noted:

"One of the fundamental historicallessons to be learned from past failures toprevent the rise of fascism is the decisiveand indispensable character of the fightagainst fascism in its incipient phases.Once allowed to conquer ground, itsgrowth is facilitated in geometricproportion. Although the mostunbridled expressions of the fascistmenace are still tied to the racist

Elections, cont.liberal "Action not Reaction" slate.which avoided issues throughout thecampaign, fared similarly, althoughelecting one of its own in a largelyuncontested race Another stronglyissue-oriented campaign, that of Lee~tnderson for Academic Affairs, provedno match for the mane tactics of the"Chu for You" campaign. Anderson, aProgressive Coalition member who hadi~en acquiring a reputation as a hard-,vnrking Academic Affairs commis-sioner since his appointment last,-~uarter.

Meanwhile, significant charges havebeen filed against Presidential candidateJosh Harris and the "Student Slate"alleging financial improprieties. Andcomplaints of double-voting, untendedballots, partisan poll workers, refusal toaccept ballots from some students, and~ther issues have been documented.

In addition, blatant falsification of¯ .ote returns occurred Although it is not,ossible to determine the extent to which

this has effected the results, it is knownthat unknown persons working with theElections Commission destroyed, orremoved, ballots cast for WarrenCollege A.S. representative candidatebasem Harb. Semi-official A.S.elections returns claim that Harbrt.cewed but 4 votes; but evidencepresented to the new indicator provest hat at least 10-12 ballots were cast forHarb by students known to us. Anundeterminable number of votes werepresumably cast by other Warrenstudents, as welt.

The constitutional convention--oneof the last actions initiated by the presentcouncil--will reconvene this Thursday,at 5:00. All students are eligible to attendthis Convention which is consideringboth new constitutions andgovernmental models and minorbureaucratic variations on the existingdocument. Perhaps with the adoption ofcomprehensive constitutional reform,the ASUCSD can be brought out of itscurrent state of powerless lethargy, andbegin to undertake some real work.

domination of Blacks, Chicanos, PuertoRicans, Indians, it lurks under thesurface wherever there is potentialresistance to the power of monopolycapital, the parasitic interests whichcontrol this society. Potentially it canprofoundly worsen the conditions ofexistence for the average Americancitizen."--from if They Come In The Morning

"A History of Third College" was, insummation, an act of ugliness. In this,aesthetic, sense, its form and content,despite documentary distortion, in factreflected the actual history--a history ofthe ugly reality of unfreedom at UCSDand in the society UCSD serves.

by Montgomery Reed

Reagan appt$., cont.run amok."

For head of the Interior Dept.’s strip-mining regulation unit, James Harris.Harris opposed the Federal Strip MineAct of 1978, which set up the agency heheads. His nomination has been snaggedby charges that he made huge profitsselling Indiana land to strip miningcompanies.

For chief of the SALT negotiatingteam. Gen. Edward Rowny. For sixyears the Joint Chiefs ofStaff rep. on theSALT negotiating teams, Rownystrongly opposed theSALT2 agreement.He advocates that the U.S. gain nuclearsuperiority over the Soviets.

Another appointment that wentvirtually unnoticed was that of ThomasPauken to head the Action agency,which oversees the Peace Corps andVista services. Since Reagan plans toabolish Vista, Pauken will in effect headthe Peace Corps.

At his confirmation hearing before theSenate Foreign Relations Comm. it wasrevealed that Pauken spent a year as anArmy "special intelligence agent" whilein Vietnam. Pauken said that he hadmerely written some reports, and"happened" to be assigned to anintelligence unit.

Sen. Alan Cranston then obtainedPauken’s Army record, which shows herequested an intelligence assignment andduring 1968-69 had been "chief of anintelligence collection team engaged incovert intelligence actions." Pauken’sunit was part of the notorious Phoenixprogram, which used assassination andterror to combat the Vietnameseliberation forces.

Cranston also discovered that Pauken

British ShakenThe British government and the

political establishment of NorthernIreland have been rocked by the April 9parliamentary election of Bobby Sands,an imprisoned leader of the IrishRepublican Army (IRA).

Sands’ triumph in a special election inthe Northern Ireland counties ofFermanagh and South Tyrone hascompletely discredited official claimsthat the IRA enjoys only marginalsupport in its ! 2-year armed campaign toexpel the British from the north ofIreland and to reunite the country as ademocratic socialist republic.

Sands’ 52%-48% victory over a right-wing opponent who favors continuedunion with Britain also represents amajor boost for the 4-year effort by IrishRepublican inmates to gain status aspolitical prisoners. Sands began ahunger strike March 1 in the H-blockprison in order to force the Biritsh tomeet five demands that would effectivelygivethe Republican prisoners politicalstatus. These concessions were made lastyear by the British government in orderto end a hunger strike, but have not beenimplemented. Unless the Londongovernment makes the necessaryconcessions, it is highly likely that Sandswill die before the end of this month.

Despite the presence in Fermanaghand South Tyrone of a slim Catholic-Nationalist majority, Sands’ victory waswon against daunting opposition. In theweek leading up to the April 9 polling,the British media had almostunanimously predicted that theelectorate would "repudiate terrorism"by boycotting the ballot box or spoilingballot cards, thus permitting Sands’opponent to win the seat.

In San Diego, 50 people picketed theFederal Building last Saturday insupport of Bobby Sands, and thedemand for special status for politicalprisoners in northern Ireland.

adapted from the Guardian

lied about his date of discharge. TheSenate committee expressed qualms thatPauken’s background may lend credenceto the claim that the Peace Corps is usedby the CIA to gather intelligence.Pauken declined to state unequivocallythat he would not allow the Peace Corpsto be used for intelligence sources, butthe Senate committee nonethelessapproved the appointment by an 8-7vote. --the Guardian

ero~ .Protests contra ioS..¢¢" ,o0 elias del Preside~’"

DE

Saturday, May 9 IX tO 4Balboa Park Organ Pavilion

speakers, displays, music and theatert~tlcl(ant p~O~d/’~tch~l¢ ~l¢¢t,,lllbl~

MARCHbeqlm 9:30 a.m. at 6tt~ and Laurel

for more Infotm.~tton (’all SDSP 452-44S0 of NLG 2"!3-1701