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CONFLICT RESOLUTION',VOLUMiE I, N[UMBER 1, 1957 Project for a world intelligence center QUINCY WRIGHT Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 1. Introduction -Since H-bomb war has become a definite possibility, all thinking people have recog. nized that the proper conduct of interna- tional relations is of prime importance to national welfare and, indeed, to the survival of the human race. President Eisenhower has said: "There is no longer any alterna- tive to peace," and nine eminent scientists, led by Bertrand Russell and Albert Ein- stein, have declared: "All, equally, are in peril, and, if the peril is understood, there is hope that they may collectively avert it." The conference at the summit which met at Geneva in July, 1955, was concerned primarily with creating a new atmosphere of mutual confidence between the Western and Soviet blocs, which, it was hoped, would make subsequent negotiations on specific topics fruitful. The participants in this conference expressed conviction that such a new atmosphere had been created. Many commentators agreed with them at the time. It was said, however, that, with the subsequent foreign ministers conference, the atmosphere deteriorated. The questions may'be asked: What does one mean by a "better atmosphere" in inter- national relations? What is the evidence establishing it? How much did the atmos- 315

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Page 1: Project for a world intelligence center - OSS.Net · CONFLICT RESOLUTION',VOLUMiE I, N[UMBER 1, 1957 Project for a world intelligence center QUINCY WRIGHT Carnegie Endowment for International

CONFLICT RESOLUTION',VOLUMiE I, N[UMBER 1, 1957

Project for a world intelligence center

QUINCY WRIGHT

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

1. Introduction-Since H-bomb war has become a definite

possibility, all thinking people have recog.nized that the proper conduct of interna-tional relations is of prime importance tonational welfare and, indeed, to the survivalof the human race. President Eisenhowerhas said: "There is no longer any alterna-tive to peace," and nine eminent scientists,led by Bertrand Russell and Albert Ein-stein, have declared: "All, equally, are inperil, and, if the peril is understood, thereis hope that they may collectively avert it."

The conference at the summit which metat Geneva in July, 1955, was concerned

primarily with creating a new atmosphereof mutual confidence between the Westernand Soviet blocs, which, it was hoped,would make subsequent negotiations onspecific topics fruitful. The participants inthis conference expressed conviction thatsuch a new atmosphere had been created.Many commentators agreed with them atthe time. It was said, however, that, withthe subsequent foreign ministers conference,the atmosphere deteriorated.

The questions may'be asked: What doesone mean by a "better atmosphere" in inter-national relations? What is the evidenceestablishing it? How much did the atmos-

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CURRENT RESEARCH

phere improve? These questions are at theheart of international relations, and thesound conduct of foreign policy dependsupon the answers. But if answers are at-tempted, they are usually vague and sub-jective.

The atmosphere of international rela-tions, like the weather, is a complex ofmany factors, but students of internationalrelations have not been so successful asmeteorologists in analyzing these factorsand ascertaining their relations. The evi-dence for change is largely the subjectivereaction of statesmen who meet one an-other or the subjective feeling of corre-spondents and commentators conveyed tothe public. International relations has nothermometers, barometers, humidity meas-urers, charts of wind velocity, or records ofprecipitation, such as provide evidence ofthe physical atmosphere superior to thatprovided by the individual's feeling of heat,cold, and humidity and his observations ofclouds, rain, and wind. People assume thatthe atmosphere of international relations isat any moment getting better or worse withmore or less rapidity, but few would at-tempt to present accurate measurements ofthese changes from day to day.

In 1800 Lamarck, working with Laplaceand Lavoisier, began publication of theseries of "Annuaire m6t6orologiques," andthis was the pioneer of weather mapping. Aperiodical mapping of the atmosphere of in-ternational relations in the different areas ofthe world, indicating the degree of change,would be of great value both in the under-standing of international relations bypeoples and in the practical conduct of for-eign policy by governments.

It is believed that the scientific study ofinternational relations has advanced to apoint making practicable the initiation ofsuch a mapping and its presentation in anannual publication.

2. The Project

It is proposed to establish a center forcollecting and analyzing current informa-tion on international relations 'and to pre-sent this material in narrative, statistical,and graphical form in an annual publicationwhich might be called "The World Intelli-gence Yearbook." The word "intelligence"carries the dual meaning of information, asin military intelligence, and of rational ac-tion in contrast to action directed by igno-rance, emotion, or prejudice.

The purpose of such a publication wouldbe to inform and enlighten the public bypresenting and analyzing factual materialindicating the changing atmosphere ofworld opinion, the changing condition ofworld politics, and the alternatives availableand the probable consequences of adoptingeach in the decisions which have to bemade by governments and international or-ganizations. Such a publication should alsobe of value to national governments and in-ternational organizations themselves, al-though such agencies normally have sourcesof information and competent analystswhich, on the surface, would appear to besuperior to those available to the proposedcenter.

A private center, however, would have anumber of advantages in informing boththe public and the governments. It wouldnot be limited by the necessity to supportan established policy, as are governmentagencies. It could select a staff whichwould be less influenced by the prejudicesof party, nation, and local community thanare political agencies. It could be less in-hibited in publication and research than arethe staffs of international organizations. Thelimitations of authority and the dependencefor support upon many governments imposeextreme prudence on the activities of suchorganizations, especially in studying suchsubjects as the atmosphere and tensions of

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international relations. Furthermore, gov-ernmental agencies, whether national or in-ternational, must confine themselves tostudies immediately relevant to their pri-mary function of making decisions. Theycannot examine the entire field of interna-tional relations in a scientific spirit as coulda private center.

Because of these advantages, an endowedprivate agency can be in a better positionthan official agencies to present objectiveand impartial information on internationalrelations and to analyze it in such a way asto enlighten world public opinion. The ca-pacity to do so would depend, of course,upon the qualifications of the personnel ofthe center.

There are many yearbooks, such as theAnnual Register, the Statesmen Yearbook,the United Nations Yearbook, the UnitedNations Statistical Yearbook, the United Na-tions Demographic Yearbook, the UnitedNations World Economic Report, and theUnited Nations Human Rights Yearbook.These provide much useful information,but, if political, it is usually merely descrip-tive and not quantitative. If quantitative, itis usually economic or social but not polit-ical. Undoubtedly, much of the quantita-tive information of the latter type has greatpolitical significance, but this is usually notbrought to the reader's attention. What isneeded is a quantification of political andpsychological conditions and trends. Thesignificant variables contributing to the in-ternational atmosphere should be identi-fied and their changes presented. A com-petently prepared "World IntelligenceYearbook" would seem to fill a definiteneed.

3. Importance

The World Citizen's Association, whichfunctioned for a decade before and after

World War II, had, as its first purpose, "Todevelop the world community's awarenessof itself so that eventually a world ordermay be evolved in which races, nations andcultural associations may be harmonized,thus reducing strife without eliminatingvariety."

The World Intelligence Yearbook shouldhelp to make the world community awareof itself.

The "world commmunity" is a vast, com-plicated, and varied group, manifesting asmuch of conflict as of co-operation. It is acommunity only in the sense that there issome communication among its importantgroups and that, consequently, the actionof each is influenced to some extent by itsopinion of the others. These opinions areoften at variance with the facts, because ofthe inadequate "intelligence" and the biasesof governments and peoples. While the in-formation and analyses available to the gov-ernments are usually better than thoseavailable to the people, it often happensthat in democracies governments cannot uti-lize their better "intelligence" because thepeople insist on policies which correspondwith what they believe. The major problemis, therefore, to make the beliefs of peoplecorrespond more closely to reality, that is,to make the world community more awareof itself.

Progress in the solution of this probleminvolves (1) a more adequate theory of in-ternational relations, to indicate which of allthe myriad events and conditions of therapidly changing world are most importantto know; (2) continuous investigation, toascertain these facts; and (3) continuouspublication, to present them in such a waythat they can be read and their significanceeasily understood in the busy life of deci-sion-making officials and of the average citi-zen.

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4. Theoretical FoundationsDuring the past generation great ad-

vances have been made toward a theory ofinternational relations capable of empiricaland quantitative verification. A study ofwar carried on at the University of Chicagofrom 1926 to 1942 and resulting in twopublished volumes entitled A Study of War(Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1942) did a pioneering work in this field.The Harris Institute publications, especiallythat entitled The World Community (Chi-cago: University of Chicago Press, 1948),have presented mature opinions on the sub-ject from anthropologists, psychologists,economists, political scientists, internationallawyers, and others. Volumes by QuincyWright entitled Problems of Stability andProgress in International Relations (Berke-ley: University of Califorpia Press, 1954)and The Study of International Relations(New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,1955) bring together much of the theory inthis field. Harold Lasswell has made majorcontributions through his World Politics andPersonal Insecurity (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1935) and in several projectswhich he has inspired: The Policy Sciences:Recent Developments in Scope and Method(Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press,1951); The Language of Politics: Studies inQuantitative Semantics (New York: Stew-art, 1949), and in the "RADIR Studies,'which he initiated with a paper entitled TheWorld Revolution of Our Time: A Frame-work for Basic Policy Research (Stanford,Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1951).Daniel Lerner, Ithiel de Sola Pool, KarlDeutsch, and Norbert Wiener are makingsimilar studies at the Communications Insti-tute at Massachusetts Institute of Technol-ogy. Richard Snyder, Richard Van Wagen-en, and Frederick Dunn, at the Institute ofInternational Studies at Princeton, have also

CONFLICT RESOLUTION VOLUME I

done much in the field. The significance ofcommunication, opinions, and attitudesupon policy in the international field is be-coming better understood, and a theory ofinternational relations has developed sufi-ciently to provide a basis for selecting eventsand plotting trends significant for interna.tional relations. Changing conditions of in-dividual and group attention, attitude, andopinion; of national policy and power; andof international atmosphere, distances, andtensions appear to be particularly important.

5. Contents of the YearbookA World Intelligence Yearbook would, of

course, include much concrete informationof a descriptive or historical character, butit would also seek to combine great quanti-ties of information in easily read graphs,diagrams, and maps. Has tension betweenthe United States and the Soviet Union in-creased or decreased during the past year,and how much? Has the North AtlanticTreaty Organization become more or lesssolid during the last year, and how much?Are internal tensions in Germany increasingor decreasing, and how much? What is therelative attention given by the Americanpeople to domestic affairs and to interna-tional affairs? To Great Britain? To Russia?To defense? To conciliation? Has Frenchopinion moved to the right or left in thepast year, and how much? Has Americanopinion become more or less favorable toCommunist China during the past year, andhow much? What is the relative power posi-tion of the United States and the SovietUnion? What changes have taken place inthis position in reference to military forces?To national morale? To allies? To popula-tion? To industrial plants? What changes intechnological, strategic, psychological, andother aspects of distances have taken placebetween the principal powers? What effectdid the summit conference of July, 1955,

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have on the atmosphere of international re-lations?

Some of these questions will be extremelydifficult to answer, even using the besttechniques and data available. Many couldbe answered at least better than they areanswered through subjective speculation bynewspapers, commentators, and politicians.A systematic survey of the changing compo-sition of elites; of the changing attention tosymbols of states, procedures, and policies;of the changing direction, intensity, ho-mogeneity, and stability of public opinionin the various countries in reference to cer-tain of these symbols; of the trends of ten-sions, policies, distributions of power, de-cisions, and incidents, such as would bepresented in the Intelligence Yearbook,would help to answer them.

6. Methodf The center would have a small staff utiliz-

_ ing library material and analyzing con-temporary sources of information. It wouldnot seek to obtain confidential materials.

Expert consultation would be necessaryto determine the significance, methods, andreliability of proposed measurements. Thedata would be assembled from the press,opinion polls, government and United Na-tions documents, and other sources of infor-mation available in libraries, with some sup-plementation by consultation with on-the-spot agents. he Institute of ContemporaryWorld Asais (Walter Rogers) and theAmerican University Field Service (Phil-lips Talbot) might assist in criticizing con-clusions arrived at from library studies

through experience of their men in the fieldin various parts of the world.

University centers and institutes for thestudy of international relations at Harvard,Yale, Massachusetts Institute of Technol-ogy, Princeton, Columbia, Chicago, Brook-ings, Michigan, and other institutions mightco-operate.

7. OrganizationThe center would be managed by a com-

mittee, perhaps five persons, whose dutieswould be general supervision and control ofthe fund. The director would be immediate-ly responsible for management and wouldcontrol the staff. A consultative committee,including persons from various parts of theworld, would also be desirable. Such a com-mittee might be enlarged to twenty orthirty persons.

8. PublicationIt would probably be desirable to devote

the first year of the institute to consultationand preparation of test materials for criti-cism, postponing the first publication untilthe end of the second year. After that, theYearbook should appear annually at a fixeddate.

9. BudgetDetails concerning a budget for a trial

period of five years are being worked out. Aminimum budget might run between fiftyand sixty thousand dollars per year.

It is hoped that eventually the Yearbookwould be made self-sustaining. A commer-cial publisher might be interested.

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The value for conflict resolution of ageneral discipline of international relations

QUINCY WRIGHT

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Forms and Causes of Conflict"Conflict" is a term of broad connotation

with applications in the physical, biological,philosophical, and social worlds. Conflictsof material bodies and of animals of thesame or different species, as well as con-flicts of ideological, philosophical, or reli-gious systems, may al provide approachesto the study of conflict between persons orsocial groups. The latter type of conflict,however, is the central interest in the studyof "Conflict Resolution"; and, of all suchconflicts, international conflict, often result-ing in war, is (1) the most dangerous tomankind; (2) the most typical of socialconflicts; (3) the most comprehensive of allother forms of conflict; and (4) the mostthoroughly examined in the literature deal-ing with conflict.

That international conflict in the age ofnuclear fission and fusion is dangerous toall men and to all societies few will question.War has always been a peril to human hap-piness, though it has sometimes facilitatedprogress. Today general war with modeminstruments would be a catastrophe withfew, if any, mitigations.1 There can be littledoubt of the tendency of international con-flict to generate war and, as Clausewitzpointed out, for wars to spread and to be-come absolute or total (3, 15, 16). Thepeaceful coexistence of inconsistent eco-

nomic, political, social, and ideological sys-tems becomes increasingly difficult to main-tain as the world shrinks and as the rate ofshrinkage accelerates. Such inconsistenciesseen to demand resolution, and efforts atresolution breed conflicts, which in turn in-crease tension and the probability of war,especially if efforts are made to effect suchresolution as rapidly as the accelerating rateof historic change seems to make necessary(16).

Social conflict has been attributed to theeffort of social entities to maintain autono-my. This self-centeredness or hybris, seek-ing to bend the world to the purposes ofthe individual or group, thereby identifyingthose purposes with the will of God, hasbeen called by Toynbee the "cardinal sin,"though he recognizes that the struggle forsurvival, of which it is an implication, is theessence of life itself (11). Karl Deutsch ex-plains this source of social conflict as thepractice of giving weight to external com-munications only after they have been ap-praised by the internal communications sys-

1 President Eisenhower said in 1955: "Thereis no longer any alternative to peace"; and nineeminent scientists led by Bertrand Russell andAlbert Einstein declared in the same year: "Allequally are in peril, and, if the peril Is under-stood, there is hope that they may collectivelyavert it."

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tern, relating the values and drives whichconstitute the individuality ofthe organisor society. In such appraisal, he writes, therejis "a propensity to prefer self-referepce sym-bols to information from the outside world"(5), often resulting in disaster for the entity 2

(15). Yet, without some such preference,there is no autonomy and no life. The an-tinomy between the effort to do what isright according to the conscience of theruler, the culture of the society, the law ofthe state, or the interests of the people andto do what is necessary according to infor-mation available concerning the power andpolicies of other states, the opinions of othersocieties, the universal law of nations, or thegeneral interests of mankind fills the "real-ist" school of international politics3 withprofound pessimism. To do what is rightaccording to internal symbols, dispositions,and communications-that is, to preserveautonomy, independence, or sovereignty-may be to commit suicide. Deutsch notesthat religious insight suggests a modera-tion of autonomy and self-interest by con-sideration of the interests of others and ofthe society of which all are members, exem-plifying the virtues of humility, faith, rever-ence, and love, but only, according to Toyn-bee, at the expense of suffering, thus savingone's life by losing it4 (5, 11).

Though autonomy may be at the heart of

2Lasswell (in 8) writes: "Social conflict re-sults from the conscious pursuit of exclusivevalues."

3 Such as Machiavelli, Schopenhauer, OswaldSpengler, Reinhold Nicbuhr, Hans Morgenthau.

4 David Riesman has contrasted the "inner di-rection" of conscience with the "other direc-tion" of public opinion (10), the latter tend-ing to develop as social change becomes rapid.For evidence that foreign policy tends to respondmore to external pressures upon, than to the in-ternal constitution of, states, as the world shrinks,see reference 15.

all social conflict, it can be most easily stud-ied in international conflicts, both becausethe sovereign states are, par excellence, thesocial entities seeking autonomy (13) andbecause in the sovereign state the decision-making process is most open to observation,at least if the government is constitutionaland democratic.

Conflict, as noted, may be physical, bio-logical, or philosophical, as well as social.International conflicts may exhibit all thesecharacteristics. War is fought on the mili-tary, economic, propaganda, legal, and po-litical fronts. Armies, like physical entitiesmoving toward one another, seek to occupythe same place at the same time, each at-tempting to annihilate or capture the other.Generals, like game players, seek to deviseand carry out strategies which will outcal-culate the enemy's responses with a mini-mum of cost and risk of defeat and a maxi-mum probability of victory. Governmentsseek to control economic goods and servicesin order to starve or bankrupt the enemyand to provide essential materials for them-selves. They communicate symbols to thehome population, to neutrals, and to ene-mies, each government seeking to convinceall that its ideals, goals, and values are rightand the enemy's wrong and that in any caseit is going to win and the enemy to lose. Onthe legal front, each government argues inthe court of world opinion the rightness andjustice of its cause and conduct, and the vi-olations of international law by the enemy.On the political front, diplomats of eachside seek to induce neutral governments tobe benevolent or to participate on their sideand to induce the enemy to abandon itsfutile efforts. Thus analogies from everyform of conflict-party politics, industrialstrife, litigation, revolution, insurrection,prize fights, football, and chess-can throwlight on the subject of international conflict.

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A GENERAL DISCIPLINE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

The study of war can contribute to thestudy of all forms of conflict (15, 16).

From the point of view of developing ascience of conflict resolution, internationalconflict is especially important because ithas been so widely studied. A unified disci-pline of international relations is only be-ginning to emerge, but its components-in-ternational politics and diplomacy, interna-tional law, international organization, inter-national economics, the art of war, interna-tional communications and propaganda, andinternational education-are well-established

isciplines, each with a voluminous litera-ture which gives special emphasis to thecauses and methods of solution of interna-

rtional conflicts. The disciplines of politicalgeography, political demography, interna-tional ethics, and the technology, sociology,and psychology of international relations areless centered on the problem of conflict; buteach seeks to conceptualize the field of in-ternational relations utilizing a particularbody of data, so that both conflict and co-operation among states can be better under-stood (18).

The extensiveness of this literature and itsdivision into disciplines, each developing aspecial point of view or concentrating upona particular type of data, make synthesis adesideratum for the study of conflict resolu-tion, because that subject cuts across all thedisciplines (18).

A Discipline of InternationalRelations

A unified discipline of international rela-tions would differ from the study of the de-cision-making process or the foreign policyof particular states in that it would be uni-versal in scope. It would seek to formulatepropositions of predictive value for theworld as a whole and propositions of controlvalue useful for realizing the most widely

recognized goals, such as those stated in theUnited Nations Charter and the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights. It would dif-fer from the particular international disci-plines in that it would not limit itself to aparticular method, to a particular body ofdata, or to the needs of a particular profes-sion. Such a comprehensive discipline, bothuniversal and interdisciplinary, in order toavoid the character of an encyclopedia or ofa diffuse eclecticism, would, however, haveto be developed from a definite point ofview or frame of reference for organizingdata and methods. That point of view mightbe theoretical, seeking a conceptualized de-scription and history of international rela-tions by locating governments and peoplesin a multidimensional field defined by geo-graphic and analytical co-ordinates.

Scrutiny of the location of states in the' 1

geographic field, with indication of thetransportation and communication distancesand the barriers, natural and artificial, be-tween them, would suggest the relative fre-quencies of controversy and the relativevulnerabilities to attack and, consequently,the probability of conflict to be expectedwithin different pairs of states. The relativepermanence of boundaries in past history;the abundance of trade across them; the dis-tribution of resources and population and offorms of culture, economy, and polity at agiven moment could also be indicated, sug-"r. r-- _ Sta- «»r-.. --- C -rlr A ta* -driulf, UIe iiaLUitl UUuIuaitI UVL bLLV.c

and the probability of conflict through at-tempts to modify "unnatural" boundaries.The directions of movement in time in thefield could be illustrated by the study oftrends of change in these variables (18).The relations among the strategic, ideologi-al, political, psychological, and other as-

pects of "distance" between states andamong rates of change in these variablesmight, with proper analysis, suggest withgreater precision the probability of co-op-

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eration or conflict between the members ofeach pair of states (15).

By locating states in an analytical fielddefined by co-ordinates, each indicating anaspect of capability or of value, the politicalorientation and long-run goals of states couldbe indicated (18). The relation between thelocation of the government, the constitution,the culture, and the people of each state inthe field might suggest the probable direc-tion of movement through time of each statein the field, on the assumption that in de-mocracies the opinion of the people drawsthe government toward itself, while in an-archies the reverse is true. Scrutiny of thisfield might suggest the policies and actionsof governments to be anticipated from thesechanging relations, as well as the changesin the character of the field as a whole, de-fined by those relations, whether towardsome sort of order or toward anarchy (18).

Such a field analysis, providing the basisfor synthesizing the characteristics and tend-encies of each state, for comparing the re-lations between the members of differentpairs of states, and for appraising trends ofchange in the state of international relationsas a whole, might suggest general conditionsand special circumstances breeding conflictand might even throw light on the natureand type of intervention likely to influencethe course of conflict toward peace or war.

A general discipline of international rela-tions might also adopt a practical point ofview, seeking formulations for realizing themost generally accepted values, such as in-ternational peace with justice, national self-determination with international stability,human freedom with order, general pros-perity with equal opportunities. If thesevalues are all treated as absolute goals, theytend to conflict with one another. Efforts torealize national conceptions of justice andto maintain self-determination or autonomyare likely to disrupt peace and stability. The

CONFLICT RESOJ.UTION VOLUME

reconciliation of individual freedom, nation-al independence, and social order, which hasbeen the dominant problem of national gov-ernments, is no less a problem when trans-ported to the international order. Risingprosperity tends to augment disparities be-tween the rich and the poor in each state,and also between rich states and poor states,tending, in practice, toward inequality ofopportunity. The problem, in dealing withthese values, is therefore one of balancerather than of establishing and maintaininga hierarchy of means and ends. Measure-ment is therefore the essence of the problem.Formulas and models stating the relationsof relevant variables and statistical seriesindicating the fluctuations of these variablesin time and space might serve as guides tonational foreign policy and internationalregulatory action designed to achieve bal-anced progress toward all these goals. Suchmaterials should be the content of a disci-pline of international relations from thepractical point of view (4).

Conflict Resolution and a Disciplineof International Relations

The resolution of international conflictscan proceed through the continuous regula-tion of international relations by nationalgovernments or international agencies so asto prevent tensions from arising and aggra-vating disputes and situations among na-tions. Such resolution can also proceedthrough the application of appropriatemethods of negotiation, inquiry, mediation,conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement,utilization of regional agencies, or resort tothe United Nations for recommendation andthe co-ordination of measures to preventaggression. A unified discipline of interna-tional relations would assist in both thesetypes of activity (17). Such a disciplinewould also provide a basis for evaluatingthe applicability of any of the special disci-

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plines of international relations to a givendispute or situation, and itrwould further-more provide a basis for more specializedstudy of international conflict, whethertreated as a function of the entire field ofinternational relations, as a function of therelations of the states in a particular situa-tion or controversy, as a function of theproperties or characteristics of each govern-ment or nation involved in the situation, oras a function of the procedures or policiesadopted to deal with a particular conflictsituation.

This is not the place to elaborate furtherthe possible approaches to the developmentof such a discipline. The present writer hasattempted to do so in his volumes entitledA Study of War and The Study of Interna-tional Relations and in his essay entitled"Criteria for Judging the Relevance of Re-searches on the Problem of Peace." The ris-ing interest in education on internationalaffairs has stimulated many writers and or-ganizations to study the development ofsuch a discipline. Attention may be calledto the studies by Sir Alfred Zimmern (19,20), S. H. Bailey (1, 2), Edith Ware (12),Charles A. W. Manning (9), Grayson Kirk(7), Geoffrey Goodwin (6), Howard Wil-son (14), and others under the stimulus ofthe Institute of International IntellectualCooperation, UNESCO, the Carnegie En-dowment for International Peace, the NewYork Council on Foreign Relations, and theRoyal Institute of International Affairs (18).Approaches to such a discipline through themedium of history have been attempted byArnold J. Toynbee in his Study of History;by James T. Shotwell in The Economic andSocial History of the World War, which heedited; and by the UNESCO Commissionon a World History. Many of the paperspresented at various sessions of the Confer-ence on Science, Philosophy, and Religionhave thrown light on the problem of creat-'

ing such a discipline. It is to be anticipatedthat Conflict Resolution will, in successivenumbers, contribute to the development ofsuch a discipline and that, in turn, the de-veloping discipline will contribute to thejust and peaceful resolution of internationalconflicts.

REFERENCES

1. BAILEY, S. H. International Studies in GreatBritain. London: Royal Institute of Intcrna-tional Affairs, 1937.

2. --. International Studies in Modern Edu-cation. London: Royal Institute of Interna-tional Affairs, 1938.

3. CLAUSEWITZ, CARL VON. On War. London,1911.

4. DE SOLA POOL, ITHIEL. Symbols of Interna-tionalism. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univer-sity Press, 1951.

5. DETrSCH, KARL AV. "Self-refercnt Symbolsand Self-referent Communication Patterns."In BRYSON, LYMAN, et al. (eds.), 13th Sym-posium on Science, Philosophy, and Religion:Symbols and Values, an Initial Study. NewYork: Harper & Bros., 1954.

6. GOODWIN, GEOFFRnEY (ed.). The UnicvrsityTeaching of International Relations: Pro-ccedings of the International Studies Con-ference, Windsor, 1950. London: Basil Black-well, 1951.

7. KmRK, GRAYSOS. The Study of InternationalRelations in American Colleges and Univer-sities. New York: Council on Foreign Rela-tions, 1947.

8. LASSWELL, HAROLD D. "Conflict, Social,"Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences.

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OSS '96: THE CONFERENCE Proceedings, 1996 Volume II, Fifth Internatinal

Symposium Global Security & Global Competitiveess: Open - Link PagePrevious Professor Daniel Keuhi, School of Information Warfare and Strategy, National Defense, Information Warfare Threat

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Next Mr. Robert D. Steele, (then) Team Leader, Project GEORGE, Artificial Intelligence Staff, Office of InformationT~echnology, Central Intelligence Agency, Generic Intelligence Center Production Requirements, 3 October 1988

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