Prof. John H. Munro munro5@chass.utoronto.caDepartment of Economics john.munro@utoronto.caUniversity of Toronto http://www.economics.utoronto.ca/munro5/

Revised 28 August 2003

ECO 303Y1

Economic History of Modern Europe to 1914

Topic No. 4 (8):

The English Enclosure Movements and the Industrial Labour Supply, 1750-1830: The

Social Costs of Agricultural Modernization

Within each of the following sections, all readings are listed in the chronological order of originalpublication, when that can be ascertained.

READINGS:

A. Enclosures and ‘Depopulation’: Expropriation, Dispossession, and the Labour Supply in thePast and Current Debate. See also Section E, below.

* 1. Karl Marx, Capital (English edition of 1887, translated and edited by Frederick Engels),Vol. I, Part viii: ‘The So-Called Primitive Accumulation,’ in the followingchapters:

a) Chapter 26: ‘The Secret of Primitive Accumulation,’ pp. 713-16.

b) Chapter 27: ‘Expropriation of the Agricultural Population from the Land,’pp. 717-33.

c) Chapter 28: ‘Bloody Legislation Against the Expropriated, From the End of the15th Century,’ pp. 734-41.

d) Chapter 29: ‘Genesis of the Capitalist Farmer,’ pp. 744-49.

2. G. Slater, The English Peasantry and the Enclosures of Common Fields (London, 1907). Aclassic.

** 3. J.L. and Barbara Hammond, The Village Labourer, 1760-1832 (London, 1911; reissuedNew York, Harper Torchbooks, 1970) with an important new introduction by EricHobsbawm.

See Chapters 1 - 4, and 10 - 11 (all short), but especially Chapter 4, ‘The VillageAfter Enclosure,’ pp. 73-81. This is perhaps the most eloquent expression of Fabiansocialist interpretation of the agrarian changes during the Industrial Revolution era,indeed the classic socialist (if not truly Marxist) study of Enclosure. But, in viewof so much subsequent research on this question since the 1911 publication, and in

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view of their obvious biases, read also Turner and Chambers or some other modernstudy as well.

4. Karl Polyani, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Times(London, 1944), Chapters 3-7.

5. M.W. Beresford, ‘The Commissioners of Enclosure,’ Economic History Review, 1st ser. 16(1946), 130-40. Reprinted in:

a) W.E. Minchinton, ed., Essays in Agrarian History, Vol. II (1968), 89-102;

b) Maurice Beresford, Time and Place: Collected Essays (London, 1984), pp. 123 -33.

** 6. J.D. Chambers, ‘Enclosure and the Labour Supply in the Industrial Revolution,’ EconomicHistory Review, 2nd ser. 5 (1953), 319-43. Reprinted in:

a) D.V. Glass and D.E.C. Eversley, eds., Population in History: Essays in HistoricalDemography (London, 1965), pp. 308 - 26.

b) E.L. Jones, ed., Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1650-1815(London, 1967), pp. 94-127.

c) Sima Lieberman, ed., Europe and the Industrial Revolution (New York, 1972),pp. 347 - 76.

This study remains the modern classic conservative or anti-Marxist view of theEnclosure Movements; but read at least one of the socialist/Marxist interpretationsof Enclosure before you come to any firm conclusions.

7. V. M. Lavrovsky, ‘The Expropriation of the English Peasantry in the Eighteenth Century,’Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 9 (1956), 271 - 82. Analysis by a Soviet Marxisthistorian.

8. J. Saville, Rural Depopulation in England and Wales, 1851 - 1951 (London, 1957).

* 9. George Mingay, ‘The Agricultural Revolution in English History: A Reconsideration,’Agricultural History, 26 (1963), 123-33. Reprinted in:

a) W. E. Minchinton, ed., Essays in Agrarian History, Vol. II (1968), pp. 9-28; andalso

b) Charles K. Warner, ed., Agrarian Conditions in Modern European History (NewYork, 1966), pp. 60-78. (In shortened form)

10. E.L. Jones, ‘The Agricultural Labour Market in England, 1793-1872,’ Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser. 17 (1964), 322-38.

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11. Arthur Redford, Labour Migration in England, 1800 - 1850, 2nd edn. (London, 1964).

12. Peter Laslett, The World We Have Lost (London, 1965), Chapters 3-5.

* 13. E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (London, 1965) Chapter 7: ‘TheField Labourers’, pp. 233-58.

14. J.D. Marshall, The Old Poor Law, 1795-1834, Studies in Economic History series (London,1968). Short pamphlet.

** 15. George Mingay, Enclosure and the Small Farmer in the Age of the Industrial Revolution,Studies in Economic History series (London, 1968), pp. 9-32.

He contends that the chief period during which the ‘small farmer’ (asowner-occupier) was squeezed out, the period during which their numbers dwindledmost rapidly, was the century prior to the Industrial Revolution. But that is an issuedifferent from the dispossession of tenant-farmers (i.e. peasants) operating withinan open-field regime of farming. See also his critique of the Hammonds in Mingay(1963).

* 16. E.J. Hobsbawm and George Rudé, Captain Swing (London, 1969), especially Part I,pp. 23-96.

This is a social history of the famous English agricultural uprising of 1830, ‘TheLast Labourers' Revolt.’ See also section C, below.

17. E.J.T. Collins, ‘Harvest Technology and the Labour Supply in Britain, 1790 - 1870,’Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 22 (1969).

18. E.J.T. Collins, ‘Labour Supply and Demand in European Agriculture, 1800 - 1880,’ in E.L.Jones and S.J. Woolf, eds., Agrarian Change and Economic Development (London,1969).

19. L.J. White, ‘Enclosures and Population Movements in England, 1700 - 1830,’ Explorationsin Entrepreneurial History, 2nd ser. 6 (1969).

20. Valerie Morgan, ‘Agricultural Wage Rates in Late Eighteenth-Century Scotland,’ EconomicHistory Review, 2nd ser., 24 (1971).

* 21. B.D. Black and R.P. Thomas, ‘The Enclosure Movement and the Supply of Labour Duringthe Industrial Revolution,’ Journal of European Economic History, 3 (1974),401-23.

22. William Lazonick, ‘Karl Marx and Enclosures in England,’ Review of Radical PoliticalEconomics, 3 (1974), 1-32.

23. Jon S. Cohen and Martin Weitzman, ‘A Mathematical Model of Enclosure,’ in J. andW. Los, ed., Mathematical Models of Economics (Warsaw, 1974), pp. 419-31.

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1 Note: their attack on some old, traditional views linking the Tudor enclosures with the cloth trade boomof the later 15th and 16th centuries is seriously undermined by two critical faults: an unrepresentative seriesof wool prices (for the bishopric of Durham, unrelated to the areas enclosed in the Midlands) and by a faultyeconometric model.

Advanced micro theory and maths recommended for reading this essay, largely ifnot entirely focused on the Tudor-Stuart enclosures.

* 24. Jon Cohen and Martin Weitzman, ‘A Marxian Model of Enclosures,’ Journal ofDevelopment Economics, 1 (1975), 287-336.

This is largely, though not entirely, on the earlier Tudor-Stuart Enclosures; but theirmodel can be applicable to the Industrial Revolution era as well.1

** 25. Jon S. Cohen and Martin L. Weitzman, ‘Enclosure and Depopulation: A Marxian Analysis,’in William Parker and E. L. Jones, eds., European Peasants and Their Markets(Princeton, 1975), pp. 161-76.

26. Gordon Philpot, ‘Enclosure and Population Growth in Eighteenth Century England,’Explorations in Economic History, 12 (Jan. 1975), 29-46.

* 27. Stefano Fenoaltea, ‘On a Marxian Model of Enclosure,’ Journal of DevelopmentEconomics, 3 (1976), 195-8. A critique of the Cohen and Weitzman essays above,followed by Jon Cohen and Martin Weitzman, ‘Reply to Fenoaltea,’ pp. 199-200.

* 28. Michael Turner, ‘Parliamentary Enclosure and Population Change in England, 1750 - 1830,’and Gordon Philpot, ‘Reply,’ Explorations in Economic History, 13 (Oct. 1976),463-72.

29. E. J. T. Collins, ‘Migrant Labour in British Agriculture in the Nineteenth Century,’Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 29 (1976), 38-60.

** 30. N. F. R. Crafts, ‘Enclosure and the Labor Supply Revisited,’ Explorations in EconomicHistory, 15 (Apr. 1978), 172 - 83.

31. R. A. Butlin, ‘The Enclosure of Open Fields and Extinction of Common Rights in England,c. 1600 - 1750: A Review,’ in H.S.A. Fox and R. A. Butlin, eds., Change in theCountryside: Essays on Rural England, 1500 - 1900 (London, 1979).

** 32. D. B. Grigg, Population Growth and Agrarian Change: An Historical Perspective(Cambridge, 1980), chapter 13, ‘Breaking Out: England in the Eighteenth andNineteenth Centuries.’

* 33. N.F.R. Crafts, ‘Income Elasticities of Demand and the Release of Labour by Agricultureduring the British Industrial Revolution,’ Journal of European Economic History,9 (1980), 153-68.

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* 34. Roderick Floud and Donald McCloskey, eds., The Economic History of Britain Since 1700,Vol. I: 1700-1860 (Cambridge, 1981):

(a) E.L. Jones, ‘Agriculture, 1700-80,’ pp. 66-86.

(b) Glen Hueckel, ‘Agriculture during Industrialization,’ pp. 182-203.

(c) N.L. Tranter, ‘The Labour Supply, 1780-1860,’ pp. 204-26.

(d) M.E. Rose, ‘Social Change and the Industrial Revolution,’ pp. 253-75.

35. Osamu Saito, ‘Labour Supply Behaviour of the Poor in the English Industrial Revolution,’Journal of European Economic History, 10 (1981), 633-52.

36. W. G. Armstrong, ‘The Influence of Demographic Factors on the Position of theAgricultural Labourer in England and Wales, c. 1750 - 1914,’ Agricultural HistoryReview, 29 (1981).

37. K. D. M. Snell, ‘Agricultural Seasonal Unemployment, the Standard of Living, andWomen's Work in the South and East: 1690-1860,’ Economic History Review, 2ndser. 34 (1981), 407-37.

38. Ann Kussmaul, ‘The Ambiguous Mobility of Farm Servants,’ Economic History Review,2nd ser. 34 (1981), 222-35.

39. Ann Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1981).

* 40. Robert Allen, ‘The Efficiency and Distributional Consequences of Eighteenth CenturyEnclosures,’ The Economic Journal, 92 (Dec. 1982), 937 - 53.

** 41. Michael Turner, Enclosures in Britain, 1750 - 1830, Studies in Economic History Series(London, 1984), especially section 5, pp. 64-83.

* 42. E. A. Wrigley, ‘Men on the Land and Men in the Countryside: Employment in Agriculturein Early Nineteenth-Century England,’ in L. Bonfield et al, eds., The World WeHave Gained (Oxford, 1985).

43. David Levine, ‘Industrialization and the Proletarian Family in England,’ Past and Present,no. 107 (May 1985), 204-26.

44. George Boyer, ‘An Economic Model of the English Poor Law circa 1780-1834,’Explorations in Economic History, 22 (Apr. 1985), 129-67.

* 45. George Boyer, ‘The Old Poor Law and the Agricultural Labor Market in Southern England:An Empirical Analysis,’ The Journal of Economic History, 46 (Mar. 1986), 113-36.

46. George Boyer, ‘The Poor Law, Migration, and Economic Growth,’ The Journal ofEconomic History, 46 (1986), 419-40.

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47. E. J. T. Collins, ‘The Rationality of ‘Surplus’ Agricultural Labour: Mechanization inEnglish Agriculture in the Nineteenth Century,’ Agricultural History Review, 35(1987), 36-46.

* 48. George E. Mingay, The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Vol. VI: 1750 - 1850(Cambridge University Press, 1989):

a) W. A. Armstrong, ‘Labour I: Rural Population Growth, Systems of Employment, andIncomes,’ pp. 641 - 728,

b) W. A. Armstrong and J. P. Huzel, ‘Labour II: Food, Shelter and Self-Help, the PoorLaw, and the Position of the Labourer in Rural Society,’ pp. 729 - 835.

* 49. George W. Grantham and Carol Leonard, eds., Agrarian Organization in the Century ofIndustrialization, Supplement no. 5 of Research in Economic History, Paul Useldinggeneral editor (London: JAI Press, 1989), Part I: Enclosures, Tenure, andOrganization of Capital in Britain and Europe. Section i: Enclosure andAgricultural Productivity in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century England:

a) George Grantham, ‘General Introduction.’

b) George Mingay, ‘Agricultural Productivity and Agricultural Society inEighteenth-Century England.’

c) Michael Turner, ‘Benefits But at Cost: the Debates About ParliamentaryEnclosure.’

d) Robert Allen, ‘Enclosure and Agricultural Productivity, 1750 - 1850.’

e) J.M. Neeson, ‘Parliamentary Enclosure and the Disappearance of theEnglish Peasantry, Revisited.’

50. Jane Humphries, ‘Enclosures, Common Rights, and Women: The Proletarianization ofFamilies in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries,’ Journal ofEconomic History, 50 (March 1990), 1 - 16.

51. John R. Walton, ‘On Estimating the Extent of Parliamentary Enclosure,’ The AgriculturalHistory Review, 38 (1990), 79-82.

52. Reay Barry, The Last Rising of the Agricultural Labourers: Rural Life and Protest inNineteenth-Century England, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990.

53. B. A. Holderness and Michael Turner, eds., Land, Labour, and Agriculture, 1720 - 1920:Essays for Gordon Mingay (London: The Hambledon Press, 1991).

* 54. Gregory Clark, ‘Agriculture and the Industrial Revolution, 1700 - 1850,’in Joel Mokyr, ed.,The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Pespective (Boulder, SanFrancisco, and Oxford: Westview Press, 1993), pp. 227 - 266.

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55. J. M. Neeson, Common Right, Enclosure and Social Change in England, 1700 - 1820, Pastand Present Publications (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).

56. Robert Allan, ‘Agriculture During the Industrial Revolution,’ in Roderick Floud and DonaldMcCloskey, eds., The Economic History of Britain Since 1700, 3 vols., 2nd edition(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), Volume 1: 1700 - 1860, pp. 96-122.

57. Alun Howkins, ‘Peasants, Servants, and Labourers: the Marginal Workforce in BritishAgriculture, c. 1870 - 1914,’ Agricultural History Review, 42:i (1994), 49-62.

58. Richard Anthony, ‘Farm Servant vs Agricultural Labourer, 1870 - 1914: A Commentary onHowkins,’Agricultural History Review, no. 43:1 (1995), 61-64.

59. Alun Howkins, ‘Farm Servant vs Agricultural Labourer, 1870-1914: A Reply to RichardAnthony,’ Agricultural History Review, no. 43:i (1995), 65-66.

60. John Chapman and Sylvia Seeliger, ‘Formal Agreements and the Enclosure Process: TheEvidence from Hampshire,’ Agricultural History Review, 43:i (1995), 35-46.

61. Boaz Moselle, ‘Allotments, Enclosure, and Proletarianization in Early Nineteenth-CenturySouthern England,’ The Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 48:3 (August 1995),482-500.

62. Edward Higgs, ‘Occupational Censuses and the Agricultural Workforce in VictorianEngland and Wales,’ The Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 48:4 (Nov. 1995),700-16.

* 63. Joyce Burnette, ‘Testing for Occupational Crowding in Eighteenth-Century BritishAgriculture,’ Explorations in Economic History, 33:3 (July 1996), 319-45.

64. Stephen Caunce, ‘Farm Servants and the Development of Capitalism in EnglishAgriculture,’ Agricultural History Review, 45:1 (1997), 49-60.

65. Kenneth L. Sokoloff and David Dollar, “Agricultural Seasonality and the Organization ofManufacturing in Early Industrial Economies: The Contrasts Between England andthe United States,” Journal of Economic History, 57:2 (June 1997), 288-321.

* 66. Gregory Clark and Ysbrand Van der Werf, ‘Work in Progress? The IndustriousRevolution,’ Journal of Economic History, 58:3 (September 1998), 830-43.Concerns the productivity of agricultural labour over the centuries up to theIndustrial-Agricultural Revolution era.

67. Byung Khun Song, ‘Landed Interest, Local Government, and the Labour Market in England,1750 - 1850,’ The Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 51:3 (August 1998), 465-88.

68. Joyce Burnette, “Labourers at the Oakes: Changes in the Demand for Female Day-Laborersat a Farm Near Sheffield during the Agricultural Revolution,” Journal of Economic

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History, 59:1 (March 1999): 41-67.

* 69. Pamela Sharpe, ‘The Female Labour Market in English Agriculture during the IndustrialRevolution: Expansion or Contraction?’, Agricultural History Review, 47:2 (1999),161-81.

* 70. Donald Woodward, ‘Early Modern Servants in Husbandry Revisited’, Agricultural HistoryReview, 48:ii (2000), 141-50.

71. A.J. Gritt, ‘The Census and the Servant: A Reassesment of the Decline and Distribution ofFarm Service in Early Nineteenth-Century England’, The Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser., 53:1 (February 2000),84-106.

* 72. Nicola Verdon, ‘The Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture: a Reassessmentof Agricultural Gangs in Nineteenth-Century Norfolk’, Agricultural HistoryReview, 49:i (2001), 41-55.

** 73. Leigh Shaw-Taylor, ‘Parliamentary Enclosure and the Emergence of an English AgriculturalProletariat’, Journal of Economic History, 61:3 (September 2001), 640-62.

74. Mark Freeman, ‘The Agricultural Labourer and the “Hodge” Stereotype, c.1850 - 1914',Agricultural History Review, 49:ii (2001), 172-86.

* 75. A. H. Gritt, ‘The Survival of “Service” in the English Agricultural Labour Force: Lessonsfrom Lancashire, c. 1650 - 1851’, Agricultural History Review, 50:1 (2002), 25-50.

* 76. Nicola Verdon, ‘The Rural Labour Market in the Early Nineteenth Century: Women’s andChildren’s Employment, Family Income, and the 1834 Poor Law Report’, TheEconomic History Review, 2nd ser., 55:2 (May 2002), 299-323.

B. Debates about The Causes, Nature, and Forms of English Enclosures, 1750-1830: ‘Capturingthe Economic Rent,’ Responses to Relative Price Changes, and ‘Improving Landlords’

1. E.M. Leonard, ‘The Inclosure of the Common Fields in the Seventeenth Century,’Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, new series, 19 (1905). Reprinted inE.M. Carus-Wilson, ed., Essays in Economic History, Vol. II (London, 1962), pp.227-256. Another classic study worth reading.

2. E.C.K. Gonner, Common Land and Inclosure, (London, 1921; reissued 1966). A very old,but classic study, reissued with an interesting introduction on enclosure by GeorgeMingay in the reissue.

3. W.H.R. Curtler, The Enclosure and Redistribution of Our Land (Oxford, 1922). Anotherclassic; still a useful survey.

4. V.M. Lavrovsky, ‘Parliamentary Enclosure in the County of Suffolk, 1797-1814,’ EconomicHistory Review, 1st ser. 7 (1937).

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5. J.D. Chambers, ‘Enclosure and the Small Landowner,’ Economic History Review, 1stser. 10 (1940).

6. W. E. Tate, ‘Opposition to Parliamentary Enclosure in Eighteenth Century England,’Agricultural History, 19 (1945).

7. M.W. Beresford, ‘The Commissioners of Enclosure,’ Economic History Review, 1st ser. 16(1946), 130-40. Reprinted in:

a) Walter E. Minchinton, ed., Essays in Agrarian History, 2 vols. (Newton Abbott,1968), Vol. II, pp. 89-102;

b) Maurice Beresford, Time and Place: Collected Essays (London, 1984), pp. 123 -33.

8. W.E. Tate, ‘The Cost of Parliamentary Enclosure in England, with Special Reference to theCounty of Oxford,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 5 (1952-3).

9. H.G. Hunt, ‘The Chronology of Parliamentary Enclosure in Leicestershire,’ EconomicHistory Review, 2nd ser. 10 (1957-8).

10. H.G. Hunt, ‘Landownership and Enclosure, 1750-1830,’ Economic History Review, 2ndser. 11 (1958-9).

* 11. G.E. Mingay, ‘The Agricultural Revolution in English History: A Reconsideration,’Agricultural History, 26 (1963), 123-33. Reprinted in W.E. Minchinton, ed., Essaysin Agrarian History, Vol. II (1968), pp. 9-28.

12. R.A.C. Parker, Enclosures in the Eighteenth Century, (London, 1963).

13. J.M. Martin, ‘The Cost of Parliamentary Enclosure in Warwickshire,’ University ofBirmingham Historical Journal, 9 (1964). Reprinted in E.L. Jones, ed., Agricultureand Economic Growth in England, 1650-1815, Debates in Economic History series(London: Methuen, 1967), pp. 128-51.

14. Brian Loughbrough, ‘An Account of a Yorkshire Enclosure: Staxton, 1803,’ AgriculturalHistory Review, 13 (1965).

* 15. J. D. Chambers and George E. Mingay, The Agricultural Revolution, 1750-1880 (London,1966), Chapter 4, ‘Enclosure,’ pp. 77-105.

16. J. M. Martin, ‘Landownership and the Land Tax Returns,’ Agricultural History Review, 14(1966).

17. J. M. Martin, ‘The Parliamentary Enclosure Movement and Rural Society in Warwickshire,’Agricultural History Review, 15 (1967).

18. W. E. Tate, The English Village Community and the Enclosure Movement (London, 1967).

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* 19. E.L. Jones, ed., Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1650-1815, Debates inEconomic History series (London: Methuen, 1967), pp.

* a) E.L. Jones, ‘Introduction,’ pp. 1-48.

b) Lord Ernle, ‘Obstacles to Progress,’ pp. 49-65. [Reprinted from his The Land and itsPeople (London: Hutchinson, 1925), chapter III.]

c) Peter Mathias, ‘Agriculture and the Brewing and Distilling Industries in the EighteenthCentury,’ pp. 80-93. [Reprinted from Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 5 (1952).]

d) J.D. Chambers, ‘Enclosure and the Labour Supply in the Industrial Revolution,’ pp. 94-127. [Reprinted from Economic History Review, 2nd ser. V (1953), 319-43.]

e) J.M. Martin, ‘The Cost of Parliamentary Enclosure in Warwickshire,’ pp. 128-51.[Reprinted from University of Birmingham Historical Journal, 9 (1964).]

f) E.L. Jones, ‘Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1660-1750: AgriculturalChange,’ pp. 152-71. [Reprinted from Journal of Economic History, 25 (1965),1-18.]

g) A.H. John, ‘Agricultural Productivity and Economic Growth in England, 1700 - 1760,’pp. 172-93. With a postscript (pp. 189-93) added for this volume. [ReprintedJournal of Economic History, 25 (1965), 19-34.]

* 20. George E. Mingay, Enclosure and the Small Farmer in the Age of the Industrial Revolution(Studies in Economic History series, London, 1968), pp. 9-32.

21. E.L. Jones, ‘The Agricultural Origins of Industry,’ Past & Present, no. 40 (1968).

22. J. G. Brewer, Enclosures and Open Fields: A Bibliography (1972).

** 23. Donald N. McCloskey, ‘The Enclosure of Open Fields: Preface to a Study of its Impact onthe Efficiency of English Agriculture in the Eighteenth Century,’ Journal ofEconomic History, 32 (1972), 15-35.

24. Michael Turner, ‘The Cost of Parliamentary Enclosure in Buckinghamshire,’ AgriculturalHistory Review, 21 (1973).

25. Michael Turner, ‘Parliamentary Enclosure and Landownership Change inBuckinghamshire,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 38 (1975), 565-81.

* 26. D. N. McCloskey, ‘The Economics of Enclosure: A Market Analysis,’ and ‘The Persistenceof English Common Fields,’ in: W.N. Parker and E.L. Jones, ed., EuropeanPeasants and their Markets: Essays in Agrarian Economic History (Princeton,1975), pp. 123-60, and 92-120, respectively.

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27. Donald N. McCloskey, ‘English Open Fields as Behaviour Towards Risk,’ Research inEconomic History, 1 (1976), 124-70.

28. J.A. Yelling, Common Field and Enclosure in England, 1450-1850 (London, 1977),Chapters 9-10: ‘Enclosure and Farming Systems,’ pp. 174-213. Unfortunately eachof the 11 chapters covers the entire four-century period.

* 29. N.F.R. Crafts, ‘Determinants of the Rate of Parliamentary Enclosure,’ Explorations inEconomic History, 14 (1977), 227-49.

30. Michael Turner, ‘Enclosure Commissioners and Buckinghamshire ParliamentaryEnclosure,’ Agricultural History Review, 25 (1977).

* 31. Peter Linneman, ‘An Econometric Examination of the English Parliamentary EnclosureMovement,’ Explorations in Economic History, 15 (April 1978), 221-28.

32. Jack J. Purdum, ‘Profitability and Timing of Parliamentary Land Enclosures,’ Explorationsin Economic History, 15 (1978), 313-26.

33. J. M. Martin, ‘The Small Landowners and Parliamentary Enclosure in Warwickshire,’Economic History Review 2nd ser. 32 (1979), 328-43.

34. J. M. Martin, ‘Members of Parliament and Enclosure: A Reconsideration,’ AgriculturalHistory Review, 27 (1979).

35. B. D. Baack, ‘The Development of Exclusive Property Rights to Land in England: AnExploratory Essay,’ Economy and History, 32 (1979).

36. Michael Turner, English Parliamentary Enclosure: Its Historical Geography and EconomicHistory (Hamden, 1980).

37. Michael Turner, ‘Cost, Finance, and Parliamentary Enclosure,’ Economic History Review,2nd ser. 34 (1981), 236-48.

38. J.R. Wordie, ‘Rent Movements and the English Tenant Farmer, 1700-1839,’ Research inEconomic History, 6 (1981).

* 39. J.R. Wordie, ‘The Chronology of English Enclosure, 1500-1914,’ Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser. 36 (1983), pp. 483-505.

A most provocative thesis on English enclosures, contending that the major periodof enclosures was not the Tudor era of the late 15th and 16th centuries, nor theIndustrial Revolution era of the 18th, early 19th centuries, but the ‘in between’period of the 17th century -- traditionally viewed as an era of few enclosures.

40. John Chapman, ‘The Chronology of English Enclosure,’ and:

J. R. Wordie, ‘The Chronology of English Enclosure: A Reply,’ both in

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Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 37 (Nov. 1984), 557-59, 560-62.

** 41. Michael Turner, Enclosures in Britain, 1750 - 1830 (Studies in Economic History Series,London, 1984), sections 1 - 4, pp. 11 - 63.

42. J.M. Neeson, ‘The Opponents of Enclosure in Eighteenth-Century Northamptonshire,’ Pastand Present, No.105 (November 1984), 114-39.

43. A. G. Parton, ‘Parliamentary Enclosure in Nineteenth-Century Surrey: Some Perspectiveson the Evaluation of Land Potential,’ Agricultural History Review, 33 (1985), 51-8.

44. Brinley Thomas, ‘Food Supply in the United Kingdom during the Industrial Revolution,’in Joel Mokyr, ed., The Economics of the Industrial Revolution (London: GeorgeAllen and Unwin, 1985), pp. 137 - 50.

45. John Chapman, ‘The Extent and Nature of Parliamentary Enclosures,’ Agricultural HistoryReview, 35 (1987), 25-35.

46. David Grigg, ‘Farm Size in England and Wales, from Early Victorian Times to the Present,’Agricultural History Review, 35 (1987), 179 - 90.

47. E. L. Jones, ‘Enclosure, Land Improvement, and the Price of Capital: A Comment,’Explorations in Economic History, 27 (July 1990), 350-55.

48. Gregory Clark, ‘Enclosure, Land Improvement, and the Price of Capital: A Reply to Jones,’Explorations in Economic History, 27 (July 1990), 356-62.

49. Ann Kussmaul, A General View of the Rural Economy of England, 1538 - 1840, CambridgeStudies in Population, Economy, and Society in Past Time no. 11 (CambridgeUniversity Press, 1990).

50. John Chapman, ‘The Later Parliamentary Enclosures of South Wales,’ Agricultural HistoryReview, 39:ii (1991), 116-25.

51. Eric Kerridge, The Common Fields of England (Manchester: Manchester University Press,1992).

52. Robert C. Allen, Enclosure and the Yeoman: The Agricultural Development of the SouthMidlands, 1450 - 1850 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992).

53. Susan Neave, ‘Rural Settlement Contraction in the East Riding of Yorkshire Between theMid-Seventeenth and Mid-Eighteenth Centuries,’ Agricultural History Review, 41:2(1993), 124-36.

54. Graham Rogers, ‘Custom and Common Right: Waste Land Enclosure and Social Changein West Lancashire,’ Agricultural History Review, 41:2 (1993), 137-54.

55. Jennifer R. Baker, ‘Tithe Rent-Charge and the Measurement of Agricultural Production in

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Mid-Nineteenth Century England and Wales,’ Agricultural History Review, 41:2(1993), 169-75.

56. Michael Turner, ‘Common Property and Property in Common,’ Agricultural HistoryReview, 42:ii (1994), 158-62.

57. Christian Petersen, Bread and the British Economy, c1700-1870 (Aldershot, Hampshire:Scolar Press, 1995).

57. David Eastwood, ‘Communities, Protest and Police in early Nineteenth-CenturyOxfordshire: The Enclosure of Otmoor Reconsidered,’ Agricultural History Review,44:1 (1996), 35-46.

58. Alon Kadish, ed., The Corn Laws: The Formation of Popular Economics in Britain, 6 vols.(London: Pickering and Chatto, 1996).

* 59. George E. Mingay, Parliamentary Enclosure in England: An Introduction to its Causes,Incidence, and Impact, 1750 - 1850 (London: Longman, 1997).

60. Michael E. Turner, J.V. Beckett, and B. Afton, Agricultural Rent in England, 1690 - 1914(Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997).

61. Gregory Clark, ‘Renting the Revolution,’ Journal of Economic History, 58:1 (March 1998),206-10. A review article based on M.E. Turner, J.V. Beckett, and Bethanie Afton,Agricultural Rent in England, 1690 - 1914 (Cambridge and New York: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1997). For the reply, see Michael Turner, John Beckett, andBethanie Afton, ‘Renting the Revolution: A Reply to Clark,’ Journal of EconomicHistory, 58:1 (March 1998), 211-14.

* 62. Gregory Clark, ‘Commons Sense: Common Property Rights, Efficiency, and InstitutionalChange,’ Journal of Economic History, 58:1 (March 1998), 73-102.

63. Susanna Wade Martins and Tom Williamson, ‘The Development of the Lease and its Rolein the Agricultural Improvement in East Anglia, 1660 - 1870,’ Agricultural HistoryReview, 46:ii (1998), 127-41.

64. John Chapman, ‘Charities, Rents, and Enclosure: A Comment on Clark,’ Journal ofEconomic History, 59:2 (June 1999), 447-50.

65. Gregory Clark, ‘In Defense of ‘Commons Sense’: Reply to Chapman,’ Journal of EconomicHistory, 59:2 (June 1999), 451-55.

66. Sara Birtles, ‘Common Land, Poor Relief and Enclosure: The Use of Manorial Resourcesin Fulfilling Parish Obligations, 1601-1834', Past & Present, no. 165 (November1999), 74-106.

67. John Broad, ‘Housing the Rural Poor in Southern England, 1650 - 1850’, AgriculturalHistory Review, 48:ii (2000), 151-70.

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68. H.R. French, ‘Urban Agriculture, Commons and Commoners in the Seventeenth andEighteenth Centuries: the Case of Sudbury, Suffolk’, Agricultural History Review,48:ii (2000), 171-99.

69. Susanna Wade Martins and Tom Williamson, Roots of Change: Farming and the Landscapein East Anglia, c.1700 - 1870, Agricultural History Review Supplement Series no.2 (1999).

70. Steven Hollowell, Enclosure Records for Historians (Philliomore, 2000).

71. Ross Wordie, ed., Enclosure in Berkshire, 1485 - 1885, Berkshire Record Society no. 5(Berkshire, 2000).

72. Ross Wordie, ed., Agriculture and Politics in England, 1815 - 1939 (London: MacMillan,2000).

73. Leigh Shaw-Taylor, ‘Labourers, Cows, Common Rights and Parliamentary Enclosure: theEvidence of Contemporary Comment, c. 1760 - 1810', Past & Present, no. 171 (May2001), pp. 95-126.

74. John Chapman and Sylvia Seelinger, Enclosure, Environment and Landscape in SouthernEngland (Tempus Publishing, 2001). On enclosures in Dorset, Hampshire, Sussexand Wiltshire, from 1700.

75. Elaine S. Tan, ‘ “The Bull is Half the Herd”: Property Rights and Enclosures in England,1750 - 1850', Explorations in Economic History, 39:4 (October 2002), 470-89.

76. Gregory Clark, ‘Land Rental Values and the Agrarian Economy: England and Wales, 1500 -1914', European Review of Economic History, 6:3 (December 2002), 281-308.

77. H. R. French, ‘Urban Common Rights, Enclosure and the Market: Clitheroe Town Moors,1764-1802', Agricultural History Review, 51:i (2003), 40-68.

C. ‘The Agricultural Revolution’ of 1650-1840: Enclosures and Technological Change

I. Textbook Surveys of Agrarian Change and Industrialization:

1. John H. Clapham, Economic History of Modern Britain, Vol. I (London, 1926), Chapter 4;Vol. II (1932), Chapter 7.

2. T.S. Ashton, Economic History of England: The Eighteenth Century (London, 1955),Chapter 2, pp. 30-62.

3. T.S. Ashton, Economic Fluctuations in England, 1700-1800 (Oxford, 1959), Chapter 2,pp. 27-48.

15

4. Phyllis Deane and W.A. Cole, British Economic Growth, 1688-1959 (Cambridge, 1960),pp. 62-74, 99-136, 140-7, 155-80.

5. Phyllis Deane, The First Industrial Revolution (Cambridge, 1965), Chapter 3: ‘TheAgricultural Revolution’, pp. 36-50.

6. E.J. Hobsbawm, Industry and Empire: An Economic History of Great Britain from 1750 tothe Present Day (London, 1968). Chapter 5: ‘Agriculture, 1750-1850,’ pp. 97-108(Marxist approach).

7. Peter Mathias, The First Industrial Nation: An Economic History of Britain, 1700-1914(London, 1969; 2nd rev. edn., London, 1983), Chapter 3.

8. J.D. Chambers, Population, Economy, and Society in Pre- Industrial England (Oxford,1972): chapters 5 and 6.

9. David Grigg, The Transformation of Agriculture in the West (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992).

10. Bas J. P. Van Bavel and Eric Thoen, eds., Land Productivity and Agro-Systems in the NorthSea Area (Middle Ages to Twentieth Century): Elements for Comparison,Comparative Rural History of the North Sea Area, no. 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999).

II. Specialized Studies:

1. Lord Ernle, English Farming Past and Present (1st edn., London, 1912; 6th edn. London,1961, ed. G.E. Fussell and O.R. McGregor).

2. Lord Ernle, ‘Obstacles to Progress,’ in his The Land and its People (London: Hutchinson,1925), chapter III. Reprinted in E.L. Jones, ed., Agriculture and Economic Growthin England, 1650-1815, Debates in Economic History series (London: Methuen,1967), pp. 49-65.

3. R. V. Lennard, ‘English Agriculture under Charles II,’ Economic History Review, 1st ser.,4 (1932), 23-45. Reprinted in Walter E. Minchinton, ed., Essays in AgrarianHistory, 2 vols. (Newton Abbott, 1968), Vol. I, pp. 161-86.

4. Peter Mathias, ‘Agriculture and the Brewing and Distilling Industries in the EighteenthCentury,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 5 (1952). Reprinted in E.L. Jones,ed., Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1650-1815, Debates inEconomic History series (London: Methuen, 1967), pp. 80-93.

5. W.E. Minchinton, ‘Agricultural Returns and the Government during the Napoleonic Wars,’Agricultural History Review, 1 (1953), 29 - 43. Reprinted in Walter E. Minchinton,ed., Essays in Agrarian History, 2 vols. (Newton Abbott, 1968), Vol. II, pp. 103-20.

* 6. G. E. Mingay, ‘The Agricultural Depression, 1730-1750,’ Economic History Review, 2ndser. 8 (1956), reprinted in E.M. Carus-Wilson, ed., Essays in Economic History,Vol. II (London, 1962), pp. 309-26.

16

7. R. Trow-Smith, A History of British Livestock Husbandry, 1700 - 1900 (London, 1959).

8. A.H. John, ‘The Course of Agricultural Change, 1660 - 1760,’ in L.S. Presnell, ed., Studiesin the Industrial Revolution (London, 1960), pp. 125-55. Reprinted in Walter E.Minchinton, ed., Essays in Agrarian History, 2 vols. (Newton Abbott, 1968), Vol.I, pp. 221-53.

9. J.D. Gould, ‘Agricultural Fluctuations and the English Economy in the Eighteenth Century,’Journal of Economic History, 22 (1962), 313- .

* 10. G.E. Mingay, ‘The Agricultural Revolution in English History: A Reconsideration,’Agricultural History, 26 (1963), 123-33. Reprinted in W.E. Minchinton, ed., Essaysin Agrarian History, Vol. II (1968), pp. 9-28.

* 11. E.L. Jones, ‘Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1660-1750: AgriculturalChange,’ Journal of Economic History, 25 (1965), 1-18. Reprinted in:

a) E.L. Jones, ed., Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1650-1815,Debates in Economic History series (London: Methuen, 1967), pp. 152-71.

b) Walter E. Minchinton, ed., Essays in Agrarian History, 2 vols. (Newton Abbott,1968), Vol. I, pp. 203-20.

* 12. A.H. John, ‘Agricultural Productivity and Economic Growth in England, 1700-1760,’Journal of Economic History, 25 (1965), 19-34. Reprinted in E.L. Jones, ed.,Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1650-1815, Debates in EconomicHistory series (London: Methuen, 1967), pp. 172-93. With a postscript (pp. 189-93)added in 1967 for this volume.

13. D. B. Grigg, The Agricultural Revolution in South Lincolnshire (London, 1966).

14. George E. Fussell, The English Dairy Farmer, 1500 - 1900 (London, 1966).

* 15. J.D. Chambers and G.E. Mingay, The Agricultural Revolution, 1750-1880 (London, 1966).See also the later edition of Mingay (1977).

16. E.H. Hunt, ‘Labour Productivity in English Agriculture, 1850-1914,’ Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser., 20 (1967).

17. Eric Kerridge, The Agricultural Revolution (London, 1967). Very largely on the pre-1750era, arguing that the ‘agricultural revolution’ began in Tudor-Stuart England.

18. E.L. Jones and G.E. Mingay, eds., Land, Labour, and Population in the IndustrialRevolution: Essays Presented to J.D. Chambers (London, 1967):

(a) A.H. John, ‘Farming in Wartime, 1793-1815,’ pp. 28-47.

(b) D.C. Barnett, ‘Allotments and Problem of Rural Poverty,’ 162-86.

17

19. N. Riches, The Agricultural Revolution in Norfolk, 2nd edn. (London, 1967).

* 20. E.L. Jones, ed., Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1650-1815, Debates inEconomic History series (London: Methuen, 1967), pp.

* a) E.L. Jones, ‘Introduction,’ pp. 1-48.

b) Lord Ernle, ‘Obstacles to Progress,’ pp. 49-65. [Reprinted from his The Land andits People (London: Hutchinson, 1925), chapter III.]

c) Peter Mathias, ‘Agriculture and the Brewing and Distilling Industries in theEighteenth Century,’ pp. 80-93. [Reprinted from Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser., 5 (1952). ]

d) J.D. Chambers, ‘Enclosure and the Labour Supply in the Industrial Revolution,’ pp.94-127. [Reprinted from Economic History Review, 2nd ser. V (1953),319-43.]

e) J.M. Martin, ‘The Cost of Parliamentary Enclosure in Warwickshire,’ pp. 128-51.[Reprinted from University of Birmingham Historical Journal, 9 (1964).]

f) E.L. Jones, ‘Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1660-1750:Agricultural Change,’ pp. 152-71. [Reprinted from Journal of EconomicHistory, 25 (1965), 1-18.]

g) A.H. John, ‘Agricultural Productivity and Economic Growth in England, 1700 -1760,’ pp. 172-93. With a postscript (pp. 189-93) added for this volume.[Reprinted from Journal of Economic History, 25 (1965), 19-34.]

21. E.L. Jones, The Development of English Agriculture, 1815-1873 (Studies in EconomicHistory series, London, 1968).

22. F.M.L. Thompson, ‘The Second Agricultural Revolution, 1815-1880,’ Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser. 21 (1968), 62-77.

* 23. A. H. John, ‘The Agricultural Origins of Industry,’ Past and Present, no. 40 (1968), 58 - 71.

24. W. E. Minchinton, ed., Essays in Agrarian History, 2 vols. (Newton Abbot, 1968).Especially:

(a) M.A. Havinden, ‘Agricultural Progress in Open-Field Oxfordshire,’ pp. 147-60.[Reprinted from Agricultural History Review, 9 (1961), 73-83.]

(b) R.V. Lennard, ‘English Agriculture Under Charles II,’ pp. 161-87. [Reprinted fromEconomic History Review, 1st ser., 4 (1932), 23-45.]

(c) H.J. Habakkuk, ‘Economic Functions of English Landowners in the Seventeenthand Eighteenth Centuries,’ pp. 187-202. [Reprinted from Explorations in

18

Entrepreneurial History, VI (1953), 92-102.]

(d) E.L. Jones, ‘Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1660-1750:Agricultural Change,’ Vol. I, pp. 203-20. [Reprinted from The Journal ofEconomic History, 23 (12965), 1-18.]

(e) A.H. John, ‘The Course of Agricultural Change, 1660-1760,’ Vol. I, pp. 221-53.[Reprinted from L.S. Presnell, ed., Studies in the Industrial Revolution(London, 1960), pp. 125-55.]

(f) G.E. Mingay, ‘The Agricultural Revolution in English History: A Reconsideration,’Vol. II, pp. 9-28. [Reprinted from Agricultural History, 26 (1963), 123-33.]

(g) M.W. Beresford, ‘The Commissioners of Enclosure,’ Vol. II, pp. 89-102.[Reprinted from Economic History Review, 1st ser., 16 (1946), 130-40.]

(h) W.E. Minchinton, ‘Agricultural Returns and the Government during the NapoleonicWars,’ Vol. II, pp. 103-20. [Reprinted from Agricultural History Review,1 (1953), 130-40.]

25. E.J.T. Collins, ‘Harvest Technology and the Labour Supply in Britain, 1790 - 1870,’Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 22 (1969).

26. B. A. Holderness, ‘Capital Formation in Agriculture, 1750 - 1850,’ in J. P. P. Higgins andSidney Pollards, eds., Aspects of Capital Investment in Great Britain, 1750 - 1850(1969; 2nd edn. 1971).

27. B. A. Holderness, ‘Landlords' Capital Formation in East Anglia, 1750 - 1870,’ EconomicHistory Review, 2nd ser., 25 (1972).

28. E.J.T. Collins, ‘The Diffusion of the Threshing Machine in Britain, 1790 - 1880,’ Tools andTillage, 2 (1972).

29. J. A. Yelling, ‘Changes in Crop Production in East Worcestershire, 1540 - 1867,’Agricultural History Review, 21 (1973).

30. H. C. Darby, ‘The Age of the Improver: 1600-1800,’ in H. C. Darby, ed., A New HistoricalGeography of England (London, 1973).

31. E. L. Jones, Agriculture and the Industrial Revolution (New York, 1974).

32. R.A. Ippolito, ‘The Effect of the `Agricultural Depression' on Industrial Demand inEngland: 1730-1750,’ Economica, 42 (1975), 298-311.

33. George Mingay, ed., Arthur Young and His Times (London, 1975), Chapter 2, ‘TheAgricultural Revolution,’ and Chapter 3, ‘Enclosure and Rural Property.’

* 34. Glenn Hueckel, ‘Relative Prices and Supply Response in English Agriculture during the

19

Napoleonic Wars,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 29 (1976), 401-14.

35. R.A. Dodshon, ‘The Economics of Sheep Farming in the Southern Uplands during the Ageof Improvement, 1750-1833,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 29 (1976),551-84.

36. A. H. John, ‘English Agricultural Improvement and Grain Exports, 1660 - 1765,’ in D. C.Coleman and A. H. John, eds., Trade, Government, and Economy in Pre-IndustrialEngland: Essays Presented to F. J. Fisher (London, 1976), pp. 45 - 67.

* 37. Patrick K. O'Brien, ‘Agriculture and the Industrial Revolution,’ Economic History Review,2nd ser. 30 (1977), 166-81.

* 38. George E. Mingay, ed., The Agricultural Revolution: Changes in Agriculture, 1650 - 1880(London, 1977).

39. Mark Overton, ‘Estimating Crop Yields from Probate Inventories: An Example from EastAnglia, 1585 - 1735,’ The Journal of Economic History, 39 (June 1979), 363 - 78.

40. H.S.A. Fox and R. A. Butlin, eds., Change in the Countryside: Essays on Rural England,1500 - 1900, IBG Special Publications no. X (London, 1979).

41. Stuart MacDonald, ‘Agricultural Response to a Changing Market During the NapoleonicWars,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 33 (1980), 59-86.

42. John Broad, ‘Alternate Husbandry and Permanent Pasture in the Midlands, 1650 - 1800,’Agricultural History Review, 28 (1980).

* 43. G. Patrick H. Chorley, ‘The Agricultural Revolution in Northern Europe,1750-1880: Nitrogen, Legumes, and Crop Productivity,’ Economic History Review,2nd ser. 34 (1981), 71-93.

* 44. Roderick Floud and Donald McCloskey, ed., The Economic History of Britain Since 1700,Vol. I: 1700-1860 (Cambridge, 1981):

(a) E.L. Jones, ‘Agriculture, 1700-80,’ pp. 66-86.

(b) G. Hueckel, ‘Agriculture during Industrialization,’ pp. 182-203.

45. J. V. Beckett, ‘Regional Variation and the Agricultural Depression, 1730-50,’ EconomicHistory Review, 2nd ser. 35 (Feb. 1982), 35-51.

46. Robert Allen, ‘The Efficiency and Distributional Consequences of Eighteenth CenturyEnclosures,’ The Economic Journal, 92 (Dec. 1982), 937-53.

** 47. Michael Turner, ‘Agricultural Productivity in England in the Eighteenth Century: Evidencefrom Crop Yields,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 35 (1982), 389-510.

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48. Joan Thirsk, ‘Plough and Pen: Agricultural Writers in the Seventeenth Century,’ in T. H.Aston, P. R. Coss, C. Dyer, Joan Thirsk, eds., Social Relations and Ideas: Essays inHonour of R. H. Hilton (Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 295 - 318.

49. Michael Turner, Enclosures in Britain, 1750 - 1830 (London, 1984), pp. 37-52.

* 50. Mark Overton, ‘Agricultural Revolution? Development of the Agrarian Economy in Early-Modern England,’ in A. R. H. Baker and D. J. Gregory, eds., Explorations inHistorical Geography: Interpretative Essays (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 118-39.

* 51. Mark Overton, ‘Agricultural Productivity in Eighteenth- Century England: Some FurtherSpeculations,’ and Michael Turner, ‘Agricultural Productivity inEighteenth-Century England: Further Strains of Speculation’, Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser. 37 (May 1984), 244-51, 252-57.

52. Richard L. Sullivan, ‘Measurement of English Farming Technological Change, 1523-1900,’Explorations in Economic History, 21 (July 1984), 270-89.

53. Joan Thirsk, The Rural Economy of England (London: Hambledon Press, 1984). Collectedessays on agrarian history.

* 54. Joan Thirsk, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Vol. V: 1640 - 1750, Part I:Regional Farming Systems (Cambridge University Press, 1984).

* 55. Joan Thirsk, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Vol. V: 1640 - 1750, Part II:Agrarian Change (Cambridge University Press, 1985). See especially:

(a) Peter Bowden, ‘Agricultural Prices, Wages, Farm Profits, and Rents,’ pp. 1 - 118.

(b) Joan Thirsk, ‘Agricultural Innovations and their Diffusion,’ pp. 533 - 89.

56. Richard L. Sullivan, ‘The Timing and Pattern of Technological Development in EnglishAgriculture, 1611 - 1850,’ Journal of Economic History, 45 (June 1985), 305-14.

57. David Ormrod, English Grain Exports and the Structure of Agrarian Capitalism, 1700 -1760 (Hull, 1985).

58. N. F. R. Crafts, British Economic Growth during the Industrial Revolution (Oxford, 1985).

** 59. Ann Kussmaul, ‘Agrarian Change in Seventeenth-Century England: The EconomicHistorian as Paleontologist,’ Journal of Economic History, 45 (March 1985), 1 - 30.

60. E. Anthony Wrigley, ‘Urban Growth and Agricultural Change: England and the Continentin the Early Modern Period,’ Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 15 (Spring 1985),683-728.

61. Ann Kussmaul, ‘Time and Space, Hoofs and Grain: The Seasonality of Marriage inEngland,’ Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 15 (Spring 1985), 755 - 79.

21

* 62. Patrick K. O'Brien, ‘Agriculture and the Home Market for English Industry, 1660-1820,’English Historical Review, 100 (1985), 773-800.

* 63. R. V. Jackson, ‘Growth and Deceleration in English Agriculture, 1660 - 1790,’ EconomicHistory Review, 2nd ser. 38 (August 1985), 333-351.

64. Mark Overton, ‘The Diffusion of Agricultural Innovations in Early-Modern England:Turnips and Clover in Norfolk and Suffolk, 1580 - 1740,’ Transactions of theInstitute of British Geographers, new series, 10 (1985), 205-21.

** 65. Michael Turner, ‘English Open Fields and Enclosures: Retardation or ProductivityImprovements?’ Journal of Economic History, 46 (Sept. 1986), 669 - 92.

* 66. Mark Overton, ‘Depression or Revolution? English Agriculture, 1640-1750,’ Journal ofBritish Studies, 25 (1986), 344-52.

67. Michael Havinden, ‘Evolution or Revolution? Agriculture's Critical Period, 1640-1750,’Journal of Historical Geography, 12 (1986), 204-10.

* 68. R. B. Outhwaite, ‘Progress and Backwardness in English Agriculture, 1500-1650,’Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 39 (Feb. 1986), 1-18. Very important for thebackground to the post-1650 changes.

69. R. B. Outhwaite, ‘English Agricultural Efficiency from the Mid-Seventeenth Century:Causes and Costs,’ Historical Journal, 30 (1987), 201-09.

70. Gregory Clark, ‘Productivity Growth without Technical Change in European AgricultureBefore 1850,’ Journal of Economic History, 47 (June 1987), 419-32.

71. G. G. S. Bowie, ‘New Sheep for Old: Changes in Sheep Farming in Hampshire, 1792-1879,’Agricultural History Review, 35 (1987), 15-24.

72. E. A. Wrigley, ‘Early Modern Agriculture: A New Harvest Gathered In,’ AgriculturalHistory Review, 35 (1987), 65-71. Review of Thirsk, ed., Agrarian History ofEngland and Wales, Vol. V (1985).

73. H. J. Habakkuk, ‘The Agrarian History of England and Wales: Regional Farming Systemsand Agrarian Change, 1640 - 1750,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 40 (May1987), 281-95. Also a review of Thirsk, ed., Agrarian History of England andWales, Vol. V (1985).

74. G. G. Bowie, ‘Watermeadows in Wessex: A Re-evaluation for the Period 1640 - 1850,’Agricultural History Review, 35 (1987), 151-58. On ‘floating-meadows,’ orartificial irrigation.

75. E. J. T. Collins, ‘The Rationality of ‘Surplus’ Agricultural Labour: Mechanization inEnglish Agriculture in the Nineteenth Century,’ Agricultural History Review, 35(1987), 36-46.

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* 76. Joan Thirsk, England's Agricultural Regions and Agrarian History, 1500 - 1750, Studies inEconomic and Social History series (London, 1987).

* 77. Robert C. Allen, ‘The Growth of Labor Productivity in Early Modern English Agriculture,’Explorations in Economic History, 25 (April 1988), 117-46.

78. Robert C. Allen and Cormac O Grada, ‘On the Road Again with Arthur Young: English,Irish, and French Agriculture during the Industrial Revolution,’ Journal ofEconomic History, 48 (March 1988), 93 - 116.

* 79. Robert C. Allen, ‘Inferring Yields from Probate Inventories,’ Journal of Economic History,48 (March 1988), 117-25.

80. Paul Glennie, ‘Continuity and Change in Hertfordshire Agriculture, 1550-1700: I - Patternsof Agricultural Production,’ Agricultural History Review, 36 (1988), 55-75.

81. Paul Glennie, ‘Continuity and Change in Hertfordshire Agriculture, 1550 - 1700, II: Trendsin Crop Yields and their Determinants,’ The Agricultural History Review, 36(1988), 145 - 61.

** 82. George E. Mingay, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Vol. VI: 1750 - 1850(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989):

(a) G. E. Mingay, ‘Introduction,’ pp. 1-6.

(b) Hugh Prince, ‘The Changing Rural Landscape, 1750 - 1850,’ pp. 7-83.

(c) B.A. Holderness, ‘Prices, Productivity, and Output,’ pp. 84-189.

(d) Richard Perren, ‘Markets and Marketing,’ pp. 190 - 274.

(e) G.E. Mingay, Jonathan Brown, H.A. Beecham, Raine Morgan, R.J. Moore-Colyer,Catherine Breeze, ‘Farming Techniques: Arable Farming and Livestock,’pp. 275-360.

(f) Nicholas Goddard, ‘Farming Techniques, III: Agricultural Literature and Societies,’pp. 361-383.

(g) E.J. Collins, Jennifer Tann, J.A. Chartres, L.A. Clarkson, Jonathan Brown, DavidGrace, ‘The Agricultural Servicing and Processing Industries,’ pp. 384-544.

(h) J.V. Beckett, ‘Landownership and Estate Management,’ pp. 545-640.

(i) W. A. Armstrong, ‘Labour I: Rural Population Growth, Systems of Employment,and Incomes,’ pp. 641-728.

(j) W.A. Armstrong and J.P. Huzel, ‘Labour II: Food, Shelter and Self-Help, the PoorLaw and the Position of the Labourer in Society,’ pp. 729-835.

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(k) J.H. Porter, ‘The Development of Rural Society,’ pp. 836-937.

(l) George E. Mingay, ‘Conclusion: the Progress of Agriculture, 1750 - 1850,’ pp. 938- 71.

(m) A.H. John, ‘Statistical Appendix,’ pp. 972 - 1155.

83. Julian L. Simon and Richard J. Sullivan, ‘Population Size, Knowledge Stock, and OtherDeterminants of Agricultural Publication and Patenting: England, 1541 - 1850,’Explorations in Economic History, 26 (January 1989), 21 - 44.

84. George Grantham, ‘Agricultural Supply During the Industrial Revolution: French Evidenceand European Implications,’ Journal of Economic History, 49 (March 1989), 43 -72.

85. Mark Overton, ‘Weather and Agricultural Change in England, 1660 - 1739,’ AgriculturalHistory, 63 (Spring 1989), 77 - 88.

86. Andrew K. Copus, ‘Changing Markets and the Development of Sheep Breeds in SouthernEngland, 1750 - 1900,’ The Agricultural History Review, 37 (1989), 36 - 51.

** 87. George W. Grantham and Carol Leonard, eds., Agrarian Organization in the Century ofIndustrialization, Supplement no. 5 of Research in Economic History, Paul Useldinggeneral editor (London: JAI Press, 1989), in 2 parts.

Part I: Enclosures, Tenure, and Organization of Capital in Britain and Europe. Section i:Enclosure and Agricultural Productivity in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-CenturyEngland

(a) George Grantham, ‘General Introduction.’

* (b) George Mingay, ‘Agricultural Productivity and Agricultural Society in Eighteenth-Century England.’

* (c) Michael Turner, ‘Benefits But at Cost: the Debates About ParliamentaryEnclosure.’

* (d) Robert Allen, ‘Enclosure and Agricultural Productivity, 1750 - 1850.’

(e) J.M. Neeson, ‘Parliamentary Enclosure and the Disappearance of the EnglishPeasantry, Revisited.’

Part I: Enclosures, Tenure, and Organization of Capital in Britain and Europe. Section ii:European Agriculture during Industrialization: Crises and Adjustments.

(a) F.M.L. Thompson, ‘Rural Society and Agricultural Change in Nineteenth-CenturyBritain.’

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(b) E.J.T. Collins, ‘The ̀ Machinery Question' in English Agriculture in the NineteenthCentury.’

88. Ann Kussmaul, A General View of the Rural Economy of England, 1538 - 1840, CambridgeStudies in Population, Economy, and Society in Past Time no. 11 (CambridgeUniversity Press, 1990).

89. J.V. Beckett, The Agricultural Revolution, Historical Association pamphlets (Oxford:Blackwell, 1990).

90. C.G.S. Bowie, ‘Northern Wolds and Wessex Downlands: Contrasts in Sheep Husbandry andFarming Practice, 1770 - 1850,’ The Agricultural History Review, 38:ii (1990), 117- 26.

91. Mark Overton, ‘The Critical Century? The Agrarian History of England and Wales, 1750 -1850,’ The Agricultural History Review, 38:ii (1990), 185 -89. A review article ofG. E. Mingay, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Vol. VI: 1700 -1850 (Cambridge University Press, 1989).

92. Günther Schmitt, ‘Agriculture in XIXth Century France and Britain: Another Explanationof International and Intersectoral Productivity Differences,’ Journal of EuropeanEconomic History, 19 (Spring 1990), 91 - 115.

93. Gregory Clark, ‘Labor Productivity and Farm Size in English Agriculture beforeMechanization: A Note,’ Explorations in Economic History, 28 (April 1991), 248 -57.

** 94. Bruce M. S. Campbell and Mark Overton, eds., Land, Labour and Livestock: HistoricalStudies in European Agricultural Productivity (Manchester and New York:Manchester University Press, 1991).

a) Mark Overton and Bruce Campbell, ‘Productivity Change in EuropeanAgricultural Development,’ pp. 1 - 50.

b) Robert S. Shiel, ‘Improving Soil Productivity in the Pre-Fertiliser Era,’ pp.51 - 77.

c) Bruce M.S. Campbell, ‘Land, Labour, Livestock, and Productivity Trendsin English Seigniorial Agriculture, 1208 - 1450,’ pp. 144 - 82.

d) Gregory Clark, ‘Labour Productivity in English Agriculture, 1300 - 1860,’pp. 211 - 35.

e) Robert C. Allen, ‘The Two English Agricultural Revolutions, 1450 - 1850,’pp. 236 - 54.

f) Paul Glennie, ‘Measuring Crop Yields in Early Modern England,’ pp. 255 -83.

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g) Mark Overton, ‘The Determinants of Crop Yields in Early ModernEngland,’ pp. 284 - 322.

h) E. A. Wrigley, ‘Energy Availability and Agricultural Productivity,’ pp. 323- 39.

95. Robert C. Allen, ‘Labor Productivity and Farm Size in English Agriculture beforeMechanization: Reply to Clark,’ Explorations in Economic History, 28 (October1991), 478-92.

96. Robert C. Allen, Enclosure and the Yeoman: The Agricultural Development of the SouthMidlands, 1450 - 1850 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992).

97. Roger Scola, Feeding the Victorian City: The Food Supply of Manchester, 1770 - 1870(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992).

98. Mark Overton and Bruce M.S. Campbell, ‘Norfolk Livestock Farming, 1250-1740: AComparative Study of Manorial Accounts and Probate Inventories,’ Journal ofHistorical Geography, 18:4 (1992), 377-396.

99. W. M. Mathew, ‘Marling in British Agriculture: A Case of Partial Identity,’ AgriculturalHistory Review, 41:2 (1993), 97 - 110.

100. Susanna Wade Martins, ‘From ‘Black-Face’ to ‘White-Face’ - An Aspect of the‘Agricultural Revolution’ in Norfolk,’ Agricultural History Review, 41:1 (1993),20 - 30.

101. Bruce M.S. Campbell and Mark Overton, ‘A New Perspective on Medieval and EarlyModern Agriculture: Six Centuries of Norfolk Farming, c.1250 - c.1850,’ Past &Present, no. 141 (November 1993), pp. 38-105.

102. George R. Boyer, ‘England's Two Agricultural Revolutions,’ The Journal of EconomicHistory, 53 (December 1993), 915-23. A review article based on Robert C. Allen,Enclosure and the Yeoman: The Agricultural Development of the South Midlands,1450 -1850 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992).

103. T.M. Devine, The Transformation of Rural Scotland: Social Change and the AgrarianEconomy, 1660-1815 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994).

104. Samuel J. Rogal, ed., Agriculture in Britain and America, 1660-1820: An AnnotatedBibliography of the Eighteenth-Century Literature (Westport, Conn.: GreenwoodPress, 1994).

105. John A. Chartres, ‘Market Integration and Agricultural Output in Seventeenth-,Eighteenth-, and early Nineteenth-Century England,’ Agricultural History Review,43:ii (1995), 117-38.

106. E.H. Hunt and S.J. Pam, ‘Essex Agriculture in the ‘Golden Age’, 1850-73,’ Agricultural

26

History Review, 43:ii (1995), 160-77.

** 107. Mark Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England: The Transformation of the AgrarianEconomy, 1500 - 1800, Cambridge Studies in Historical Geography (Cambridgeand New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

* 108. Mark Overton, ‘Re-establishing the English Agricultural Revolution,’ Agricultural HistoryReview, 44:1 (1996), 1-20.

* 109. Michael E. Turner, J.V. Becket, and B. Afton, ‘Taking Stock: Farms, Farm Records, andAgricultural Output in England, 1700 - 1850,’ Agricultural History Review, 44:1(1996), 21-34.

110. Paul Brassley, ‘Silage in Britain: The Delayed Adoption of an Innovation,’ AgriculturalHistory Review, 44:1 (1996), 63-87.

27

* 111. Joan Thirsk, Alternative Agriculture: A History from the Black Death to the Present Day(Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1997).

112. Michael Turner, ‘Counting Sheep: Waking up to New Estimates of Livestock Numbers inEngland c. 1800,’ Agricultural History Review, 46:ii (1998), 142-61.

** 113. Robert Allen, ‘Tracking the Agricultural Revolution in England,’ The Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser., 52:2 (May 1999): 209-35.

* 114. Susanna Wade Martins and Tom Williamson, Roots of Change: Farming and the Landscapein East Anglia, c.1700 - 1870, The Agricultural History Review Supplement Series,no. 2 (Exeter: The British Agricultural History Society, 1999).

115. Rosemary L. Hopcroft, Regions, Institutions, and Agrarian Change in European History(Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000).

116. Michael E. Turner, J.V. Beckett, and B. Afton, Farm Production in England, 1700 - 1914(Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).

* 117. Jonathan Theobald, ‘Agricultural Productivity in Woodland High Suffolk, 1600 - 1850’,Agricultural History Review, 50:1 (2002), 1-24.

* 118. C. Knick Harley, ‘Computational General Equilibrium Models in Economic History and anAnalysis of British Capitalist Agriculture’, European Review of Economic History,6:2 (August 2002), 165-91.

119. Malcolm Bangor-Jones, ‘Sheep Farming in Sutherland in the Eighteenth Century’,Agricultural History Review, 50:ii (2002), 181-202.

120. Susanna Wade Martins, The English Model Farm: Building the Agricultural Ideal, 1700 -1914 (Macclesfield: Windgather Press, 2002).

D. Agrarian Social History

I: Other Studies on Landownership, Landlords, and Tenants, in 18th- and 19th- CenturyBritain:

1. A.H. Johnson, The Disappearance of the Small Landowner (Oxford, 1909; reprinted witha new introduction by Joan Thirsk, 1963).

2. E. Davies, ‘The Small Landowners, 1780-1832, in the Light of the Tax Assessments,’Economic History Review, 1st ser. 1 (1927). Reprinted in E.M. Carus-Wilson, ed.,Essays in Economic History, Vol. I (1954), pp. 270-94.

3. J. D. Chambers, ‘Enclosure and the Small Landowner,’ Economic History Review, 1stser. 10 (1940).

28

** 4. H.J. Habakkuk, ‘English Land Ownership, 1680-1740,’ Economic History Review, 1stser. 10 (1940), 2-17.

5. H. J. Habakkuk, ‘The Long Term Rate of Interest and the Price of Land in the SeventeenthCentury,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 5 (1952).

* 6. H.J. Habakkuk, ‘Economic Functions of Landowners in the Seventeenth and EighteenthCenturies,’ Explorations in Entrepreneurial History, 6 (1953), 92-102. Reprinted inW.E. Minchinton, ed., Essays in Agrarian History, Vol. I (1968), pp. 187-202.

7. Joan Thirsk, English Peasant Farming (London, 1957). Covers enclosure and other agrarianchanges in Lincolnshire from the 17th to 19th centuries.

8. H. G. Hunt, ‘Landownership and Enclosure, 1750 - 1830,’ Economic History Review, 2ndser., 11 (1958-59).

9. H.J. Habakkuk, ‘The English Land Market in the Eighteenth Century,’ in J.S. Bromley andE. Kossman, eds., Britain and the Netherlands (London, 1960), pp. 155-80.

10. G.E. Mingay, ‘The Size of Farms in the Eighteenth Century,’ Economic History Review,2nd ser. 14 (1961-2).

11. F.M.L. Thompson, English Landed Society in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1963).

12. G.E. Mingay, English Landed Society in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1963), Chapters2-4, 7, 10.

13. G.E. Mingay, ‘The Land Tax Assessments and the Small Landowner,’ Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser. 17 (1964), 381-8.

14. John M. Martin, ‘Landownership and the Land Tax Returns,’ Agricultural History Review,14 (1966).

15. F.M.L. Thompson, ‘The Social Distribution of Landed Property in England since theSixteenth Century,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 19 (1966), 505-17.

* 16. G.E. Mingay, Enclosure and the Small Farmer in the Age of the Industrial Revolution(London, 1968).

17. Christopher Clay, ‘Marriage, Inheritance, and the Rise of Large Estates in England,1660-1815,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 21 (1968), 503-18.

18. F.M.L. Thompson, ‘Landownership and Economic Growth in England in the EighteenthCentury,’ in E.L. Jones and S.J. Woolf, eds., Agrarian Change and EconomicDevelopment (London, 1969).

19. John Bateman, The Great Landowners of England and Wales, new edn. (Leicester, 1971).

29

20. B. A. Holderness, ‘The English Land Market in the Eighteenth Century: The Case ofLincolnshire,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 27 (1974), 557-76.

21. Christopher Clay, ‘The Price of Freehold Land in the Later Seventeenth and EighteenthCenturies,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 27 (1974).

22. B.A. Holderness, ‘The English Land Market in the Eighteenth Century: The Case ofLincolnshire,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 25 (1972).

23. G.E. Mingay, The Gentry: The Rise and Fall of a Ruling Class (London, 1976), Chapters5-6.

24. D.M. Hirst, ‘The Seventeenth-Century Freeholder and the Statistician: A Case ofTerminological Confusion,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 29 (1976), 306-11.

See also the following comment: F.M.L. Thompson, ‘A Terminological ConfusionConfounded,’ p. 311.

* 25. Robert Brenner, ‘Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-IndustrialEurope,’ Past and Present, No. 70 (1976), 30-75.

* 26. J.V. Beckett, ‘English Landownership in the Later Seventeenth and EighteenthCenturies: The Debate and its Problems,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 30(1977), 567-81.

* 27. J. P. Cooper, ‘In Search of Agrarian Capitalism,’ Past and Present, No. 80 (Aug. 1978),20-65. An attack on Brenner, one of many (but the one most relevant to this topic).

28. Lloyd Bonfield, ‘Marriage Settlements and the ̀ Rise of Great Estates',’ Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser. 32 (1979), 483-93.

29. H.J. Habakkuk, ‘The Rise and Fall of English Landed Families, 1600-1800,’ Transactionsof the Royal Historical Society, 29-31 (1979-81).

30. P. Horn, The Rural World, 1780 - 1850: Social Change in the English Countryside (London,1980).

31. Ann Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1981).

32. Robert Brenner, ‘The Agrarian Roots of European Capitalism,’ Past and Present, No. 97(Nov. 1982), 16-113. Brenner's lengthy reply to his many critics.

33. J.R. Wordie, Estate Management in Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1982).

34. J. V. Beckett, ‘The Decline of the Small Landowner in Eighteenth and Nineteenth-CenturyEngland: Some Regional Considerations,’ Agricultural History Review, 30 (1982).

* 35. J.V. Beckett, ‘The Pattern of Landownership in England and Wales, 1660-1880,’ Economic

30

History Review, 2nd ser. 37 (Feb. 1984), 1-22.

36. M. W. Beresford, Time and Place: Collected Essays (London, 1984). Especially‘Commissioners of Enclosure,’ pp. 123 - 33.

37. Joan Thirsk, The Rural Economy of England: Collected Essays (London, 1984).

38. C. E. Searle, ‘Custom, Class Conflict, and Agrarian Capitalism: The Cumbrian CustomaryEconomy in the Eighteenth Century,’ Past and Present, no. 110 (Feb. 1986), 106 -33.

39. Michael Turner and D. Mills, eds., Land and Property: The English Land Tax, 1692-1832(Gloucester, 1986).

40. David Grigg, ‘Farm Size in England and Wales, from Early Victorian Times to the Present,’Agricultural History Review, 35 (1987), 179 - 90.

41. Joan Thirsk, England's Agricultural Regions and Agrarian History, 1500 - 1750, Studies inEconomic and Social History series (London, 1987).

* 42. R. C. Allen, ‘The Price of Freehold Land and the Interest Rate in the Seventeenth andEighteenth Centuries,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 41 (Feb. 1988), 33-50.

* 43. George Mingay, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Vol. VI: 1750 - 1850(Cambridge University Press, 1989):

a) J. B. Beckett, ‘Landownership and Estate Management,’ pp. 545 -639, and:

b) J. H. Porter, ‘The Development of Rural Society,’ pp. 836 - 937.

44. Barbara English, The Great Landowners of East Yorkshire, 1530 - 1910 (New York andLondon: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990).

45. Avner Offer, ‘Farm Tenure and Land Values in England, c. 1750 - 1950,’ Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser. 44 (February 1991), 1 - 20.

46. John Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt, and the Estates System: English Landownership, 1650 -1950 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994).

47. F.M.L. Thompson, ed., Landowners, Capitalists, and Entrepreneurs: Essays for Sir JohnHabakkuk (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994).

48. T. M. Devine, The Transformation of Rural Scotland: Social Change and the AgrarianEconomy, 1660 - 1815 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994).

49. George E. Mingay, Land and Society in England, 1750 - 1980 (Harlow: Longman, 1994).

50. Negley Harte and Roland Quinault, eds., Land and Society in Britain, 1700 - 1914: Essays

31

in Honour of F.M.L. Thompson (Manchester and New York: Manchester UniversityPress, 1996).

51. Christine Hallas, Rural Responses to Industrialization: the North Yorkshire Pennines, 1790 -1914 (Bern: Peter Lang, 1999).

52. Stephen Hipkin, ‘The Structure of Landownership and Land Occupation in the RomneyMarsh Region, 1646 - 1834', Agricultural History Review, 51:i (2003), 69-94.

E. Agrarian Social History

II: Agricultural Labourers, Rural Poverty, and the Poor Law in the 18th and 19th centuries. See also Section A, above.

* 1. F.M. Eden, The State of the Poor (London, 1797).

2. W.A. Hasbach, A History of English Agricultural Labourer (London, 1908).

** 3. J.L. and Barbara Hammond, The Village Labourer, 1760-1832 (London, 1911). ReissuedNew York, Harper Torchbooks, 1970, with an important new introduction by EricHobsbawm. New edition edited by George E. Mingay, London, 1978.

4. Sidney and Beatrice Webb, English Poor Law History, Part I: The Old Poor Law (London,1927).

5. Sidney and Beatrice Webb, English Poor Law History, Part II: The Last Hundred Years(London, 1929).

6. H.L. Beales, ‘The New Poor Law,’ History, 15 (1931), reprinted in E.M. Carus-Wilson,ed., Essays in Economic History, Vol. III (London, 1962), pp. 279-87.

7. N. Gash, ‘Rural Unemployment, 1815 - 34,’ Economic History Review, 1st ser., 6 (1935).

8. George E. Fussell, The English Rural Labourer (London, 1949).

9. D. Roberts, ‘How Cruel was the Victorian Poor Law?’ Historical Journal, 6 (1963). Seebelow Henriques (1968).

10. Mark Blaug, ‘The Myth of the Old Poor Law and the Making of the New,’ Journal ofEconomic History, 23 (1963).

11. Mark Blaug, ‘The Poor Law Report Re-Examined,’ Journal of Economic History, 24(1964).

12. E.J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men (London, 1964).

* 13. E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (London, 1965) Chapter 7: ‘The

32

Field Labourers’, pp. 233-58.

14. J.J. and A.L. Bagley, The English Poor Law (London, 1966).

15. M. E. Rose, ‘The Allowance System under the New Poor Law,’ Economic History Review,2nd ser., 19 (1966).

16. D. C. Barnett, ‘Allotments and the Problem of Rural Poverty,’ in E.L. Jones and G. E.Mingay, eds., Land, Labour, and Population in the Industrial Revolution: EssaysPresented to J.D. Chambers (1967).

17. U. Henriques, ‘How Cruel was the Victorian Poor Law?’ Historical Journal, 11 (1968). Seeabove, Roberts (1963).

18. J.D. Marshall, The Old Poor Law, 1795-1834, Studies in Economic History Series (London,1968).

* 19. E.J. Hobsbawm and George Rudé, Captain Swing (London, 1969; new edn.,Harmondsworth, 1973), especially Part I, pp. 23-96.

20. J.P. Huzel, ‘Malthus, the Poor Law, and Population in Early Nineteenth Century England,’Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 22 (1969).

21. J.S. Taylor, ‘The Mythology of the Old Poor Law,’ The Journal of Economic History, 29(1969).

22. J.R. Poynter, Society and Pauperism: English Ideas on Poor Relief, 1795 - 1834 (London,1969).

23. M.E. Rose, The Relief of Poverty, 1834-1914, Studies in Economic History Series,(London, 1970).

24. Valerie Morgan, ‘Agricultural Wage Rates in Late Eighteenth-Century Scotland,’ EconomicHistory Review, 2nd ser., 24 (1971).

25. B. Inglis, Poverty and the Industrial Revolution, 2nd edn. (London, 1972).

26. Donald N. McCloskey, ‘New Perspectives on the Old Poor Law,’ Explorations in EconomicHistory, 10 (1973).

27. J.P.D. Dunbabin, ed., Rural Discontent in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 1974).

28. D. A. Baugh, ‘The Cost of Poor Relief in South-East England, 1790 - 1834,’ EconomicHistory Review, 2nd ser., 28 (1975).

29. G.S.L. Tucker, ‘The Old Poor Law Revisited,’ Explorations in Economic History, 12(1975).

33

30. J.S. Taylor, ‘The Impact of Pauper Settlement, 1691 - 1834,’ Past & Present, no. 73 (1976).

31. D. Fraser, ed., The New Poor Law in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1976).

32. J.M. Martin, ‘Marriage and Economic Stress in the Felden of Warwickshire during theEighteenth Century,’ Population Studies, 31 (1977).

33. A. Brundage, The Making of the New Poor Law: the Politics of Inquiry, Enactment, andImplementation, 1832-39 (London, 1978).

34. James P. Huzel, ‘The Demographic Impact of the Old Poor Law: More Reflexions onMalthus,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 33 (1980), 367-381.

35. P. Horn, The Rural World, 1780 - 1850: Social Change in the English Countryside (London,1980).

36. Osamu Saito, ‘Labour Supply Behaviour of the Poor in the English Industrial Revolution,’

Journal of European Economic History, 10 (1981), 633-52.

37. W. G. Armstrong, ‘The Influence of Demographic Factors on the Position of theAgricultural Labourer in England and Wales, c. 1750 - 1914,’ Agricultural HistoryReview, 29 (1981).

38. K. D. M. Snell, ‘Agricultural Seasonal Unemployment, the Standard of Living, andWomen's Work in the South and East: 1690-1860,’ Economic History Review, 2ndser. 34 (1981), 407-37.

39. Ann Kussmaul, ‘The Ambiguous Mobility of Farm Servants,’ Economic History Review,2nd ser. 34 (1981), 222-35.

40. Ann Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 1981).

41. K. Williams, From Pauperism to Poverty (London, 1981).

42. Peter Dunkley, The Crisis of the Old Poor Law in England, 1795 - 1834: An InterpretativeEssay (New York, 1982).

43. Anne Digby, The Poor Law in Nineteenth-Century England and Wales (London, 1982).

44. Andrew Charlesworth, ed., An Atlas of Rural Protest in Britain, 1548 - 1900 (London,1983).

45. K. D. M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England, 1660 -1900 (Cambridge, 1985).

46. George Boyer, ‘An Economic Model of the English Poor Law, ca. 1780-1834,’ Explorationsin Economic History, 22 (April 1985), 129-67.

34

* 47. George Boyer, ‘The Old Poor Law and the Agricultural Labor Market in Southern England:An Empirical Analysis,’ The Journal of Economic History, 46 (Mar. 1986), 113-36.

48. George Boyer, ‘The Poor Law, Migration, and Economic Growth,’ The Journal ofEconomic History, 46 (1986), 419-40.

49. E. J. T. Collins, ‘The Rationality of `Surplus' Agricultural Labour: Mechanization inEnglish Agriculture in the Nineteenth Century,’ Agricultural History Review, 35(1987), 36-46.

50. Alan Kidd, ‘Historians or Polemicists: How the Webbs Wrote Their History of the EnglishPoor Laws,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 40 (August 1987), 400-17.

51. Mary MacKinnon, ‘English Poor Law Policy and the Crusade Against Outrelief,’ Journalof Economic History, 47 (Sept. 1987), 603-25.

* 52. George E. Mingay, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Vol. VI: 1750 - 1850(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989):

(a) W. A. Armstrong, ‘Labour I: Rural Population Growth, Systems of Employment,and Incomes,’ pp. 641 - 728.

(b) W. A. Armstrong and J. P. Huzel, ‘Labour II: Food, Shelter and Self-Help, the PoorLaw, and the Position of the Labourer in Rural Society,’ pp. 729 - 835.

c) J.H. Porter, ‘The Development of Rural Society,’ pp. 836-937.

53. J.M. Neeson, ‘Parliamentary Enclosure and the Disappearance of the English Peasantry,Revisited,’ in George W. Grantham and Carol Leonard, eds., Agrarian Organizationin the Century of Industrialization, Supplement no. 5 of Research in EconomicHistory, Paul Uselding general editor (London: JAI Press, 1989).

54. Jane Humphries, ‘Enclosures, Common Rights, and Women: The Proletarianization ofFamilies in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries,’ Journal ofEconomic History, 50 (March 1990), 1 - 16.

55. Alan Armstrong, Farmworkers: A Social and Economic History, 1770 - 1980 (London:Batsford Books, 1990).

56. Reay Barry, The Last Rising of the Agricultural Labourers: Rural Life and Protest inNineteenth-Century England, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990.

57. Mick Reed and Roger Wells, eds., Class, Conflict, and Protest in the English Countryside,1700 - 1880 (London: Cass, 1990).

58. George E. Mingay, A Social History of the English Countryside (London: Routledge, 1990).

59. George R. Boyer, An Economic History of the Poor Law, 1750 - 1850 (Cambridge:

35

Cambridge University Press, 1990).

60. Alun Howkins, Reshaping Rural England: A Social History, 1850 - 1925 (London: Harper,1991).

61. Humphrey R. Southall, ‘The Tramping Artisan Revisits: Labour Mobility and EconomicDistress in Early Victorian England,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 44 (May1991), 272 - 96.

62. Robert C. Allen, Enclosure and the Yeoman: the Agricultural Development of the SouthMidlands, 1450 -1850 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992).

63. T. L. Richardson, ‘The Agricultural Labourers' Standard of Living in Lincolnshire, 1790 -1840: Social Protest and Public Order,’ Agricultural History Review, 41:1 (1993),1 - 18.

64. Peter M. Solar, ‘Poor Relief and English Economic Development before the IndustrialRevolution,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 48:1 (February 1995), 1-22.

65. Gregory Clark, Michael Huberman, and Peter H. Lindert, ‘A British Food Puzzle, 1770 -1850,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 48:2 (May 1995), 215-37.

66. Michael Turner, After the Famine: Irish Agriculture, 1850 - 1914 (Cambridge and NewYork: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

67. Jeremy Burchardt, ‘Rural Social Relations, 1830-50: Opposition to Allotments forLabourers,’ Agricultural History Review, 45:2 (1997), 165-75.

68. John E. Archer, “The Nineteenth-Century Allotment: Half an Acre and a Row,” TheEconomic History Review, 2nd ser., 50:1 (February 1997), 21-36.

69. Pamela Sharpe, ‘The Female Labour Market in English Agriculture during the IndustrialRevolution: Expansion or Contraction?’, Agricultural History Review, 57:2 (1999),161-81.

70. A.J. Gritt, ‘The Census and the Servant: A Reassesment of the Decline and Distribution ofFarm Service in Early Nineteenth-Century England’, The Economic HistoryReview, 2nd ser., 53:1 (February 2000),84-106.

71. Sara Birtles, ‘Common Land, Poor Relief and Enclosure: The Use of Manorial Resourcesin Fulfilling Parish Obligations, 1601-1834', Past & Present, no. 165 (November1999), 74-106.

72. Donald Woodward, ‘Early Modern Servants in Husbandry Revisited’, Agricultural HistoryReview, 48:ii (2000), 141-50.

73. John Broad, ‘Housing the Rural Poor in Southern England, 1650 - 1850’, AgriculturalHistory Review, 48:ii (2000), 151-70.

36

74. H.R. French, ‘Urban Agriculture, Commons and Commoners in the Seventeenth andEighteenth Centuries: the Case of Sudbury, Suffolk’, Agricultural History Review,48:ii (2000), 171-99.

75. Nicola Verdon, ‘The Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture: a Reassessmentof Agricultural Gangs in Nineteenth-Century Norfolk’, Agricultural HistoryReview, 49:i (2001), 41-55.

* 76. Nicola Verdon, ‘The Rural Labour Market in the Early Nineteenth Century: Women’s andChildren’s Employment, Family Income, and the 1834 Poor Law Report’, TheEconomic History Review, 2nd ser., 55:2 (May 2002), 299-323.

77. Tom Williamson, The Transformation of Rural England: Farming and the Landscape, 1700- 1870 (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 2002).

78. Nicola Verdon, ‘ “Subjects Deserving of the Highest Praise”: Farmers’ Wives and the FarmEconomy in England, c. 1700 - 1850', Agricultural History Review, 51:i (2003), 23-39.

F. Common or Open Fields: Further Readings

1. Paul Vinogradoff, The Growth of the Manor (London, 1905).

2. Frederic Seebohm, The English Village Community Examined in its Relations to theManorial and Tribal Systems and to the Common or Open Field System ofHusbandry, 4th edn. (London, 1905).

3. H.L. Gray, English Field Systems (Cambridge, Mass. 1915).

4. E.C.K. Gonner, Common Land and Inclosure (1921; reissued with an introduction by E.L.Jones, London, 1968).

* 5. Paul Vinogradoff, Villainage in England (London, 1923), part ii: ‘The Manor and theVillage Community,’ chapter I; ‘The Open Field System and the Holdings,’ pp. 223-58; chapter II, ‘Rights of Common,’ pp. 259-77. See also chapters V and VI.

** 6. Marc Bloch, Les caractères originaux de l'histoire rurale française, 2 vols. (Oslo, 1931;reissued Paris, 1952 and 1964); in English translation as French Rural History: AnEssay on its Basic Characteristics, trans. by Janet Sondheimer (Berkeley, Calif.1966), chapter 2, pp. 35-64.

7. T.A.M. Bishop, ‘Assarting and the Growth of the Open Fields,’ Economic History Review,1st ser. 6 (1935-36), 13-29; reprinted in E.M. Carus-Wilson, ed., Essays inEconomic History (London, 1954), Vol. I, pp. 26-40.

8. C. S. Orwin, ‘Observations on the Open Fields,’ Economic History Review, 1st. ser. 8

37

(1937-38), 125-35.

** 9. C.S. and C.A. Orwin, The Open Fields (1938; 2nd edn. Oxford, 1954), Introductionespecially (pp. 1-14), and chapters I-V, pp. 15-68, especially III, ‘The Open Fields,’pp. 30-52.

* 10. M.A. Havinden, ‘Agricultural Progress in Open-Field Oxfordshire,’ Agricultural HistoryReview, 9 (1961), 73-83. An important article for demonstrating that open fieldsdid not necessarily prove to be a barrier to change, at least in early-modern England.Also in:

(a) W.E. Minchinton, ed., Essays in Agricultural History, Vol. I (1968), pp.147-60.

(b) E.L. Jones, ed., Agriculture and Economic Growth in England, 1650-1815(1967), pp. 66-79.

* 11. Lynn White, Medieval Technology and Social Change (Oxford, 1962), chapter II, ‘TheAgricultural Revolution of the Early Middle Ages,’ pp. 39-78, esp. pp. 41-57.Rather simplistic and outdated, but still interesting.

12. W. G. Hoskins and L. Dudley Stamp, The Common Lands of England and Wales (London,1963). Chapters 1 - 4; especially chapter 1, ‘Common Land and Its Origin,’ pp. 3-13; and chapter 3, ‘Common Land and the Peasant Economy,’ pp. 44-52.

** 13. Joan Thirsk, ‘The Common Fields,’ Past and Present, no. 29 (Dec. 1964), 3-25. The articlethat initiated the still current debate.

14. W.O. Ault, Open-Field Husbandry and the Village Community: A Study of Agrarian By-Laws in Medieval England (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society,new series, vol. 55, Philadelphia, 1965).

* 15. Jan Z. Titow, ‘Medieval England and the Open-Field System,’ Past and Present, no. 32(1966), 86-102. The first major attack on Thirsk.

* 16. Joan Thirsk, ‘The Origin of the Common Fields,’ Past and Present, no. 33 (1966), 142-47.Her strong reply to Titow.

* 17. George C. Homans, ‘The Explanation of English Regional Differences,’ Past and Present,no. 42 (1969), 18-34. Continuing the Thirsk-Titow debate.

18. A.H.R. Baker, ‘Some Terminological Problems in Studies of British Field Systems,’Agricultural History Review, 17 (1969).

19. Jerome Blum, ‘The European Village as Community: Origins and Functions,’ AgriculturalHistory, 45 (1971), 158- .

20. D.N. McCloskey, ‘The Enclosure of Open Fields: Preface to a Study of its Impact on the

38

Efficiency of English Agriculture in the Eighteenth Century,’ Journal of EconomicHistory, 32 (1972), 15-35. Though chiefly pertaining to a later period, still relevantto the question of medieval common fields, particularly since McCloskeysubsequently became a very major participant in this debate. See below nos.

* 21. Michael Postan, The Medieval Economy and Society: An Economic History of Britain inthe Middle Ages (1972), chapter 4: ‘Land Use and Technology’, pp. 41-72.

22. W.O. Ault, Open-Field Farming in England (London, 1972).

23. A.R.H. Baker and R.A. Butlin, eds. Studies of the Field Systems in the British Isles(Cambridge, 1973). Studies by various authors, by regions. See in particular,chapter 14: Baker and Butlin, ‘Conclusion: Problems and Perspectives,’ pp. 619-56.

24. Jon Cohen and Martin Weitzman, ‘A Mathematical Model of Enclosure,’ in MathematicalModels in Economics, ed. J. and W. Los (Warsaw, 1974), pp. 419-31. Relevant tothe subject of common fields and their economic rationale.

25. Edmund King, Peterborough Abbey, 1086-1310: A Study in the Land Market (London,1975). Though not on the origins of the common fields, this study shows howpeasant holdings could be re-arranged through purchase, sale, and transfers.

* 26. Robert A. Dodgshon, ‘The Land-Holding Foundations of the Open-Field System,’ Past andPresent, no. 67 (May 1975), 3-29. Reprinted in T. H. Aston, ed., Landlords,Peasants and Politics in Medieval England (Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp.6-32.

** 27. William N. Parker and Eric L. Jones, eds., European Peasants and Their Markets: Essays inAgrarian Economic History (Princeton, 1975). See the following essays:

* a) Richard C. Hoffmann, ‘Medieval Origins of the Common Fields,’ pp. 23-71.

*** b) Donald McCloskey, ‘The Persistence of English Common Fields,’ pp. 93-120.

c) D.N. McCloskey, ‘The Economics of Enclosure: A Market Analysis,’ pp. 123-60.

* d) Jon Cohen and Martin Weitzman, ‘Enclosure and Depopulation: a MarxianAnalysis,’ pp. 161-76. See also the following:

28. Jon Cohen and Martin Weitzman, ‘A Marxian Model of Enclosures,’ Journal ofDevelopment Economics, 1 (1975), 287-336. Also relevant to the economics ofcommon fields.

29. Stefano Fenoaltea, ‘The Rise and Fall of a Theoretical Model: the Manorial System;’ andalso, ‘Authority, Efficiency, and Agriculture Organization in Medieval England andBeyond,’ both in Journal of Economic History, 25 (1975), 386-409, and 693-718,respectively.

39

** 30. Donald N. McCloskey, ‘English Open Fields as Behavior Towards Risk,’ Research inEconomic History, 1 (1976), 124-71.

31. Stefano Fenoaltea, ‘On a Marxian Model of Enclosures,’ Journal of DevelopmentEconomics, 3 (1976), 195-98. An attack on Cohen and Weitzmann, with their reply:

Jon Cohen and Martin Weitzman, ‘Reply to Fenoaltea,’ pp. 199-200.

32. Stefano Fenoaltea, ‘Risk, Transactions Costs, and the Organization of MedievalAgriculture,’ Explorations in Economic History, 13 (April 1976), 129-51.Challenges McCloskey's thesis in nos. 27 and 30.

* 33. Donald McCloskey, ‘Fenoaltea on Open Fields: A Reply,’ Explorations in EconomicHistory, 14 (Oct. 1977), 405-10.

34. J.A. Yelling, Common Field and Enclosure in England, 1450-1850 (London, 1977).Important survey; but arranged geographically rather than chronologically.

* 35. Michael Mazur, ‘The Dispersion of Holdings in the Open Fields: An Interpretation inTerms of Property Rights,’ Journal of European Economic History, 6 (1977), 461-71. See no. 36 below.

* 36. Donald McCloskey, ‘Scattering in Open Fields: a Comment,’ and

Michael Mazur, ‘Scattering in Open Fields: A Reply,’ both in

Journal of European Economic History, 9 (1980), 209-14, and 215-18, respectively.

37. Bruce M. Campbell, ‘Population Change and the Genesis of Common Fields on a NorfolkManor,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 33 (1980), 174-92.

38. Bruce M. Campbell, ‘The Regional Uniqueness of English Field-Systems: Some Evidencefrom Eastern Norfolk,’ Agricultural History Review, 9 (1980),

* 39. Carl J. Dahlman, The Open Field System and Beyond: A Property Rights Analysis of anEconomic Institution (Cambridge, 1980). A very major recent contribution to thisdebate, providing a viable economic alternative to the McCloskey model.

* 40. Trevor Rowley, ed., The Origins of Open Field Agriculture (Totawa, N.J., 1981). Collectedstudies. See especially:

a) David Hall, ‘The Origins of Open-field Agriculture: The ArchaeologicalFieldwork Evidence,’ pp. 22-38.

b) H. S. A. Fox, ‘Approaches to the Adoption of the Midland System,’ pp. 64 - 111.

** c) Bruce Campbell, ‘Commonfield Origins: The Regional Dimension,’ pp. 112-29.Very important contribution, linking communal open fields to manorialism.

40

d) Robert Dodgshon, ‘The Interpretation of Subdivided Fields: A Study in Privateor Communal Interests?’ pp. 130-44.

e) Victor Skipp, ‘The Evolution of Settlement and Open-field Topography in NorthArden down to 1300,’ pp. 162-83.

** 41. J.A. Yelling, ‘Rationality in Common Fields,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 35(1982), 409-15. Very important critique of both the McCloskey and Dahlmanmodels.

* 42. Donald McCloskey, ‘Corn at Interest: The Extent and Cost of Grain Storage in MedievalEngland,’ American Economic Review, 74 (1984), 174 - 87.

43. Richard M. Smith, ‘Families and Their Land in an Area of Partible Inheritance: Redgrave,Suffolk, 1260-1320,’ in R. M. Smith, ed. Land, Kinship and Life-cycle (Cambridge,1984), pp. 135-96.

44. Alan Nash, ‘The Size of Open Field Strips: A Reinterpretation,’ The Agricultural HistoryReview, 33 (1985), 32-40.

45. H. S. A. Fox, ‘The Alleged Transformation from Two-field to Three-field Systems inMedieval England,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 39 (Nov. 1986), 526-48.

* 46. Donald McCloskey, ‘Open Fields of England: Rent, Risk, and the Rate of Interest, 1300 -1815,’ in David W. Galenson, ed., Markets in History: Economic Studies of the Past(Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 5 - 51. A further refinement of theMcCloskey model.

47. Mark Bailey, ‘Sand into Gold: The Evolution of the Foldcourse System in West Suffolk,1200 - 1600,’ The Agricultural History Review, 38 (1990), 40 - 57.

48. John Komlos and Richard Landes, ‘Anachronistic Economics: Grain Storage in MedievalEngland,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 44 (February 1991), 36 - 45. Anattack on McCloskey. See the following reply and rejoinder.

49. Donald N. McCloskey, ‘Conditional Economic History: A Reply to Komlos and Landes;’and John Komlos and Richard Landes, ‘Alice to the Red Queen: ImperiousEconometrics,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 44 (February 1991), 128 - 136.

* 50. Donald N. McCloskey, ‘The Prudent Peasant: New Findings on Open Fields,’ Journal ofEconomic History, 51 (June 1991), 343-55. McCloskey again!

51. M. M. Cosgel, ‘Risk Sharing in Medieval Agriculture,’ Journal of European EconomicHistory, 21: (Spring 1992), 99 - 110.

52. Eric Kerridge, The Common Fields of England (Manchester: Manchester University Press,1992). A survey that has not pleased all agrarian historians.

41

* 53. Rosemary L. Hopcroft, ‘The Origins of Regular Open-Field Systems in Pre-IndustrialEurope,’ Journal of European Economic History, 23:3 (Winter 1994), 563-80.

54. Barry Harrison, ‘Field Systems and Demesne Farming on the Wiltshire Estates of SaintSwithun’s Priory, Winchester, 1248 - 1340,’ Agricultural History Review, 43:i(1995), 1-18.

55. Gregory Clark and Anthony Clark, ‘Common Rights to Land in England, 1475 - 1839',Journal of Economic History, 61:4 (December 2001), 1009-36.

56. Gary Richardson, ‘What Protected Peasants Best? Markets, Risk, Efficiency, and MedievalEnglish Agriculture’, Research in Economic History, 21 (2003), 299 - 356.

57. Cliff T. Bekar and Clyde G. Reed, ‘Open Fields, Risk, and Land Divisibility’, Explorationsin Economic History, 40:3 (July 2003), 308-25.

42

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION:

1. Did Enclosures necessarily mean displacement and ‘depopulation’ of small farmers -- both tenantsand smallholder owner-occupiers? Did Enclosures and the subsequent agrarian changes, fromca. 1750 to ca. 1850, mean an absolute or relative decrease in the numbers of people engaged in theagricultural sector?

2. Agriculture and the Labour Supply: what became of those small farmers who were dispossessed,displaced by Enclosures and subsequent agrarian changes, ca. 1750 - ca. 1850? Consider in termsof the following questions:

(a) Did Enclosures create an industrial proletariat or an agricultural proletariat, or a mixtureof the two?

(b) If the absolute number of those engaged in the agricultural sector did not fall (before 1850),was the chief (social) significance of Enclosures the change in property rights and social tiesto the land? Did many of those, formerly tenants in open-field farming or small holderowner-occupiers, become hired field-hands on large, enclosed commercial farms?

(c) How many of those small farmers dispossessed, bought out, or otherwise encouraged toleave their holdings became a source of labour for urban industries -- or rural industries?Were those industrial workers of agrarian origins driven into or attracted into their newindustrial employment? Were they compelled to become industrial workers by having theirholdings expropriated; or were many poor farmers and field-hands lured into industrialemployment by the prospect of higher wages?

(d) Where did the industries, rural and urban, of the Industrial Revolution era secure theirlabour supplies? From displaced farmers, the victims of Enclosure; from the younger sonsof continuing farmers, younger sons no longer needed on the land; from demographicgrowth -- from natural population increases, especially in the urban areas themselves?

3. What was the relationship between demographic growth, Enclosures and agrarian changes(agricultural growth), and industrial growth--urban industrialization in particular, from ca. 1750 toca. 1850?

4. In the context of British economic development from ca. 1750 to ca. 1850, discuss the possibleeconomic and social ‘benefits and costs’ of Enclosures for each of the following categories:

(a) landlords and their tenants-in-chief;(b) freeholder or smallholder ‘owner-occupiers’;(c) freeholder tenants: both those who hired labour, and those who depended chiefly on the

labour of their own family; (d) leaseholder tenants;(e) copyholders: by inheritance, for lives (one to three lives), at will;(f) cottars or cottagers;(g) hired agricultural labourers, field hands;(h) agricultural ‘servants’, hired on annual contracts and living and working as part of the farm

family.

43

5. In the same context as the above question, discuss the changing economic and social ‘benefits andcosts’ of the traditional open-field or common-field system of farming, especially for the peasanttenants of the manorial, or formerly manorial villages. Why did this system of landholding andfarming persist for so long?

6. Did Parliamentary enclosures, ca. 1750 - ca. 1830, protect the rights of the tenants, any propertyrights of the tenants, any property rights at all? Who really paid for the costs of such enclosures(including the Enclosure Commissions' costs)?

7. What were the prime motives for and causes of the 18th century Enclosures? Discuss in terms ofthe following theories, comparing, contrasting, and if possible reconciling some of their elements:

(a) the Marxian theories of expropriation: to capture the economic rent on land; to transferincome from the peasantry (smallholders and tenant farmers) to the landlords.

(b) the demographic theories: a reorganization of landholdings and farming methodsnecessitated by the growing pressures of population--both of people andlivestock: demographic pressures forcing a more rational allocation of resources inagriculture (land, labour, capital).

(c) the market theories: that a combination of rising agricultural prices [see demographictheories in b], improved communications and transportation facilities, urbanization, andeconomic development in general promoted commercialized farming, which in turn inducedEnclosures and agricultural improvements. Or more simply, and related to both (a) and (b),rising prices augmented the economic rent on existing productive lands and so encouragedlandlords to enclose to capture such rising rents.

(d) theories focusing on technology and productivity: that more enlightened, better educatedlandlords enclosed open- field lands and wastelands, etc. in order to implement moreadvanced farming techniques, placing land under single management (and thus necessarilyenclosed) to ensure such implementation and ‘progress.’

Are all these theories necessarily exclusive or inconsistent with each other? In your discussion, tryto determine (i.e. explain) both the timing and the location of the enclosures.

8. Compare and contrast both the economic and social consequences of enclosures that involved:

(a) enclosures of pasture and woodlands of the village ‘commons’

(b) enclosures of wastelands, or reclamations of fens and wastes

(c) engrossing of the arable strips in the open- fields

(d) enclosures principally for pastoral (livestock) farming or those for arable primarily, or thosefor ‘convertible husbandry’ (mixed farming).

9. Explain the regional differences in English enclosures: in the Midlands, in the south-west, thesouth-east, and the North; and the differences relating to England's ‘scarp and vale’ topography.

44

10. In what respects, both in terms of causes and of the consequences (economic and social), did theEnclosures of the Industrial Revolution era (ca. 1750-1830) resemble and/or differ from the earlierenclosures, especially those of the Tudor-Stuart era? How significant were the enclosures of the ‘inbetween’ period of the 17th century: how did they differ from the earlier and later enclosures interms of causes and consequences (and forms). How much land remained to be enclosed by 1750?

11. Were enclosures of the Industrial Revolution era and the associated technical changes, where evidentand relevant, designed more to economize on land or on labour? Over time, what changes occurredin the land:labour ratio? Explain those changes and their consequences.

12. Were Enclosures necessary -- a necessary co-requisite for modern industrialization, specifically inGreat Britain?

Table 1.

The effects of changing relative areas of grass (livestock-pasture) and arable (graincrops) on the output of a 100-acre farm: in bushels per acre (with livestock outputequivalents)

Assumption: Farm Operating on a Three-Field System with 2/3 in Crops and 1/3Fallow (Uncultivated, Land at Rest) each Year

GrassArea inAcres

GrainArea inAcres

FallowArea (atRest):Acres

ManureTonsper AcreArable

GrainYield:Bu. perAcre

TotalGrain OutputBu.

StockOutputin EquivBu.*

TOTALOUT-PUT INBU.

100 0.0 0.0 1,000 1,000

80 13.3 6.7 >10.0 27.5 366 800 1,166

77 15.3 7.7 10.0 27.5 421 770 1,191

60 26.7 13.3 4.5 16.5 441 600 1,041

40 40.0 20.0 2.0 11.5 460 400 860

20 53.3 26.7 0.7 8.9 474 200 674

0 66.7 33.3 0.0 7.5 500 0 500

* Assumption: That the output of livestock products is equivalent to 10 bushels of grain peracre.

Source: Robert Shiel, ‘Improving Soil Fertility in the Pre-Fertiliser Era,’ in Bruce M. S.Campbell and Mark Overton, eds., Land, Labour, and Livestock: Historical Studiesin European Agricultural Productivity (Manchester and New York, 1991), p. 71.

Table 2.

Baltic and English grain export tradesaverage annual exports in quarters (of 8 bushels)*

1600-49 to 1700-49

PERIOD BALTIC** ENGLAND TOTAL

1600-59 719,250 ? ?

1650-99 585,900 26,250 612,150

1700-49 325,500 453,600 779,100

* 1 Quarter = 8 bushels = 64 gallons of grain = 480 lb. (1 bu. = 60 lb.; 6 x 80 = 480 lb.)

* about 80% on the seaborne Baltic grain exports, on average, was carried in Dutch ships (ahigher proportion in the earlier than in the later periods).

Table 3.

Average annual English grain exportsin quarters (of 8 bushels), 1700-09 to 1760-64

DECADE GRAIN EXPORTSIN QUARTERS

1700-09 283,000

1710-19 369,000

1720-29 426,000

1730-39 531,000

1740-49 661,000

1750-59 655,000

1760-64 746,000

Table 4.

Model of a three-course crop rotation system: arable lands

Year FIELDS: A FIELDS: B FIELDS: C

I FALL

(Winter)

Wheat and/or Rye

SPRING

(Summer)

Oats, Barley

Legumes (Peas and

Beans)

FALLOW

Resting Uncultivated

(Double Ploughed)

Livestock graze on natural

grasses

II SPRING FALLOW FALL

III FALLOW FALL SPRING

Table 5.

Convertible husbandry (‘up and down’ farming)

SECTION I: PASTURE LANDS FOR GRAZING LIVESTOCK

1) These lands, comprising about half of the farm holdings, are ‘laid down to grass’ for aboutfive years, for pasturing livestock (sheep and/or cattle), allowing these lands to regain theirfertility and store up large stocks of nitrogen. If the livestock are also ‘stall-fed’ -- i.e. fromfodder crops outside the pasture -- their manure will add net amounts of nitrogen compoundsto the soil

2) After five or so years, these pasture lands are ‘ploughed up for arable,’ to follow the five-course crop system indicated below for Section II (the other half of the farm holdings). Afteranother five years, these lands, now arable, are again ‘laid down to grass’ to serve as pasturelands for the following five years.

SECTION II: THE ARABLE FIELDS (with no fallow): comprising the other half.

ARABLE FIELD A: WINTER GRAINS: Wheat and/or Rye grains

ARABLE FIELD B: THE NEW LEGUMES: Clover, Alfalfa (Lucerne), and Sainfoingrasses (high nitrogen-fixing properties), as animal fodder crops

ARABLE FIELD C: PULSES: Beans and Peas (low in nitrogen-fixing properties, forhuman consumption)

ARABLE FIELD D: SUMMER GRAINS: Barley (for beer) and Oats (to feed bothhumans and horses)

ARABLE FIELD E: OTHER NEW CROPS: Coleseed and Rapeseed (for both industrial oilsand animal fodder); or Turnips (chiefly for animal fodder)

‘New’ Crops Grown Under Multiple Crop Rotations in Convertible Husbandry (or in ‘NorfolkFarming’): not new, but much more widely diffused in the 17th & 18th centuries.

Clover, Alfalfa (Lucerne), Sainfoin, Coleseed, Rapeseed, Flax, Buckwheat, Hops, Turnips

Nitrogen Fixing Properties of Various Legumes in kg per hectare (2.47 acres)

Beans and Peas (Pulses) 30 kg per hectareClover 100 kg per hectareSainfoin 170 kg per hectareAlfalfa (Lucerne) 225 kg per hectare

Table 6.

British wheat prices: decennial averages of prices and price-relatives (indices) of wheat at Eton college,in shillings per quarter, from 1600 to 1819

Mean of 1700 - 09 = 100

DECADE PRICE INDEX1700-09 = 100

1600-09 30.80 91.8

1610-19 34.20 101.9

1620-29 35.05 104.5

1630-39 44.74 133.4

1640-49 49.74 147.6

1650-59 40.29 120.1

1660-69 41.19 122.8

1670-79 39.44 117.6

1680-89 31.37 93.5

1690-99 44.92 133.9

1700-09 33.55 100.0

1710-19 37.22 110.9

1720-29 33.92 101.1

1730-39 29.09 86.7

1740-49 28.27 84.3

1750-59 34.39 102.5

1760-69 37.90 113.0

1770-79 44.43 132.4

1780-89 45.97 137.0

1790-99 58.70 175.0

1800-09 80.73 240.6

1810-19 89.03 265.4 * 1 quarter of wheat = 8 bushels = 64 gallons.

Source: Price data supplied by Lord William Beveridge and published in B. R. Mitchell and Phyllis Deane,eds., Abstract of British Historical Statistics (London, 1962), calculated from tables in pp. 48-87.

Table 7.

Outputs of principal agricultural commodities, 1700 - 1850

in Millions of Units (Bushels and Pounds)

COMMODITIES Units 1700 1750 1800 1850 % Rise

Grains andpulses

bushel 65 88 131 181 178.46

Meat lb. 370 665 888 1356 266.48

Wool lb. 40 60 90 120 200.00

Cheese lb. 61 84 1122 157 157.38

Volume in 1815Prices (£ million)

Grains/potatoes £mill 19 25 37 56 194.74

Livestockproducts

£mill 21 34 512 79 276.19

TOTAL £mill 40 59 88 135 237.50

Source: Robert Allen, ‘Agriculture During the Industrial Revolution,’ in Roderick Floud andDonald McCloskey, eds., Economic History of Britain Since 1700, Vol. I: 1700 - 1860, 2nd edition(Cambridge, 1994), Table 5.1, p. 102.

Table 8.

Utilization of English and Welsh lands, 1700 - 1850

in millions of acres

LAND TYPE in 1700 in 1800 in 1850 Percentage Change

Arable 11.00 11.60 14.60 32.72

Pasture/Meadow 10.00 17.50 16.00 14.40

Woodlands 3.00 1.60 1.50 -50.00

Wastelands/forests 13.00 6.50 3.00 -76.92

TOTAL 38.00 38.50 37.30 -1.84

TOTALAGRICULTURAL

34.00 35.60 33.60 -1.18

INDEX OF LANDINPUT

1.00 1.35 1.37 37.00

Source: Robert Allen, ‘Agriculture During the Industrial Revolution,’ in Roderick Floud andDonald McCloskey, eds., Economic History of Britain Since 1700, Vol. I: 1700 - 1860, 2nd edition(Cambridge, 1994), Table 5.2, p. 104.

Table 9.

Employment in English/Welsh agriculture, 1700 - 1851, in thousands

Category 1700 1800 1851 % Change

Men 595 628 971 63.19

Women 505 426 409 -19.00

Boys 433 351 144 -66.74

TOTAL 1533 1405 1524 0.59

WEIGHTEDINDEX OFLABOUR INPUT

100 95 116 16.00

Source: Robert Allen, ‘Agriculture During the Industrial Revolution,’ in Roderick Floud andDonald McCloskey, eds., Economic History of Britain Since 1700, Vol. I: 1700 - 1860, 2nd edition(Cambridge, 1994), Table 5.3, P. 107.

Table 10.

Capital invested in English & Welsh agriculture

in millions of pounds sterling of 1851-60 values

INVESTORS 1700 % 1750 % 1800 % 1850 % %Diff-

erence1850/1700

LANDLORDSStructures

Roads, Fences,Enclosures

112 61 114 58 143 59 232 66 107%

TENANTSImplements

Farm HorsesOther

Livestock

102041

82053

101871

142285

TENANTS:Sub-total

71 39 81 42 99 41 121 34 70%

TOTALINVESTED

183 100 195 100 242 100 353 100 93%

Source: Robert Allen, ‘Agriculture During the Industrial Revolution,’ in Roderick Floud andDonald McCloskey, eds., Economic History of Britain Since 1700, Vol. I: 1700 - 1860, 2nd edition(Cambridge, 1994), Table 5.4, p. 109.

Table 11.

Utilization of the arable lands: crops and fallow, 1700 - 1850

in millions of acres

Crops 1700 1750 1800 1850 % Change

Wheat 1.4 1.8 2.5 3.6 157.1

Rye 0.9 0.5 0.3 0.1 -88.9

Barley 1.9 1.4 1.3 1.5 -21.1

Oats 1.2 2.0 2.0 2.0 66.7

Beans/Peas 1.3 1.0 1.2 1.0 -23.1

Turnips 0.4 1.0 1.3 2.0 400.0

Potatoes 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 300.0

Clover 0.5 1.0 1.2 2.2 340.0

Fallow 3.3 2.5 1.5 1.8 -45.5

TOTAL 11.0 11.4 11.6 14.6 32.7

Source: Robert Allen, ‘Agriculture During the Industrial Revolution,’ in Roderick Floud andDonald McCloskey, eds., Economic History of Britain Since 1700, Vol. I: 1700 - 1860, 2nd edition(Cambridge, 1994), Table 5.6, p. 112.

Table 12.

Crop yields in bushels per acre, 1700 to 1850

CROPS 1700 1750 1800 1850 % Change

Wheat 16.0 18.0 21.5 28.0 78.1

Rye 17.0 18.0 26.0 28.0 64.7

Barley 23.0 25.0 30.0 36.5 58.9

Oats 24.0 28.0 35.0 40.0 66.7

Beans/Peas 20.0 28.0 28.0 30.0 50.0

Source: Robert Allen, ‘Agriculture During the Industrial Revolution,’ in Roderick Floud andDonald McCloskey, eds., Economic History of Britain Since 1700, Vol. I: 1700 - 1860, 2nd edition(Cambridge, 1994), Table 5.7, p. 112.

Table 13.

English agricultural output and productivity

1700 = 100

1300 1600 1700 1750 1800 1850

OUTPUT

Population Method 80 100 121 159 272

Volume Method 100 127 191 285

Demand Method 100 143 172 244

AREA

Arable Area 100 128 170

Sown Arable 100 135 199

Meadow and Pasture 100 147 103

Total Area 100 138 132

LAND PRODUCTIVITY

By population 100 115 207

By Volume 100 138 216

Crop Productivity* 3.05 6.73

Livestock Productivity* 1.04 6.56

Wheat Yields # 79 72 100 123 136 180

Cereal Yields + 115 92 100 135 158 250

LABOUR PRODUCTIVITY

By Population 77 100 126 141 197

By Volume of Output 100 134 170 206

* Estimates of Gregory Clark (1993) in terms of bushels of wheat.# Hampshire, Herefordshire, Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Suffolk; but 1300 for Norfolk, Hampshire only.+ For Norfolk and Suffolk only

Source: Mark Overton, ‘Re-establishing the English Agricultural Revolution,’ Agricultural HistoryReview, 44:1 (1996), 6.

Table 14.

Grain and pulse yields per acre in england,

c. 1450 to ca. 1800: in bushels per acre

CROPS OPENca. 1450

OPENca. 1800

ENCLOSEDca. 1800

Per centGain by

Enclosure

WHEAT 10.7 18.6 22.1 18.8%

BARLEY 16.8 26.3 32.1 22.1%

OATS 11.7 30.0 38.5 28.3%

BEANS/PEAS 10.0 20.4 22.9 12.3%

Source:

Robert C. Allen, ‘The Growth of Labor Productivity in Early Modern English Agriculture,’Explorations in Economic History, 25 (April 1988), 117-46.

Table 15.

English labour productivity in grain farming, 1600 - 1800

Category ofProductivity

1600Open

1700Open

1800Open

1800Enclosed

Output per Acrein lb.

2.55 3.49 3.49 3.92

Number of Workersper Acre

1.24 1.17 0.91 0.91

Output per Workerin lb.

2.05 2.97 3.83 4.3

Index of LabourProductivity

1600 = 1.00

1 1.45 1.87 2.1

Source:

Robert C. Allen, ‘The Growth of Labor Productivity in Early Modern English Agriculture,’Explorations in Economic History, 25 (April 1988), 117-46.

Table 16

English agriculture in 1801: crop yields in 116 open-field and enclosed- field parishes

Mean Yields in Bushels per Acre Over 116 English Parishes

CROP OPEN FIELDYIELD

in bushels

ENCLOSEDFIELD YIELD

in bushels

PERCENTAGEDIFFERENCE

WHEAT 18.2 23.0 26.40%

BARLEY 25.2 30.6 21.40%

OATS 27.8 34.9 25.50%

Table 17.

Regional differences in English agricultural productivity: percentage advantage inproductivity for selected crops of enclosed fields over open fields, in 1801

CROP SOUTH EAST NORTH WEST

WHEAT 45% 30% 21% 24%

BARLEY 1% 40% 16% 21%

OATS 8% 65% 2% 37%

Sources:

Michael Turner, ‘Agricultural Productivity in England in the Eighteenth Century: Evidence fromCrop Yields,’ Economic History Review, 2nd ser. 35 (1982), 389-510.

Michael Turner, ‘English Open Fields and Enclosures: Retardation or Productivity Improvements?’Journal of Economic History, 46 (Sept. 1986), 669 - 92.

Table 4.

English Labour Productivity in Grain Farming, 1600 - 1800

Category ofProductivity

1600Open

1700Open

1800Open

1800Enclosed

Output per Acrein lb.

2.55 3.49 3.49 3.92

Number of Workersper Acre

1.24 1.17 0.91 0.91

Output per Workerin lb.

2.05 2.97 3.83 4.30

Index of LabourProductivity1600 = 1.00

1.00 1.45 1.87 2.10

Source:

Robert C. Allen, ‘The Growth of Labor Productivity in Early Modern English Agriculture,’Explorations in Economic History, 25 (April 1988), 117-46.

THE RICARDO MODEL OF ECONOMICRENT

Prices and Costs (Y axis)

EconomicRent

PRODUCTION COSTS: PER BUSHEL OFGRAIN

UNITS OF LAND ADDED TO PRODUCTION (X axis)