private property: locke vs. rousseau

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    Michael Schearer

    PRIVATE PROPERTY: LOCKEvs. ROUSSEAU

    The concept of private property is a perplexing subject in the

    field of political theory. Mans common claim of property is often

    traced to the beginning of biblical times, where God says, ...Let us

    make man in our image, in our likeness, and let them rule...over all

    the earth,1 and further that ...I give you every seed-bearing plant on

    the face of the whole earth and every tree that has fruit with seed in

    it. They will be yours for food.2

    The ancient political philosophers Plato and Aristotle both speak

    about the role of property in the state, the former explaining how the

    acquisition of private property leads toward unwanted plutocracy:

    Once civil strife is born, the two parties begin to pull

    different ways: the breed of iron and brass towards money-making

    and the possession of house and land, silver and gold; while the

    other two, wanting no other wealth than the gold and silver in the

    composition of their souls, try to draw them towards virtue and the

    ancient ways. But the violence of their contention ends in a

    compromise: they agree to distribute land and houses for private

    ownership; they enslave their own people who formerly lived as free

    men under their guardianship and gave them maintenance; and,

    1 Genesis 1:26 NIV (New International Version).2 Genesis 1:29 NIV.

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    PRIVATE PROPERTY: LOCKEVS. ROUSSEAU 2

    holding them as serfs and menials, devote themselves to war and

    to keeping these subjects under watch and ward.3

    However, it was modern political philosophers who placed a

    more important role on private property and the position it held in the

    formation and continuation of the state. Twentieth century American

    concepts of private property are often taken for granted, but it is

    these modern political philosophers who developed was has evolved

    into todays current understanding. A leading political philosopher

    whose views on private property have translated into our current

    understanding is John Locke, an intellectual source for our own

    nations founding.

    Another less-understood philosopher whose important views on

    private property are seen as fundamental is the French political

    theorist Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Rousseaus views on private property

    are often less well understood because of what appear to be

    inconsistencies in what he wrote. Kennedy F. Roche writes that many

    of Rousseaus references to property may prompt the belief that he

    was by no means consistent in his attitude toward it...4 Further,

    controversy still exists as to the real interpretation of his views. Using

    our well-understood concepts of Lockes private property philosophy,

    we can compare and contrast it with the less-understood concepts of

    3 Plato. The Republic of Plato. Oxford University Press: London, 1945. p.270.4 Kennedy F. Roche. Rousseau: Stoic & Romantic. Methuen & Co., Ltd.:London, 1974. p. 87.

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    PRIVATE PROPERTY: LOCKEVS. ROUSSEAU 3

    Rousseaus private property philosophy, to gain a better, clearer

    picture of where both stand. Only then can the proper role of both

    philosophies be grasped.

    Let us first begin with the English political philosopher John

    Locke. He writes that:

    ...though the things of nature are given in common, yet

    man, by being master of himself, andproprietor of his own person,

    and the actions or labour of it, had still in himself the great

    foundation of property; and that, which made up the great part of

    what he applied to the support or comfort of his being...was

    perfectly his own, and did not belong in common to others. Thus

    labour, in the beginning, gave a right of property...5 (Emphasis in

    original)

    Since...preservation and the means of subsistence, are discovered by

    natural reason, they are, ipso facto, derived from natural law.6

    Further, this property did not require any express compact or social

    contract to be validated. The social contract only served to preserve

    property as a constitutional right. The origin of government was,

    therefore, ...to secure property...[and] the translation into a

    constitutional right of a fully validated right based on natural law.7

    5 Modern Political Thought: Readings from Machiavelli to Nietzsche. ed. DavidWootton. Second Treatise of Government. Hackett Publishing Company, Inc.:Indianapolis, 1996. p. 325.6 James Tully. A Discourse on Property: John Locke and his adversaries.Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1980. p. 5.7 Mario Einaudi. The Early Rousseau. Cornell University Press: Ithaca, 1967.p. 139-140.

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    PRIVATE PROPERTY: LOCKEVS. ROUSSEAU 5

    acquisition that exceeds natural need.10 Rousseaus most notable

    work, his Social Contract, declares that:

    Each member of the community, at the moment of its

    formation, gives himself up to it just as he is: himself and all his

    forces, of which his wealth forms a part...[This] fundamental

    compact substitutes...a moral and legal equality for that physical

    inequality (in the form of property) which nature placed among men.11

    Rousseau writes that no citizen shall be rich enough to buy another

    and none so poor as to be forced to sell himself.12

    Stephen Ellenburg

    observes that while possessions need not be absolutely identical for

    every citizen...[but] there is very little range for unequal possession. 13

    Ellenburg acknowledges that Rousseaus calculation does not leave

    much room to move in either direction, for any contract between two

    men violates Rousseaus rule.

    Rousseaus Social Contractgoes on to explain that ...the right

    which each individual has over his own property is always subordinate

    to the right which the community has over all; without which there

    would be no solidity in the social bond, nor any real force in the

    exercise of sovereignty.14 What this amounts to is Rousseaus

    10 Stephen Ellenburg. Rousseaus Political Philosophy: An Interpretation fromWithin. Cornell University Press: Ithaca, 1976. p. 223.11 Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The Social Contract. Hafner Publishing Company,Inc.: New York, 1947. p. 19, 22.12 Ellenburg, p. 224.13 Ibid.14 Rousseau, p. 22.

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    assertion that private property is a civil right, but not a natural

    right. Kennedy F. Roche writes that:

    ...he (Rousseau) speaks of property as inviolable and

    sacred in so far as it remains a particular and individual right, but

    as soon as it is considered as common to all citizens, it is submitted

    to the General Will and that will can annihilate it...In

    surrendering to the Sovereign all his material possessions, the

    individual alienates to it all those natural rights to the possession

    of such goods...15

    Thus, the distinctions between Locke and Rousseau become

    clearer. Both Locke and Rousseau agree that the foundation of

    government exists to secure property rights. But the difference lies in

    what this means to each of them. Locke believes that ...men who

    entered into the social contract did already possess property by right;

    all that was required was that the extent of each individuals right

    should be made clear, and means found for defending his enjoyment

    of it.16 Private property is a natural right, Locke asserts, and

    governments are instituted among men to secure those natural rights

    as constitutional rights.

    Rousseau, on the other hand, saw a social contract which

    embraced private property as the ...translation into tyrannical and

    temporary institutions of a usurpation by the few at the expense of

    15 Roche, p. 90.16 John C. Hall. Rousseau: An Introduction to his Political Philosophy.Schenkman Publishing Company: Cambridge, 1973. p. 44.

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    the many...a clever usurpation [changed] into an irrevocable right.17

    Rousseau rejects private property as a natural right, arguing that only

    the social contract gives legitimacy to private property. Further, he

    concluded in his Discours sur lIngalit: If we follow the progress of

    inequality in its different revolutions, we shall find that the

    establishment of the law and of the right of property was its first

    term.18 To Rousseau, the social contract took mans unwarranted

    claim to private property and legitimized that claim. In turn, mans

    natural equality is forever destroyed. Finally, the sovereignty of the

    state cannot be exercised with any degree of force unless the right of

    private property is subordinate to it. This presents a fundamental

    disagreement with Lockes view that private property is a natural

    right, and therefore, unalienable in character.

    In conclusion, the concept of private property is a right that has

    its roots in the earliest origins of government. For, as we have seen,

    both Locke and Rousseau see the procurement of property as the

    purpose for the formation of civil government. However, the meaning

    of this formation allows us to see a clear distinction between the

    private property views of Locke and Rousseau. Likewise, Rousseaus

    once-confusing position becomes apparent. The social contract

    solidifies Lockes natural right of property as a constitutional right,

    17 Einaudi, p. 140.18 Rousseau. Ingalit, in Oeuvres, I, 108. Cited in Roche, p. 88.

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    while the same social contract, for Rousseau, legitimizes the

    usurpation of resources, ultimately leading to inequality.

    Finally, this important difference sets Locke and Rousseau apart

    as ideological rivals. While the two share some similarities, the

    divisions are distinct enough to establish an intellectual barrier.

    Lockes private property views, respecting their origin in natural law

    and defense by the social contract, are clearly liberal in the classic

    sense. Rousseau social contract theory, on the other hand, borders on

    the authoritarian, similar to those of Thomas Hobbes. These

    differences, once clouded by uncertainty, now show themselves to be

    an substantial division in the private property debate.