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Pottery production, regional exchange, andstate collapse during the Middle Horizon

( A.D. 500–1000): LA-ICP-MS analyses of Tiwanaku pottery in the Moquegua Valley, Peru

Nicola Sharratt1, Mark Golitko2, P. Ryan Williams2

1Georgia State University, Atlanta, Georgia, 2Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois

During the Middle Horizon (A.D. 500–1000), the Tiwanaku state dominated the south central Andes. The

production and circulation of goods were important components of statecraft. To date, studies of the

movement of pottery vessels across the Tiwanaku realm have relied on stylistic analyses. This paper

presents results of Laser Ablation Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS) analysesof ceramics from the largest Tiwanaku province in the Moquegua Valley, Peru. Comparison of the derived

compositional data with an existing chemical database of Moquegua Valley clays demonstrates that in

addition to local production, non-local ceramic vessels were being brought into the valley during the

height of Tiwanaku authority. A lower percentage of imported ceramics was identified in ceramic

assemblages dating to the wake of Tiwanaku state collapse (ca. A.D. 1000). Long-distance exchange

endured despite political breakdown but there were alterations in the particular networks in which

post-collapse communities participated.

Keywords: production, exchange, LA-ICP-MS, pottery, state collapse, Andes, Tiwanaku

IntroductionThe development of widespread, complex exchange

networks is apparent in ancient states and empires

around the world (Brumfiel and Earle 1987;

D’Altroy and Earle 1985; Earle and Ericson 1977;

Oka and Kusimba 2008). While exchange networks

are not necessarily dependent on imperial infrastruc-

ture and often thrive outside the auspices of state

authority (Nakassis et al. 2011; Parkinson 2010;

Parkinson and Galaty 2009), the movement of

goods across states and empires was an important

component of ancient political organizations, serving

as the basis for elaborate tribute systems, providing acurrency for rewarding loyal individuals, and acting

as a vehicle for materializing and spreading ideology

(D’Altroy et al. 1994; DeMarrais et al. 1996).

Conversely, the breakdown of regional exchange

networks and the concomitant decline in the long-

distance movement of goods are commonly cited as

consequences of state collapse (Renfrew 1979;

Schwartz and Nichols 2006; Tainter 1988; Yoffee

and Cowgill 1988).

The Tiwanaku state (A.D. 500–1000) developed in

the Lake Titicaca Basin in South America and its

far-reaching cultural influence is evident in the pre-

sence of Tiwanaku-style materials in pockets across

the south central Andes. The production and move-

ment of resources and craft goods were central to

the functioning of the Tiwanaku state, provisioning

the capital with crops that were important to reli-

gious and political practices but that did not grow

in the high-altitude homeland, acting as a means

through which hinterland and provincial Tiwanaku

communities asserted their affiliation with the state

center, and mediating ties with non-Tiwanaku eliteson the edges of the state’s sphere of influence (Ber-

mann 1994; Goldstein 1985, 2005; Janusek 2002;

Kolata 1993a; Torres-Rouff 2008; Torres and Con-

klin 1995; Stanish et al. 2010).

Ceramic vessels were a critical component of

Tiwanaku economy and ideology (Janusek 2002).

Central to the feasting and drinking at the heart of

Tiwanaku politics and ritual, pottery was also an

important canvas for state affiliated motifs (Janusek

2003b). As Tiwanaku economic, social and religious

sway extended across the south central Andes, the

geographical range of Tiwanaku-style ceramic

forms and decorative repertoires also increased

Correspondence to: Nicola Sharratt, Department of Anthropology,Georgia State University, P.O. Box 3998, Atlanta, G.A., 30302. Email:[email protected]

Trustees of Boston University 2015MORE OpenChoice articles are open access and distributed under the terms of theCreative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License 3.0DOI 10.1179/2042458214Y.0000000001 Journal of Field Archaeology 2015 VO L. 00 NO . 00 1



(Anderson 2013; Goldstein 1985, 2005; Kolata

1993a; Korpisaari and Parssinen 2011; Stovel 2001).

Although stylistic analyses of pottery are commonly

used to chart the spread of Tiwanaku artistic

canons across the region, chemical data provide an

empirical means for determining the movement of

ceramic material around this ancient Andean state.Laser Ablation Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass

Spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS) analysis was conducted

on pottery from the Moquegua Valley, the largest

Tiwanaku province, located approximately 300 km

from the state capital. The results indicate that

during the height of Tiwanaku state authority in

Moquegua (A.D. 725–1000), potters in the valley lar-

gely relied on locally available clays to replicate craft-

ing traditions from the heartland. However, state

period ceramic assemblages from the Moquegua

Valley also contain a few imported vessels. These

non-local vessels are chemically distinct from oneanother raising the possibility that the Moquegua

Valley colony had access to material from a range

of foreign locations. Although almost all of the

post-collapse (post A.D. 1000) ceramics analyzed

during the study were determined to be locally pro-

duced, one non-local sherd was identified in a post-

collapse assemblage. Interestingly, this sherd was

chemically distinct from the imported ceramics ident-

ified for the state period, indicating that the disinte-

gration of Tiwanaku political authority in the south

central Andes did not lead to the complete cessationof long-distance movement of goods. Instead the

data suggest that the networks of exchange in

which this provincial Tiwanaku community partici-

pated changed.

The TiwanakuBeginning around A.D. 500, the Tiwanaku emerged

as the dominant polity in the altiplano, a cold,

windy, high altitude region in the Lake Titicaca

Basin (Bauer and Stanish 2001; Janusek 2008;

Kolata 1993a; Stanish 2003). The nature and work-

ings of the Tiwanaku state have been subject to con-

siderable scholarly debate since the late 19th century

but increasingly researchers agree that the Tiwanaku

state was both powerful and hierarchical, and that

elites manipulated existing Andean concepts of reci-

procity and social organization to draw together

local groups and assert authority over the region

(Albarracin-Jordan 1996; Goldstein 2005; Janusek

2004a, 2004b, 2013; Kolata 1993b, 2003; McAndrews

et al. 1997; Squier 1877; Stanish 2003, 2013).

The state capital, also called Tiwanaku, was

located near the shores of Lake Titicaca. By A.D.800, in addition to monumental religious and elite

structures, the city of Tiwanaku was home to thou-

sands of residents (Couture 2003; Couture and

Sampeck 2003; Janusek 1999, 2003a, 2004a, 2008;

Vranich 1999, 2001, 2006). As Tiwanaku ideology

spread, communities in the immediate hinterland

were incorporated into the state (Albarracin-Jordan

1996; Albarracin-Jordan and Mathews 1990; Bandy

2001; Bermann 1994, 1997; Janusek and Kolata

2003; Stanish 2002, 2003; Stanish et al. 2005). Overtime, incorporation spread across the south central

Andes as migrants from the Tiwanaku heartland

founded distant colonies in agriculturally productive

regions (Anderson 2013; Blom et al. 1998; Goldstein

1989b, 1993a, 1993b, 2005; Knudson et al. 2004;

Torres-Rouff 2008) (FIG. 1).

The largest Tiwanaku settlement outside the Titi-

caca Basin was 300 km away, in the Moquegua

Valley (Goldstein 1989a, 1989b, 2005, 2013)

(F IG . 2). The Moquegua Valley offered economic

advantages to the state. With irrigation, the valley

is highly productive and culturally important cropsthat do not grow in the altiplano, particularly

maize, thrive in Moquegua. Early Tiwanaku arrivals

to the valley were pastoralists whose presence is

archaeologically visible in temporary, tent-like struc-

tures that date to A.D. 525–700 (Goldstein 2005).

It was with a second wave of immigrants who

began arriving around A.D. 725 that permanent,

long lasting Tiwanaku settlements were established

Figure 2 The Moquegua Valley. Major Tiwanaku state

installations were located on the low hills rising above the

valley floor.

Figure 1 Location of the Tiwanaku provinces in the south

central Andes during the Middle Horizon (A.D. 500–1000).

Sharratt et al. Pottery production, regional exchange, and state collapse during the Middle Horizon ( A.D . 500– 1000)

2 Journal of Field Archaeology 2015 VOL . 00 NO . 00

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in Moquegua (Goldstein 1985, 1989b, 1993a, 1993b,

2005). Strontium isotope analyses of teeth as well

as analyses of non-metric cranial and dental traits

support the claim that the Moquegua Valley was

colonized by immigrants from the altiplano (Blom

1999; Knudson et al. 2004; Sutter 2000; Sutter and

Sharratt 2010).These immigrants and their descendants occupied

the Tiwanaku towns, principally Chen Chen and

Omo M10, for the following three centuries. They

served the agricultural needs of the state, supplying

the heartland with maize and other desired crops.

The Tiwanaku population in the Moquegua Valley

maintained close cultural as well as economic ties

with the altiplano. They built houses similar to

those in the altiplano (Goldstein 1989a, 1989b,

1993a, 2005), constructed provincial versions of alti-

plano religious structures, and they carried out the

same kinds of rituals as heartland communities(Goldstein 1993b, 2005). Replication included porta-

ble material culture. Ceramic vessels recovered from

Tiwanaku sites in the Moquegua Valley were crafted

in heartland forms. They were decorated with tra-

ditional Tiwanaku motifs, including the Staff God,

pumas, trophy heads and geometric designs (FIG. 3).

The Moquegua Valley is of particular interest to

archaeologists because during the Middle Horizon,

in addition to the Tiwanaku colony, it was home to

the southernmost Wari outpost. Wari sites are

located at slightly higher altitudes than Tiwanakusettlements, with the majority found in the narrow

upper valley where Wari agriculturalists cultivated

the steep hills using irrigation techniques imported

from the Wari heartland in the Ayacucho Valley

(Moseley et al. 2005; Nash 2002; Nash and Williams

2009; Williams 1997, 2001, 2002). Despite the recent

discovery of a Tiwanaku temple at the principal Wari

site of Cerro Baul (Williams 2013), considerable

debate remains about the nature and degree of inter-

action between the two immigrant populations

(Goldstein 2013).

Tiwanaku political authority over the region wentinto decline beginning around A.D. 1000. Tiwanaku

state fragmentation was a violent, drawn-out process

that had far reaching and long lasting impacts

(Bermann et al. 1989; Graffam 1992; Janusek 2005,

2008; Kolata and Ortloff 2003; Ortloff and Kolata

1993; Owen 2005). Although scholars continue to

debate about whether state collapse was the result

of drought (Kolata and Ortloff 2003), the actions

of competing polities (Williams 2002), or internal fac-

tionalism (Janusek 2005, 2008), it is clear that state

collapse radically altered the political and materiallandscape of the capital, the heartland, and the pro-

vinces. At the city of Tiwanaku, large-scale construc-

tion ceased, the monumental and residential core was

mostly deserted, and elite complexes were razed to

the ground (Couture and Sampeck 2003; Vranich

2006). Hinterland populations declined and the

four-tier settlement hierarchy of the state period

was replaced by a pattern of dispersed small villages

(Albarracin-Jordan 1996; Bandy 2001; Bermann

1994; Janusek and Kolata 2003; Stanish 2003).

Abandonment, destruction, and dispersal occurred

across the Tiwanaku realm. In the Moquegua Valley,violence was particularly directed toward manifes-

tations of state power and symbols of religious ideol-

ogy. Monumental architecture and corporate storage

Figure 3 A Tiwanaku kero (A) and pitcher (B) recovered

from cemeteries at the site of Chen Chen in the MoqueguaValley.

Sharratt et al. Pottery production, regional exchange, and state collapse during the Middle Horizon ( A.D. 500– 1000)

Jou rn al of Fi el d Ar cha eol ogy 2015 VO L. 00 NO . 00 3

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facilities were torn apart at the administrative centers

of Omo M10 and Chen Chen. Elite burials were ran-

sacked and idols were smashed (Goldstein 1993b,

2005). The immigrant population of Tiwanaku

towns fled the large colonial settlements in the

middle section of the Moquegua Valley and estab-

lished new, smaller villages along the coast andup-valley from the colony’s traditional territory

(Bermann et al. 1989; Owen 2005; Sims 2006; Stanish

1989) (FIG. 4).

Tiwanaku CeramicsTiwanaku ceramic assemblages have been the subject

of considerable visual analysis, in both the state

heartland and the provinces (Anderson 2013; Bur-

kholder 1997; Goldstein 1985; Isbell 2013; Janusek

1999, 2003b; Korpisaari and Parssinen 2011). These

studies have identified a Tiwanaku-wide style,

characterized by particular forms and decorative tra-ditions. Heartland forms include keros, vase shaped

drinking vessels that held the chicha, or maize beer,

that was central to political and religious feasting;

escudillas (elaborate serving vessels); sahumadors

(ceremonial burners) and zoomorphic incensarios

used for burning; portrait vessels that depict male

individuals; tazones (flaring-sided bowls); one-

handled pitchers, as well as cooking and storage

vessels (Janusek 2003b). Among common decorative

motifs are felines and camelids as well as geometric

imagery. The inclusion of images, in particular theStaff God, also found on the monumental stone

architecture and sculptures that constituted the

built religious and political structures of the capital

city, indicates the importance of ceramic vessels as

portable canvases for the depiction of ideologically

potent iconography. Conversely, the inclusion of

keros in the carved imagery of those same sculptures

highlights the significance of ceramic vessels in visible

manifestations of elite power.

Ceramic vessels were also an important means forhinterland and provincial communities to carve out

and assert their own particular identities in the

wider Tiwanaku realm. Although the principal heart-

land forms and decorative traditions are found at

Tiwanaku sites across the South Central Andes, pot-

ters in different regions crafted local forms or var-

iants as well. These include challadors (vessels with

narrow bases and tapered bodies), which are charac-

teristic of Cochabamba assemblages, and ‘‘coca-cola

glass’’ keros which are particular to the Moquegua

Valley (Goldstein 1985; Janusek 2003b). Within the

heartland, differences in ceramic assemblages dis-tinguish communities in the Titicaca Basin from

one another, and even more locally, they distinguish

neighborhoods within the state capital (Bermann

1994; Janusek 1999, 2002).

Particularities of form and decoration have been

utilized in visual identification of non-local styles in

ceramic assemblages. At the site of Tiwanaku non-

local ceramics are predominantly from the eastern

valleys and include Cochabamba vessels in the

Ch’iji Jawira neighborhood (Rivera Casanovas

2003) and Yampara and Omereque styles inAkapana East 2, where non-local style wares comprise

between 5 and 10% of analyzed ceramics (Janusek

2004a). In the Moquegua Valley, Goldstein (2005)

Figure 4 Maps showing the location of Tiwanaku sites before (left) and after (right) state collapse ca. A.D. 1000.



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argues for the presence of imported ceramics based on

their similarity with those from the Titicaca Basin.

The movement of prestige ceramic vessels makes

sense in the broader context of resource exchange in

the Tiwanaku state, in which low-lying provincial

communities supplied the state center with agricultural

produce, as well as feathers, coca leaves, snuff andother hallucinogenic drugs (Kolata 1993a). However,

these visual identifications of non-local ceramics in

varied Tiwanaku locales lack the empirical evidence

necessary for demonstrating that vessels, and not

just styles, were imported to a community.

Geochemical Studies of Ceramic Exchange inthe Archaeological RecordChemical characterization of archaeological

materials is now routinely used to investigate the pro-

duction and movement of goods in the past, and has

been particularly effectively applied to studies of

obsidian and pottery as well as to metals and glass

(Arnold et al. 1991; Burger et al. 1994; Burger et al.

1998a, 1998b, 1998c; Burger 2000; Burger and Glas-

cock 2000; Cecil 2004; Glascock et al. 2007; Gliozzo

and Memmi Turbanti 2004; Gratuze 1999; Kennett

et al. 2004; Kennett et al. 2001; Mallory-Greenough

et al. 1998; Mirti et al. 2004; Niedershlag et al.

2003; Perez-Arantegui et al. 1996; Shortland 2002;

Tykot 1997; Vaughn and Neff 2004). Studies identi-

fying the presence of non-local goods contribute to

interpretations of long-distance trade and interactionin a wide geographical and temporal range of archae-

ological contexts.

Several different techniques are utilized in these

studies, among them X-ray Fluorescence (XRF),

Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis (INAA),

and Inductively Coupled Plasma Optimal/Atomic

Emission Spectrometry (ICP-OES/AES). However,

ICP-MS (Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spec-

trometry) has particular advantages. Compared

with INAA, ICP-MS is cost effective and requires

minimal sample preparation, yet still allows for the

rapid collection of multi-element chemical data and

has lower detection limits (ppm for solid samples)

than XRF (Pollard et al. 2007). Further, when con-

ducted using laser ablation (LA-ICP-MS), the tech-

nique leaves a mark almost invisible to the human

eye. INAA, in contrast, requires destructive sampling

and powdering a few grams of a sample (Kennett

et al. 2001).

Compositional analysis of large samples of pottery

can identify the presence of vessels that appear

chemically distinct from the principal compositional

group. Using the ‘‘Criterion of Abundance’’ thoseceramics that are chemically distinct from the

majority are assumed to be imports (Bishop et al.

1982: 300–301). However, several studies have

sought to empirically connect finished ceramic vessels

with the area in which they were produced by

attempting to locate clays and compare their chemi-

cal signatures with those of archaeological ceramics

(Adan-Bayewitz and Perlman 1985; Bartlett et al.

2000; Dorais et al. 2004; Hein et al. 2004; Neff

et al. 1992; Phillips and Morgenstein 2002; Sharrattet al. 2009; Sherriff et al. 2002; Strazicich 1998;

Vaughn and Neff 2004). Such comparisons are not

straightforward. The chemical composition of cer-

amics is affected by mixing with other clays, by the

removal of inclusions in natural clays and by the

addition of materials as temper (Arnold 2005;

Arnold et al. 1991; Pollard et al. 2007; Sillar 1996).

Nonetheless, comparison of the chemical signature

of finished pottery with that of natural materials rep-

resents a means of establishing whether or not all cer-

amic vessels in an assemblage were produced using

local clays.One of the principal advantages of undertaking a

study of ceramic production and importation

among Tiwanaku assemblages in the Moquegua

Valley was that a geochemical study of clays in the

Moquegua Valley had already been carried out

(Sharratt et al. 2009). In this study, clays were col-

lected throughout the Moquegua Valley and five

chemically distinguishable clay groups were identified

using LA-ICP-MS (FIG. 5). Most of the clays were

collected from Quaternary alluvium and the differ-

ences in their chemical signatures are explained bythe five distinct geological formations from which

they eroded as follows. The Moquegua Formation,

which is an upper Tertiary formation of sedimentary

origin and the primary geological formation present

in the middle Moquegua Valley between 1000 and

1500 masl (Bellido and Landa 1998) is the likely

parent material for clays we called the ‘‘Moquegua

Valley Group.’’ Located on inter-valley formations

above 3000 masl, the Huallilas Formation is also an

Figure 5 Chemically distinguishable clay groups identified

for the Moquegua Valley (after Sharratt et al. 2009).



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upper Tertiary formation and the likely parent

material for the clays labeled ‘‘Otora Valley 2.’’

Dating to the Upper Cretaceous are the Inagoya

and the Paralaque Formations, which are both

found between 2500 and 3000 masl. Of the two, Ina-

goya is of volcanic origin and is the likely source for

the ‘‘Torata Valley Group’’ clays, while Paralaque isof sedimentary origin and likely the source for

‘‘Otora Valley Group 1’’ clays. Finally, the Toque-

pala Group Intrusive rocks are of early Tertiary

age and clays attributed to material eroded from

these rocks are in the ‘‘Tumilaca Valley Group.’’

Study SamplesThe present study was intended to compositionally

compare state period and post-collapse Tiwanaku

ceramics from Moquegua with locally available

clays in order to determine the presence of imported

pottery and to investigate changing patterns of resource procurement in the valley. This necessitated

using the same methodology, LA-ICP-MS, as that

utilized in the earlier clay study (Sharratt et al.

2009), and therefore required exporting ceramic

sherds to the U.S.A. Other analytical methodologies,

particularly portable X-ray fluorescence (p-XRF),

have the advantage that they can be conducted at

the location of curation, meaning that large samples,

including entire vessels which would be impossible to

export from Peru, can be analyzed. P-XRF analyses

were undertaken of Tiwanaku pottery in Moqueguafrom the sites of Chen Chen and Tumilaca la

Chimba (Schur 2011; Sharratt 2011a). In one

(Schur 2011), 229 vessels ascribed to the height of

state authority were analyzed with p-XRF. In the

other (Sharratt 2011a), 192 different state period

vessels and 78 post-collapse sherds were analyzed

using p-XRF. However, because p-XRF measures

fewer elements and has higher detection limits than

ICP-MS, it proved impossible to differentiate the

five locally available clay groups in the Moquegua

Valley using p-XRF. Given the importance of associ-

ating ceramics with the particular clay group used intheir production, the chemical compositions of cer-

amic materials from the same two Moquegua Valley

sites included in the p-XRF studies (Chen Chen and

Tumilaca la Chimba) were analyzed using LA-ICP-

MS (FIG. 4).

Chen Chen dates to the height of Tiwanaku state

authority in the Moquegua Valley with AMS dates

falling between A.D. 700 and 1030 (Goldstein 2005;

Sharratt 2011a). It was the largest Tiwanaku site in

the valley. As well as extensive residential sectors,

the site consists of agricultural fields and substantialstorage facilities (Goldstein 2005; Williams 1997,

2002). The site likely represents a major state instal-

lation that played a significant role in the production

and distribution of the agricultural goods sought by

the Tiwanaku state. The large cemeteries may have

included as many as 13,000 individuals (Owen

1997). The mortuary population was biologically

related to populations in the Tiwanaku heartland

and included immigrants from the altiplano (Blom

1999; Knudson et al. 2004; Sutter and Sharratt2010). In life, the inhabitants of Chen Chen mirrored

altiplano heartland daily and ritual practices, con-

structing and using public and private spaces as

well as material culture very similar to that found

in the Titicaca Basin.

The ceramic assemblage from Chen Chen is

characteristic of state period Tiwanaku pottery in

the Moquegua Valley, which has been most exten-

sively studied by Goldstein (1985; 1989a, 1989b;

2005). Ceramic vessels from the height of the Tiwa-

naku occupation include a number of forms includ-

ing keros, tazones, one-handled pitchers and ollas(cooking and storage vessels). Fine-ware was typi-

cally red-slipped with polychrome decoration in

blocky geometric motifs, as well as anthropomorphic

and zoomorphic images, particularly birds, felines

and camelids. Goldstein identifies considerable stan-

dardization in ceramic production at Tiwanaku

sites in the Moquegua Valley, noting that vessels

cluster into particular ranges of size and volume

and were produced in forms that were easy to stack

for storage and transport. He argues that standardiz-

ation in form and decoration are suggestive of cer-amic workshops (Goldstein 2005). Wari style

ceramics have been recovered from graves at Chen

Chen, adding weight to debates about interactions

between Tiwanaku and Wari in Moquegua, but

they are rare and none were included in the sample

analyzed in this study (Garcia Marquez 1990;

Sharratt 2011a).

Ceramic material was also analyzed from the site

of Tumilaca la Chimba. This site was one of several

established following the abandonment of Tiwanaku

state administrative centers in Moquegua. Located

15 km up-valley from Chen Chen, Tumilaca laChimba is a much smaller site, although it is one of

the larger post-collapse settlements in the valley.

It consists of a residential sector and four cemeteries.

The collapse phase Tiwanaku occupation of the site

lacks large, public ritual spaces and central adminis-

trative or storage facilities, in common with other

post-collapse sites in the Moquegua Valley (Bawden

1993; Bermann et al. 1989; Goldstein 2005).

Radiocarbon dates indicate that Tumilaca la

Chimba was occupied between A.D. 950 and 1250

(Sharratt 2011a). Analyses of non-metric dentaltraits from individuals buried at Chen Chen and

Tumilaca la Chimba demonstrate that the two popu-

lations shared an ancestor-descendent relationship,



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supporting the longstanding hypothesis that inhabi-

tants of Tumilaca la Chimba were refugees and

their descendants, who abandoned state centers

when the Tiwanaku state began to collapse (Sutter

and Sharratt 2010).

Distinctions between state period and collapse

phase pottery in the Moquegua Valley are oftenexpressed as differences in quality (Bermann et al.

1989; Goldstein 1985, 2005) and comparison of the

Tumilaca la Chimba and Chen Chen assemblages

meets with these generalizations (Sharratt 2011a).

Ceramic material recovered from excavations in the

cemeteries and in domestic structures at Tumilaca

la Chimba is stylistically similar to that at

Chen Chen (FIG. 6). However, although state period

forms (such as keros and tazones) were produced

and used, there is a greater range in size and

volume and keros are on average larger than their

state period predecessors. Similar decorative reper-tories were utilized. Decorated pottery is typically

red-slipped, although reds tend to be darker than

those at Chen Chen. However, surface treatments

appear more hurried and fewer colors were used in

decoration than in the Chen Chen assemblage. Ico-

nographic repertories at Tumilaca la Chimba include

both the maintenance and rejection of state period

motifs. Pottery from Tumilaca la Chimba displays

more geometric motifs relative to anthropomor-

phized imagery. Significantly although many motifs

were maintained in modified forms, other stateperiod images, most notably the Staff God, are

absent from post-collapse ceramic assemblages in

the Moquegua Valley.

The context of production for collapse phase cer-

amics remains uncertain. Although pigments have

been tentatively identified on the patio of one exca-

vated residence at Tumilaca la Chimba, to date no

clear evidence for pottery production has been

found during fieldwork at the site, or during the

smaller excavations undertaken at other collapsephase sites. However, the greater internal variation

in collapse phase assemblages with regard to form,

decoration, slip color and surface treatment, coupled

with imprecise execution have been taken as evidence

for a shift from workshop to domestic production

in the wake of state breakdown (Bawden 1989;

Bermann et al. 1989).

MethodsForty-five ceramic sherds from Chen Chen and 49

from Tumilaca la Chimba were exported to the

U.S.A. for compositional analysis. All analyzed

material from Chen Chen was excavated during

rescue excavations at the site’s cemeteries by Bruce

Owen in 1995 and by Romulo Pari Flores in 2002

(Owen 1997; Pari Flores et al. 2002). All ceramic

material from Tumilaca la Chimba analyzed during

this study was excavated from mortuary and residen-

tial contexts under the auspices of Proyecto Arqueo-

logico Cerro Baul in 2006/2007 (Sharratt 2011a;

Sharratt et al. 2012; Williams 2008). At both sites,

ceramic sherds as well as complete vessels were

placed in graves (Sharratt 2011a). The samples ana-lyzed in this study therefore included small fragments

that had already broken off entire vessels and sherds

unattributed to larger vessels from the cemeteries.

The samples from both sites also included decorated

and undecorated sherds.

Sherds were subjected to LA-ICP-MS at the

Elemental Analysis Facility (EAF) at the Field

Museum of Natural History in Chicago, the same

facility used to analyze clays from the Moquegua

Valley (Sharratt et al. 2009). Protocols established

for the Field Museum’s facility were used for the

LA-ICP-MS analysis (Dussubieux et al. 2007; Golitko

and Terrell 2012; Niziolek 2013; Vaughn et al. 2011).

A Varian ICP-MS instrument equivalent to the

Varian 810 instrument was used. The Varian is a quad-

ropole mass spectrometer. Quadropole mass filters are

appropriate for trace element measurement because

they rapidly scan a wide mass range (Pollard et al.

2007). In the Field Museum machine, the ion beam

is bent 90u by a series of lenses before it enters the

quadropole, increasing the sensitivity of the instru-

ment 200 times (Elliot et al. 2004). The facility at the

Field Museum uses a New Wave UP213 (Helium car-rier gas, 213 nm laser operated at 0.2 mJ and a pulse

frequency of 15 Hz) laser in conjunction with the

ICP-MS to introduce solid samples.Figure 6 A kero excavated from a burial at Tumilaca la

Chimba.



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The ceramic samples were ablated using the laser,

with a spot size of 150 microns, and a dwell time of

90 seconds. The laser was focused on a broken

edge of a sherd, rather than the exterior or interior

surface, so that analysis concentrated on pastes, not

slips or paints. It was positioned to avoid large

temper grains so that analysis focused on the chemi-cal signature of the clays used in ceramic production.

Each sample was ablated 10 times, with the laser

repositioned in a new place on the sherd each time,

and a total of 55 elements were measured, using29Si as an internal standard to control for variability

in time efficiency and resulting signal strength.

Chemical concentrations were calculated using

National Institute of Standards and Technology

(NIST) standards n610, n612 and Brick Clay

(n679), in line with established protocols (Gratuze

et al. 2001). Error values were established using ana-

lyses of New Ohio Red Clay, which was subjected tothe same protocols as the ceramic samples. Error esti-

mates were similar to those reported by Sharratt and

colleagues (2009).

Statistical ProceduresPrior to analysis, elements which are known to measure

poorly on the EAF ICP-MS instrument due to oxide

interferences or high ionization energies were removed

from consideration. These included Cl and As.

Additionally, several elements that measured close to

instrumental detection limits with poor precision— Ag, In, and Bi—were also removed from the analysis.

Finally, Cu measurements displayed consistent differ-

ences across analyses, possibly due to memory effects

associated with other projects undertaken at the EAF

during the duration of analysis, and consequently, Cu

was also removed from consideration.

All remaining chemical measurements were first

converted to base-10 logarithms to normalize their

distribution and eliminate scaling differences between

high and low abundance elements. Initial pattern rec-

ognition was achieved by first performing an R-Q

mode factor analysis on the correlation matrix

(Baxter 1992; Neff 1994). Factor scores for all

samples were then subjected to a hierarchical cluster

analysis using the average linkage method on

squared Euclidean distances between ceramic sherds

(Shennan 1997). Both Hierarchical Cluster Analysis

(HCA) and visual inspection of Principal Component

Analysis (PCA) plots and bivariate elemental plots

resulted in the identification of two primary chemical

groups, here referred to as Groups 1 and 2, and three

distinct outlier chemical profiles, referred to as Out-

lier Types 1–3 (F IG S. 7 , 8 , 9). Relative to Group 1sherds, Group 2 ceramics exhibit higher Al, Nb,

Ba, and light Rare Earth Elements (REE) concen-

trations. The single sherd included in Outlier Type

1 is distinguished by very high concentrationsof Fe, Sb (and As, although this was not included

in formal statistical analysis), and U content.

Outlier Type 2 sherds are characterized by very

Figure 8 Bivariate plot of logged (base 10) antimony and

aluminum concentrations in measured ceramics and clays.

Ellipses delimit 90% confidence intervals for Groups 1 and 2.

Figure 7 R-Q mode biplot of factor 1 and 2 scores for

measured ceramics and clays showing two group structure

in the data and three identified outlier chemical types.

Ellipses delimit 90% confidence intervals for Groups 1 and 2.

Figure 9 Bivariate plot of logged (base 10) zinc and cesium

concentrations in measured ceramics and clays. Ellipses

delimit 90% confidence intervals for Groups 1 and 2.



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high Sb and Cs content, and Outlier Type 3 sherds by

high Zn content. Refinement of Groups 1 and 2 pro-

ceeded by calculation of jackknifed Mahalanobis dis-

tance-based probabilities of group membership (Neff

2002), which resulted in a number of sherds remain-

ing unassigned. These all appear to be outliers of

Groups 1 and 2, rather than reflecting the presenceof additional distinct chemical profiles. Additionally,

Outlier Types 1–3 were compared to Groups 1 and 2

and found to have negligible probabilities of mem-

bership (v1%) in either group.

In a prior publication (Sharratt et al. 2009), we

argued that most ceramics analyzed from Chen Chen

could be best matched to clays locally available in the

Moquegua Valley, although statistical overlap with

clays from upland sources in the Otora valley were

noted. Group 1, or the ‘‘Tiwanaku’’ chemical group

we identified in that earlier study, displays the same

associations, overlapping statistically primarily withclays collected in the middle Moquegua Valley and

included in the ‘‘Moquegua Valley’’ chemical group,

but also with some clays in the Otora Valley 1 clay

chemical group (T AB LE 1). With the expanded

number of sherds now included in Group 1, there is

also a small, but non-negligible, overlap with clays

included in the Torata Valley chemical group, also

located in the uplands above the middle valley. As we

previously suggested, this may reflect use of clay

sources near Chen Chen, where eroded material from

the uplands mixes with material eroding from theslopes of the middle Moquegua Valley.

Group 2 ceramics, present only at Tumilaca la

Chimba, are more statistically similar to clays available

from upland sources in the Otora, Torata, andTumilaca

valleys, although the small number of samples included

in Group 2 make statistical associations somewhat tenu-

ous (TABLE 1). To constrain the impact of small sample

sizeon estimatesof confidenceintervals for Group 2 cer-

amics (Baxter 2001: 135; Harbottle 1976: 58), compari-

sons were made using only the first four factor scores.

However, these ceramic sherds chemically match some

ceramics we had previously analyzed from the nearbyWari settlements of Cerro Baul and Cerro Mejia,

suggesting that post-collapse potters at Tumilaca la

Chimba may in some cases have utilized upland sources

similar to those used by Moquegua-area Wari potters.

While this suggests the occasional use of clays located

closer to Tumilaca la Chimba, it is clear that themajority

of ceramics deposited there were produced from clays

indistinguishable fromthoseusedby state-periodpotters

residing at Chen Chen.

The outlier type sherds do not match concentrations

found in any Moquegua area clays studied to date.While Tumilaca Valley clays are also characterized

by high Cs content, they are otherwise very dissimilar

to Outlier Type 2 sherds, and do not display the high

Sb contents observed in those ceramics. This suggests

that the outlier type sherds were all produced in areas

of distinctive geochemistry and subsequently trans-

ported into the Moquegua area.

ResultsChen Chen

Earlier p-XRF analyses of large samples from

Chen Chen indicated that ceramics recovered from

Table 1 Group membership probabilities for ceramic

groups 1 and 2 relative to clay chemical groups identified

for the Moquegua Valley.

MembershipProbability

Sample Clay chemical group Group 1* Group 2**

MVC001 Moquegua Valley 0.00 0.16MVC002 Moquegua Valley 0.01 0.20MVC003 Moquegua Valley 0.00 0.26MVC004 Moquegua Valley 0.03 2.70MVC005 Moquegua Valley 0.12 0.39MVC006 Moquegua Valley 0.00 0.13MVC007 Moquegua Valley 0.00 0.04MVC008 Moquegua Valley 0.06 0.19MVC009 Moquegua Valley 0.18 0.18MVC010 Moquegua Valley 10.83 0.09MVC011 Moquegua Valley 0.29 0.18MVC012 Moquegua Valley 0.01 0.12MVC013 Moquegua Valley 0.59 0.12MVC014 Moquegua Valley 0.00 0.03MVC016 Moquegua Valley 0.10 0.11

MVC017 Moquegua Valley 0.00 0.04MVC018 Moquegua Valley 0.11 0.33MVC019 Moquegua Valley 4.92 0.53MVC020 Moquegua Valley 2.65 0.59MVC021 Moquegua Valley 0.06 0.99MVC024 Moquegua Valley 0.00 0.51MVC025 Moquegua Valley 0.05 0.46MVC026 Moquegua Valley 22.84 0.27MVC027 Moquegua Valley 0.41 0.31MVC028 Moquegua Valley 0.44 0.70MVC029 Moquegua Valley 0.23 0.44MVC031 Moquegua Valley 0.32 0.47MVC032 Moquegua Valley 0.03 0.49MVC033 Moquegua Valley 0.00 0.09MVC045 Moquegua Valley 0.20 0.35MVC039 Otora Valley 1 0.13 1.59

MVC040 Otora Valley 1 22.05 0.78MVC041 Otora Valley 1 0.11 0.63MVC042 Otora Valley 1 0.00 2.05MVC046 Otora Valley 2 0.02 3.37MVC047 Otora Valley 2 0.00 0.70MVC048 Otora Valley 2 0.04 0.63MVC049 Otora Valley 2 0.06 1.67MVC034 Torata Valley 1.13 1.07MVC035 Torata Valley 0.00 1.19MVC036 Torata Valley 1.92 0.34MVC037 Torata Valley 2.30 0.16MVC043 Torata Valley 0.03 0.31MVC044 Torata Valley 3.37 0.30MVC038 Tumilaca Valley 0.00 0.75MVC050 Tumilaca Valley 0.00 0.46MVC051 Tumilaca Valley 0.00 2.34MVC052 Tumilaca Valley 0.00 0.20MVC015 Unassigned 0.00 0.03MVC030 Unassigned 0.04 0.14MVC031A Unassigned 0.00 0.18

* calculating using the first 12 factor scores ** calculated using

the first 4 factor scores



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the site were compositionally homogeneous, with the

majority grouping together chemically (Schur 2011;

Sharratt 2011a). Comparison of compositional data

derived from LA-ICP-MS of the Chen Chen ceramic

sample reported here with the five clay groups ident-

ified in the earlier clay survey confirms that the

majority (91.1%) of these sherds were produced usinglocally available clays. Specifically, the vast majority

of analyzed sherds were likely crafted using clays

from the Moquegua Valley Group. Although clays

from this group are found throughout the alluvial

deposits in the middle Moquegua Valley, some clay

samples identified as this group were collected from

locations within 5 km of Chen Chen. Therefore,

Moquegua Valley clays were easily accessible to pot-

ters at the site of Chen Chen.

However, four sherds from Chen Chen were ident-

ified as outliers and were not made using locally

available clays. These four sherds were recoveredfrom a total of three different graves. Burials at

Chen Chen were arranged in spatially discrete ceme-

teries. There are as many as 35 different cemeteries.

They vary considerably in size and are thought to

represent intra-community groups, likely extended

family-or-kin based (Blom 1999; Sharratt 2011a).

The three graves containing non-local ceramic

material were in two of the six cemeteries included

in the sample (TABLE 2). From cemetery 33, a non-

local sherd (Outlier Type 3) was identified from a

broken tazon that was also included in the pitburial of an adult female, aged 36–45 years old.

The tomb also contained a wooden spoon and a

corn cob.

Three non-local sherds from two different graves

were identified from cemetery 30. One fragment (Out-

lier Type 2) was recovered from one of the rare multiple

interments at Chen Chen. This stone-lined cist

included the remains of an infant, a middle aged

adult of undetermined sex and a child aged 3–4 years

old. The grave also included a red-slipped tazon with

a simple black geometric design. However, the non-

local sherd was not from this vessel.The final two non-local sherds were recovered

from the same grave, that of an adult male (36–45

years old). The grave was a stone-lined cist. The indi-

vidual was buried with a red-slipped tazon decorated

with a black painted zig-zag motif and with a

red-slipped kero with an image of a camelid repeated

four times. The complete kero in this grave is notable

because its form is particular to the Moquegua

Valley, known as a ‘‘coca-cola glass’’ kero. It was

included in the analyzed sample, and was determined

to have been made from locally available clays. The

grave also included ceramic sherds in addition tothe complete vessels. LA-ICP-MS analysis revealed

that although some of these were produced with

local clays, two were non-local sherds (Outlier Type

2 and Outlier Type 3). One of these is likely from a

modeled incensario. Thus, the grave contained com-

plete vessels produced with local clays, including a

kero that is stylistically particular to the Moquegua

Valley colony, but also non-local sherds.

Although it is not known where these non-local

sherds were imported from, they do not share the

same chemical signatures. This raises the possibility

that they have different points of origin. Of thesherds described above, the sherd in cemetery 33

shared a chemical signature with one of those from

the male grave in cemetery 30. The other sherd

from the male grave in cemetery 30 shared a chemical

signature with the sherd from the multiple burial in

cemetery 30.

Tumilaca la Chimba

Despite up-rooting and settling some 15 km from

Chen Chen and other Tiwanaku towns, potters at

Tumilaca la Chimba largely continued to use claysthat are chemically indistinguishable from those

used by their state period predecessors. This is

notable because chemically distinct clays are found

within 5 km of Tumilaca la Chimba in the Tumilaca

drainage (Tumilaca Valley Group). However, given

that the site appears to be located on the very limit

of the Moquegua Valley Group’s geographical

range, the continued use of clays from that group

may have been the result of access and availability,

rather than a cultural choice to continue using the

same materials as their ceramicist forerunners.

Although made from the same clay group as ChenChen ceramics, the Tumilaca la Chimba sherds are

more chemically diverse. This was noted also

during p-XRF analyses (Schur 2011; Sharratt

2011a). Although this larger diversity mirrors the

greater range seen in visual analyses of collapse

Table 2 Burial contexts of outlier ceramic fragments from Chen Chen.

Specimen No. Vessel type Outlier type Cemetery Tomb type Human remains Other cultural inclusions

M1-303011A Undetermined 2 30 Stone-lined cist Adult Male (36–45) Coca-cola glass kero, tazonM1-303011E Incensario? 3M1-303037 Undetermined 2 30 Stone-lined cist Infant Tazon

Child (2–3)Adult (undetermined sex)

M1-331007 Tazon 3 33 Pit Adult Female (36–45) Wooden spoon, corn cob



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phase pottery, this chemical diversity could be

explained by the likely location of clay acquisition

by potters at Tumilaca la Chimba. The site is located

further up the Moquegua Valley than Chen Chen,

where clays, despite being in the Moquegua Valley

Group, may include a greater contribution from

clays eroded from the highlands, including thosecharacterized as the Otora 1 Group.

One analyzed sherd was determined to be non-

local (Outlier Type 1). This sherd was recovered

from the second largest of the four cemeteries at

Tumilaca la Chimba. It was included in the stone-

lined cist grave of an adolescent (12–15 years old)

of undetermined sex. No complete ceramic vessels

were recovered from the grave, and the non-local

sherd is a red-slipped body sherd from an unknown

vessel form. The grave also included two cactus

spines, commonly used as needles in Tiwanaku sites

in the Moquegua Valley, a small corn cob, awooden box with four compartments, an incomplete

wooden spoon, two incomplete gourd vessels, and

the worked shaft of the long bone from a large

mammal. This bone had been worked in such a

way that it resembled a weaving tool. However, it

was too small to have been functional as such, and

perhaps is instead a model or toy weaving tool.

Although it is not known from where this non-local

sherd was imported, it was chemically distinct from

the non-local sherds identified at Chen Chen.

DiscussionAs in many other ancient polities, ceramic vessels ful-

filled significant economic, political, and ritual func-

tions in the Tiwanaku state. They were utilized

extensively in the feasts and conspicuous drinking

that were vital tools in Tiwanaku statecraft. They

were also important portable media for the spread

of heartland iconographic repertoires that materia-

lized elite ideology. Visual analyses of ceramic

material have identified the presence of non-local

variants of Tiwanaku pottery in communities across

the south central Andes. Yet, to date, differences in

style have been the principal means of inferring the

movement of vessels around the state’s territory

(Goldstein 2005; Janusek 2004a; Kolata 1993a;

Korpisaari 2006).

The existing compositional data on clays found in

the Moquegua Valley provide the necessary basis for

determining the presence of ceramic imports in

assemblages from this major Tiwanaku province

and for examining patterns in provincial resource

procurement. The results presented in this study con-

firm that potters in the Moquegua Valley colony lar-gely used locally available clays, those found in the

vicinity of the state’s administrative centers at Omo

and Chen Chen, to craft replicas of heartland

pottery. This process of replication was a means

through which provincial craft producers and consu-

mers asserted their ongoing cultural affiliation with

the state center (Goldstein 2005).

However, these data also provide the first empiri-

cal evidence for the movement of ceramic vessels

into the Moquegua Valley during the height of Tiwanaku authority there. The importation of pot-

tery (or less likely, the importation of raw materials

used to produce this pottery) was part of the larger

exchange networks that existed during the height of

the Tiwanaku state, and that furnished the state

center with agricultural produce and valuable

resources. The ratio of local to non-local ceramics

(4 out of 45 or 8.9%) identified in this LA-ICP-MS

study of Moquegua pottery is comparable to that

of between 5 and 10% reported for other Tiwanaku

communities based on stylistic analyses (Janusek

2004a). However, we note that none of the foursherds identified in this analysis would have necess-

arily been recognized as non-local on the basis of

style alone. Two were slipped but undecorated

sherds, a third was identified as a red-slipped tazon

with geometric decoration in black and white, and

a fourth was likely from a modeled incensario.

Both sherds whose form could be determined were

similar to locally produced vessels.

Where they were imported from is unclear. Until

compositional data from other regions in the Tiwanaku

sphere are available for comparative analysis, stylisticassessment will continue to guide interpretation. Several

of these regions are currently the subject of clay surveys

and compositional study (including the Arica and Lluta

valleys of northern Chile, by the authors). It is notable,

however, that the four non-local sherds do not consti-

tute a chemically homogeneous group. Instead, two dis-

tinct chemical signatures are represented by the sherds.

Chemically distinct sherds were recovered notonlyfrom

the same cemetery, but also, in one case, from the same

grave. As already commented, determining the proveni-

ence of non-local ceramic material in the Moquegua

Valley awaits the results of ongoing surveys and ana-lyses of clays in other Tiwanaku regions.The two differ-

ent chemical signatures may reflect different paste

recipes within a single area. However, it is also plausible

that these chemical signatures reveal the importation of

ceramic vessels from several other Tiwanaku zones.

Given that goods and products, as well as people,

were moving in multiple directions around the south

central Andes during the Middle Horizon, it is possible

that the Moquegua Valley colony’s participation in

varied networks of exchange is revealed in the distinct

chemical signatures of these non-local sherds.When the archaeological context of these sherds is

considered, considerable equality of access is

suggested. The identification of non-local sherds in





two different cemeteries at Chen Chen indicates that

access to imported ceramics was not restricted to

only one kin group in the community. Their inclusion

in both male and female graves demonstrates that

association with imported material, at least in

death, was not sex restricted either. Their inclusion

in tombs of various degrees of investment (stone-lined cists and simple pit graves) suggests that

access to these vessels, or at least to the sherds, was

not restricted to those individuals whose families

could afford more elaborate tombs. The mechanism

of exchange needs to be clarified. The fact that

non-local sherds are found in a range of contexts

and are not limited to particular kin groups or

sexes, might be evidence that it was through personal

ties with other Tiwanaku regions that these vessels

were brought into the valley. Whether the individuals

buried in these particular graves were also non-local

to the Moquegua Valley is unknown, and wouldmerit further study, particularly given existing evi-

dence for individuals who had been raised in the

state heartland among the mortuary population at

Chen Chen (Blom 1999; Knudson et al. 2004).

It is noteworthy that in several instances, non-local

sherds accompanied ceramic vessels determined to be

locally produced, either by compositional analysis or

by stylistic analysis. Furthermore, in three cases, the

non-local sherds were not part of the intact vessels

found in graves. The practice of including ceramic

sherds as well as intact vessels has been noted inTiwanaku graves in the Moquegua Valley. Although

the meaning of this practice is elusive, it is striking

that in three instances, the non-local material is rep-

resented by only a single sherd, raising the possibility

that the original imported vessel had broken prior to

burial, possibly intentionally when the interred indi-

vidual died. However, sherds were also curated, per-

haps as tokens of ancestry or physical manifestations

of long-distance social ties.

Although questions about the meaning of some of

the non-local grave inclusions remain, the identifi-

cation of non-local ceramics in the Chen Chenassemblage is significant. Scholars have previously

suggested that there were ceramic imports in the

Moquegua Valley during the Tiwanaku occupation

there (Goldstein 1993a, 2005), but these chemical

data, despite representing a tiny fraction of the pot-

tery from Chen Chen and from other state period

Tiwanaku sites in Moquegua, are the first physical

evidence for imported ceramics in the Tiwanaku

colony and the first empirical data demonstrating

that actual pots, rather than just Tiwanaku ceramic

styles, were brought into the province.The compositional data presented above also

address pottery production and circulation in a

period relatively understudied in comparison with

the height of Tiwanaku political authority, namely

the phase immediately following the violent break-

down of the state. More variability is present in the

Tumilaca la Chimba analyzed sample, which included

Group 2 as well as Group 1 ceramics. Interestingly,

Group 2 ceramics were only identified in the samples

from two of the four cemeteries at the site.As previously reported (Sharratt 2011a, 2011b), the

four cemeteries at Tumilaca la Chimba are distin-

guished from one another by particularities of ritual

practice and differences in grave inclusions that we

have argued are indicative of the increasing assertion

of social identities rooted in membership of the various

intra-community groups who used each cemetery. It is

notable, then, that distinctions in crafting activity may

be another line of difference between the cemeteries.

Of the 49 sherds analyzed from Tumilaca la

Chimba, only one was determined to be non-local.

Due to the relatively small size of the samples ana-lyzed with LA-ICP-MS, while the difference between

4/45 sherds at Chen Chen and 1/49 sherds at

Tumilaca la Chimba suggests a reduction in the over-

all presence of non-local ceramics in the wake of state

collapse, an inference supported by the p-XRF ana-

lyses conducted on larger samples (Sharratt 2011a),

the difference is not statistically significant. Interest-

ingly, this sherd is chemically distinct from the four

non-local sherds in the state period (Chen Chen)

sample, raising the possibility that not only had

long-distance exchange been reduced in degree, thenetworks in which the community at Tumilaca la

Chimba participated had changed. It is also plaus-

ible, given the visual similarity of pottery at Chen

Chen and Tumilaca la Chimba (which can make it

difficult to attribute individual sherds to the state

period or collapse phase) that this sherd was curated

from the earlier state period colony.

Overall, the minimal presence of non-local material

at Tumilaca la Chimba suggests that although potters

at sites such as Tumilaca la Chimba continued to craft

vessels largely similar, if more internally variable and

of lesser quality, to those at Chen Chen, at otherstate period Moquegua Valley sites and in the wider

environs of the Tiwanaku state, consumers at Tumi-

laca la Chimba did not have the same degree of or

as varied access to vessels brought from outside the

valley. In this way, as well as in others, they felt the

long term ramifications of regional political turmoil.

ConclusionsIn sum, the LA-ICP-MS study reported here demon-

strates the relevance of compositional analyses to

understandings of social and economic networks inthe Prehispanic Andes. The data derived from cer-

amic sherds excavated at Chen Chen confirm that

during the height of Tiwanaku state authority in





the Moquegua Valley (A.D. 725–1000), local pottery

production utilized clays available in the immediate

vicinity of the Tiwanaku colonial sites. All locally pro-

duced pottery clusters in one chemical group,

suggesting considerable consistency in paste recipes.

However, in addition to local production, a small

number of ceramics were being imported into theMoquegua Valley. Although the mechanisms that

facilitated the circulation of goods remain unclear,

and although determining where these vessels or frag-

ments came from awaits the results of ongoing field

research, it is striking that the non-local ceramics are

not homogeneous, but likely came from more than

one place.

The breakdown of long-distance exchange networks

is commonly cited as a consequence of political frag-

mentation (Renfrew 1979; Schwartz and Nichols

2006; Tainter 1988; Yoffee and Cowgill 1988). How-

ever, the collapse phase sample from Tumilaca laChimba did contain one non-local sherd, negating

the hypothesis that all ceramic material at the site

was locally produced. Notably this sherd has a chemi-

calsignature distinct from those of the non-local sherds

identified from Chen Chen, suggesting that even if

post-collapse communities maintained long distance

exchange networks, they were altered in the wake of

political turmoil. Interestingly, the results of the

LA-ICP-MS analysis demonstrate greater internal

variability in the chemical composition of the collapse

phase sample, with two distinct chemical groups pre-sent, indicating greater variability in crafting activity

at Tumilaca la Chimba compared with the homogen-

eity evident in the local material from Chen Chen.

This greater variability adds weight to the argument

that the context of ceramic production was altered in

the wake of state collapse, with the demise of commu-

nity wide ceramic workshops in which production was

highly standardized.

The detailed visual and stylistic analyses of the

large ceramic assemblages recovered from Tiwanaku

sites across the south central Andes have been instru-

mental in furthering our understanding of how pot-tery vessels were used by elites in the spread and

materialization of state ideology, and by provincial

and local communities to simultaneously demon-

strate allegiance to the state and assert local identi-

ties. Identification of stylistic differences between

provinces, communities and neighborhoods has

thus far provided an important measure for examin-

ing the spread and exchange of ceramic style, and the

ratios of locally produced to imported ceramics

identified in this compositional study are comparable

to those suggested by visual analyses. We note how-ever, that this small LA-ICP-MS study identified

sherds as non-local that would likely have been

assumed to be local to the Moquegua Valley based

on style alone, and suggest that the incorporation

of compositional analyses, such as those discussed

above, has considerable potential to further under-

standings of the movement of physical materials as

well as styles, and the ways in which those processes

of circulation were embedded in wider political struc-

tures and social change in the south central Andes.

AcknowledgmentsLA-ICP-MS analyses were funded by the National

Science Foundation (DDIG 0937303). Fieldwork at

Tumilaca la Chimba was supported by Fulbright IIE,

Dumbarton Oaks, the Graduate College and Depart-

ment of Anthropology at the University of Illinois of

Chicago as well as by the Women’s Board and the

Department of Anthropology at the Field Museum.

Excavations at Tumilaca la Chimba were conducted

with permission from the Ministerio de Cultura del

Peru, Lima (RDN 1208/INC awarded to Patrick

Ryan Williams and Maria Elena Rojas Chavez in

2006/2007). Romulo Pari Flores and Bruce Owen facili-

tated study of theChen Chen ceramic samples.Ceramic

sherds were exported from Peru to the U.S.A. with the

permission of the Ministerio de Cultura del Peru,

Lima (# 1659/792). Particular thanks are due Laure

Dussubieux for providing invaluable assistance in the

Elemental Analysis Facility at the Field Museum.

Nicola Sharratt (Ph.D. 2011, University of Illinois at

Chicago) is Assistant Professor of Anthropology, atGeorgia State University. Her interests include

Andean South America, state collapse, craft pro-

duction, complex societies, and archaeometry.

Mark Golitko (Ph.D. 2010, University of Illinois at

Chicago) is Regenstein Research Scientist, at the

Field Museum of Natural History. His interests

include Prehistoric social networks, trade, archaeome-

try, the western Pacific, and Europe.

Patrick Ryan Williams (Ph.D. 1997, University of

Florida) is Associate Director of Research and Associ-

ate Curator of Archaeological Science, at the Field

Museum of Natural History. His interests include the

Anthropology of imperialism and colonialism, complex

societies, agricultural dynamics, landscape ecology,

geographic information systems and remote sensing

applications, geoarchaeology, archaeometry, and

Andean South America.

ReferencesAdan-Bayewitz, D., and I. Perlman. 1985. ‘‘Local Pottery Proveni-

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