political parties and foreign policy
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Political Parties and Foreign Policy: A Structuralist ApproachAuthor(s): Gary KingSource: Political Psychology, Vol. 7, No. 1 (Mar., 1986), pp. 83-101Published by: International Society of Political Psychology
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Political
sychology,
ol.
7,
No.
1,
1986
Political arties nd
Foreign
olicy:
A
Structuralist
pproach1
Gary
King2
This
rticlentroduceshe
heory
nd
approach
f
tructural
nthropology
and
applies
t to
a
problem
n
American
olitical
cience.
Through
his
p-
proach,
he
bipartisanoreign
olicy ypothesis
nd the two
residencies
hypothesis
re
reformulated
ndreconsidered.ntil ow
articipants
nthe
debate ver achhave
nly
arely
uilt
n,
or
ven
ited,
he ther's
esearch.
An
additional
roblem
s that he
widespread
onventional isdomn
up-
port fthe wohypothesess nconsistentithystematiccholarlynalyses.
This
aper
demonstrates
hat he wo
hypotheses
redrawn
rom
he
ame
underlying
tructure.ach
hypothesis
nd
the
heoretical
odel t
mplies
is
conceptually
nd
empirically
xtendedo take nto
ccount
he
ifferences
between
ongressional
eaders
nd
members.
hen,
istorical
xamples
nd
statistical
nalyses
f
House
roll all
data are used o demonstratehat he
hypotheses,
hile ometimes
upported
or
the
ongressional
embers,
re
far
more
pplicable
o
eadership
ecision
making.
onclusions
uggest
hat
conventional isdom e
revised o take
hese
ifferences
nto ccount.
KEY
WORDS:
congress; oreign olicy;
eaders;
political
arties; residency;
tructural
anthropology
INTRODUCTION
Structural
nthropology
s a
theory
nd an
approach
which as not
often
een onsidered
r
used
n
political
cience esearch.
his
paper
n-
'I
appreciate
he
ritical
ommentsn n
earlier ersion
f
hiswork
y
Gerald
enjamin,
eon
D.
Epstein,
arbara
Hinckley,
erbert .
Kritzer,
eatrice .
Lewis,
Ann
McCann,
nd
especially
ichardM.
Merelman.
am
also
grateful
or
he
uggestions
f
the
ditor nd
anonymous
eferees.
2Department
f
Politics,
ewYork
University,
ew
York,
New
York
10003.
83
0162-895X/86/0300-0083$05.00/1
?
1986
International
ociety
of
Political
Psychology
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84
King
troduces tructuralismnd
applies
t
to a research
roblem
n
American
politics.
ne results that his
houldmake t
easier or thers o use the
theorynd approachn other reas of political cience. tructuraln-
thropology,
s
eloquentlyxplicatedy
Levi-Strauss
1963,
1966,
969)
nd
others,
mplies
everal
ssumptions.
First,
ll of
culture
s
divided
nto wo
ategories:
urfaceevel
r
con-
tent nd
deep
tructure.ocial
scientistsever bservemore han he on-
tent,
utwe
should,
t
s
argued,
lways
ttempt
o nfer o the
tructures.
The
structuralist
oal
s to
discovertructures
hich
nderliend
determine
a
variety
f
surfaceevel
ultural
henomena.
Second,
ll
structuresake he orm f
binaryppositions,
nd
ll
mean-
ing s derivedromheseontrasts.he
ymbol
red, or
xample,
oesnot
mean
stop
without
ts ontrast ith
he
pposing
ymbol
green,
nd
ts
associated
oncept, go
Leach,1970).
Social
psychologists,
or
xample,
have
ong
dentifiedocial
groups rimarily
n
relationo eachother
Com-
mins nd
Lockwood,
979).
Political cientists
sually
efer o
power
ela-
tionships
ith
vertical
metaphor:
s
in
up:down::superordination:subor-
dination::upper
lass:lower
lass:: on
yourway
o the
op : falling y
he
wayside.
Structuralnthropologistsometimesofurtherndassume r assert
that
hese
inary
ppositions
re
fundamental
haracteristicsf
the
human
mind,
ut
lthough
his
ssumption ay
be of
academic
nterest,
t s
in-
herently
nobservablend
usually nnecessary
or
he
nalysis
f he
esearch
problem
eing
onsidered.
chwartz
1981:159),
or
xample,
istinguishes
between hree
evels of
universality
n
dual
classification.
he
most
methaphysical
re formal
niversals,
hich
nclude
undamental
ssump-
tions
bout he
binary
ature f
human
hought.
n
between,
re substan-
tiveuniversals,hich reobservable utdo seem o existn naturee.g.,
hot-cold,
eft-right,
p-down).
inally,
here
re
sociological
niversals,
which
re the
lignment
f
certain
moral
nd
social states o
particular
substantive
ontrasts. t
is useful
o add to
Schwartz's
ierarchyolitical
universals,
hich
define s
the
lignment
f
certain
olitical henomena
with
he
more
asic
substantiver
social-psychological
ontrasts.
Third,
evi-Strauss
rgued
hat t s
unnecessary
o
examine
ll
societies
or to
compare
variety
ftime
eriods
o
discover undamentaltructures.
For ust smessages hich ereceiverom ifferentenses anbetransform-
ed into achother
e.g., visualizing story),
he
past
xists
nly
s a
struc-
tural transformation
f the
present.
hus,
diachronic
overtime)
nd
synchronic
cross-cultural)nalyses
re
wo
ways
f
doing
he ame
hing
looking
or
tructure
nd,
by
o
doing, ncoveringmportant
haracteristics
of human ulture.
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Political
Parties
and
Foreign
Policy
85
Byusing
version
f his
tructural
nthropologicalpproach,
newhich
is
unencumbered
y
many
f
ts
metaphysical
ssumptions,
his
aper
den-
tifies
nd
examines wo
binary ppositions
t
the evel
of
the
political
universal.3hegoal s not o earn bout heformal niversalsf thehuman
brain,
ut nstead
o
earn bout hese
wo
oliticalppositions
nd heir
ela-
tionships
n
American
olitics.eep
tructures
of
nteresthen
e
move
rom
the
political
niversals
o
the
ocial-psychological
nd substantiveniver-
sals
n
order o
assist
n
understanding
nd
explaining
he urface-levelela-
tionships
f concern o
social cientists.
In
the sectionswhich
follow,
wo
binary
ppositions xisting
n
American
olitics
re
ntroduced.
elationships
etweenhe wo re first
explored ith onventionalssumptions.hese ssumptions,owever,re
found o
be nconsistentith
vailable
cholarly
vidence. better
xplana-
tion f
he
elationship
etweenhe
ppositions
s then
resentedlong
with
supporting
ata.
Finally,
fter
rguing
hat one
structural
xplanation
underliesoth
ppositions,
xtensionso
other
urface-level
henomena
re
made. t
turns utthat tructural
nthropologyrovides
useful
pproach
which
elps
ncover
elationships
etween
everaliteratures
arely
onsidered
together,
ut
which
re
n
fact
nexorably
elatednd
beneficially
ombined.
As a result, ewly ypothesizedelationshipsmong everal ata sets re
derived. he
data,
n
turn,
rovide
he
first
ystematic
vidence f several
important
heoretical
elationships.
THE
REPUBLICAN/DEMOCRATIC AND FOREIGN
POLICY/DOMESTIC POLICY
BINARY
OPPOSITIONS
The two
binaryppositions
onsidered ere re thedistinctionse-
tweenhe
arties
ndbetweenwo
ategories
f
public olicy.
onsider irst
the
ppositions
etween
he
Democratic
nd he
Republican
arties.
learly
this
inary
ategorization
xistsn
most
arts
f
theAmericanulture: or
the
verage
itizen,
o be
dentified
ith
he
Democratic
arty
s to
generally
prefer
more iberal
ositions.
o be elected s a
Republican
s,
n
general,
to takemore
onservativessue tands.
Republicans
ndDemocrats eet
n
different
ational,tate,
nd ocal
conventionso
choose
variety
f
party
andidates;
hey
ote
or
ifferent
candidatesndifferentrimariesrcaucuses nd siton differentides f
an aisle
n
bothhouses f
congress,
n all
but
one
of
the tate
egislatures,
3Although
nly
U.S.
culture s
considered,
he
oppositions
ntroduced
elow
can
be
extended
to other
nations
using
slightly
more
general
erminology.
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86
King
and
n
thousands
f ocal
city, ounty,
own,
tc.)
governments.
orexam-
ple,
Social
dentity
s defined
y
Tajfel
1982:
24)
as that
art
f the
n-
dividuals'
elf-concept
hich erives romheir
nowledge
f...
membership
[in] socialgroup...togetherithhevalue nd emotionalignificancef
that
membership.
or officeholdersocial
dentity
efers
irectly
o their
party
dentification.
Although
he
Republican/Democratic
istinctions clear
nough
o
give
parties
eparatemeanings,
he
boundary
etweenhetwo s not wellde-
fined. ates
f
plit-ticketoting,
roll-off,
nd
drop-off
Burnham,
970)
are
high;
he
proportion
f the
lectorate
dentifying
ith
political arty
is
far rom
omplete;
f
hose
who
do
dentify
ith
political
arty,
ariable
numbersote naccordwithheir artyCrottyndJacobson,980); arty
identifications
volatile,
s are
aggregate
lection
eturns;
egislatorsarely
use their
artymembership
s the ole cue for
voting
ecisions
Clausen,
1973);
nd
even
he
deological
istinctivenessf
aspects
fthe
parties
eem
to havedeclined.
In
sum,
he
boundary
etween
he
parties
s
crossed
asily
nd
often,
and can be
considered
loose
see
Leach
1976:
33-36)
or definitionf
a
'boundary'
nd
Merelman
1984)
for
xamples
nd
definitions
f
the
on-
cept s it s usedhere].Buteven houghheboundaryslooser, heparty
distinctions far rom
eing
ost.
n
the
eneral
ase,
Allen ndWilder
1975)
find
hat
ven
when
roup
eliefsre
similar,
he
minimal
rocess
f n
and
out
group ategorization
s
enough
o make
n
group
avoritism
ersist
see
also
Billig
nd
Tajfel,
1973;
Sole
et
al.,
1975).
n
fact,
heres
even ome
counter-intuitive
vidence
hat
when
roups
ave
imilar
alues,
ntergroup
discriminations
actually
eightened
plausibly
n
order o
protect
roup
distinctiveness.
o,
party
oundaries
re
weakening
ut
o not eem n
danger
of
osing
heir
meaning.
The second inary ppositionobe consideredere s thedistinction
between
heAmerican
bipartisan pproach
o
foreignolicy
ndthe
par-
tisan
pproach
o domestic
olicies.
t
s
an often tated
spiration
o
keep
politics
ut
of
foreignolicy,
n
both
ongressional
eliberationsnd
public
discussion.
Politics
tops
t
the
water's
dge,
t
s oftenwritten
Bliss
nd
Johnson,
975).
Thisdistinction
uarantees
hat
ven
when
olitics
s
part
of
foreignolicy
ecisions,
t
s
usually
withinhe hetoricalonstraints
f
bipartisanship.
he
boundary
etween
he
way
itizens
nd eaders eal
with
foreignnddomesticoliciesmay otbe asstrongs toncewas,but tdoes
exist
nd s
clearly
elevant.
There s a
large
ody
f
ocial-psychological
ork
which
may
artially
explain
he
xistence
f
these
ppositions
n
terms
f n
group/out
roup
distinctions.or
xample,
tein
1976)
inds
n
review
f
mpirical
iterature
from
everal
isciplines
hat
nter-group
conflict
oes ncrease
nternalohe-
sion
under
ertain onditions.
ajfel 1982)
finds
greement
ith
his
pro-
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Political
arties
nd
Foreign
olicy
87
position
rom,
mong
thers,
reud nd
arly
rustration-aggression
heorists.
Other
onsequences
f
n
group/outroup
onflict orwhich
ajfel
cites
evidence
nclude he
ncreased
positive
valuation
f
he
ngroup
r ts
pro-
ducts.
For
the
Democratic/Republican
pposition,
he most
pronounced
cognitive
ndattitudinalistinctionsre
ikely
o occurwhen he
partiesry
to
change
he tatus
nd
power
f
each
ther
Brown
nd
Ross,
1982).
Rele-
vant
xamples
f
accentuated
arty
istinctiveness,
ut
group
iscrimina-
tion,
nd
heightened
evels
f
nter-party
erbal ombat nclude
egislative
motions orwhich he
president
r
other
eaders
f the
parties
ave
their
reputation
t
stake,
lectoral
ampaigns
n
which heres an attack n
the
veryxistencef the ppositionroup,nd ndebatesnwhich heparties
attack
undamental
rinciples
n
which he
opposition
makes ts
case.
A
majorparadox
f
these wo
oppositions
s that he ame
political
actors
who
re
pushed
part y
he
party
pposition
re
pulled
ogether
n
foreign
olicy
matters. e
will
ee hat or
arty
eaders,
hese
ross-pressures
are
xaggerated.
neofthe
ontributionsfthis
aper,
herefore,
s to
sug-
gest
framework
or
understanding
his
roblem.
OPPOSITION
SIMILARITIES
Traditionally,
hese
wo
ppositions
ave
been
reated
eparately
r
as
only
artially
elated;
fter
ll,
they
re
prima
acie
different
henomena.
But
can
they
e
usefully
tudied
ogether?
rethe wo
binary
ppositions
related?
nd f
they
re,
what
orm
oes
the
relationship
ake?
Guided
y
structuralism,
lternative
nswers
o
these
uestions
re
now
explored.
Oneconventionalndclearly lausibleonnectionsthat eferredo
by
CecilV.
Crabb
1957: 198),
nd
mentioned
y many
thers:
The
two
important
actorshat
normally
ay
e
expected
o favor
he
chievement
of
bipartisan
ooperation
n
foreign
ffairs
re the
nonideological
ature
of
American
arties
nd the
bsence f
strict
arty
iscipline
n
congress.
Put
differently,
hen
here s
less
partisanship
i.e.,
weak
boundaries
e-
tween he
parties),
ipartisanship
n
foreign
olicy
s
easier o
achieve. he
hypothesis
s that
when
he
definitional,
ttitudinal,
nd
behavioral oun-
dary etweenheRepublicanndtheDemocraticartiesreaks own, he
boundary
etween
oreign
olicy
ipartisanship
nd
domestic
olicy artisan-
ship
becomes
ighter
nd
ess
permeable;
hat
s,
partisan
olitics
ould
e
less
ikely
o
cross
he
boundary
nd
nfect
oreignolicy
ecision-making.
That
Professor
Crabb
refers o
the
loose
party
boundary
by
its
nonideological
ature
mphasizes
hat
his
cultural ode is
very
ifferent
from
ightly-boundedodes,
such
as
ideology
or
religion.
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88
King
Although
his
tatementf the
relationship
etweenhe wo
opposi-
tions s
theoretically
easonable,
t s not
upported
y variety
f
evidence.
Consider
hree
ontradictory
istorical
nd
cross-sectional
xamples.
First,lthoughheres considerablevidencehatAmericanolitical
parties
re
becoming
ore
ermeable,
oose,
nd
porous Crotty
nd
Jacob-
son,
1980),
heres also evidence-or
t
least
widespread
xpert pinion-
that
artisan
olitics
re
ncreasingly
nfecting
he
foreignolicy
rena.
As
evidence,
onsider hace
1978)
s
representative
f
scholarly,
ournalistic,
and other
pinion:
Thekind
f
broad
onsensushat btained
uring
he
postwar
ra ndwhich ecame
shibbolethfAmerican
oreignolicy
may
no
longer
e
possible
hort f war.
Consistent ith his s a dramaticncreasensuggestionsf howto
tighten
he
oreign-bipartisan/domestic-partisan
oundary.
hese
roposals
include
reating
d hoc
bipartisan
roups
n
congress
o follow
mportant
foreign olicy
ssues
Hamilton,
978),
ncreasingongressional
xpertise
(Rourke,1977),
establishing
ommitteesf
the
president's
abinet
nd
members f
congress
Manning, 977),
ncreasingolitically
esponsible
behavior
rom
merica's
eaders
Bax, 1977),
nd
having
he
president
ct
in
ways
which ould
ncouragearty
eaders
n
congress
o work
more lose-
ly ogethernforeignolicyssuesFryendRogers,979).Ofcourse, irect
empirical
nalyses
ould
be better
vidence f this
oint,
utnone
xist.4
Therefore,
n
thishistorical
xample,
he
trength
f the
boundary
n
each
of
thetwo
binary
ppositions
eemed o
vary
ogether-oosely
e-
fined
oundaries
etween
oreign
nd
domestic
olitics eing
more
ikely
when here re
oosely
efined
arties.
he nitial
ypothesis
f an
inverse
relationship,
lthough
onsistentith
onventional
isdom,
s not
upported
in
this
irst
xample.
As a
second
xample,
onsiderwo
ypes
f
people enerally
istinguish-
edby ocioeconomicevelswithducation eightedeavilynthedistinc-
tion).
Most
nalyses
ave
hown
olitical
arties
o be
more alient o
those
in
the
pper
ES
groups;
hese
roups
remore
olarized
long artisan
ines
and
aremore
ikely
o
dentify
ith,
nd
be
active
n,
a
political arty
han
lower ES
groups Ladd
and
Lipset,
971;
Ladd with
Hadley,
978).
However,
pper
ES
groups
re also
more
ikely
o
support
bipar-
tisan
oreign
olicy
nd to
prefer
ipartisan
oreignolicies.
or
example,
John
Mueller
1973:
Ch.
5)
identifies
follower
entality
s
characteriz-
ingpeoplewho, take s cuesfor heir wnopiniononwar nparticular
and on
foreign
ffairsn
general]
he
ssue
position
f
prominent
pinion
4There
s
much
esearch
hich
ould
usefully
stablish
his
elationship.
ne
example
might
be
to
content
nalyze
amples
f
debates n
the
House nd
Senate
loors n
foreign
nd
on
domestic
olicy
ssues.
evels
f
conflict
ould
hen
e
compared
nd
assessed.
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Political
arties
nd
Foreign
olicy
89
leaders,
specially
he
resident.
ueller's
urvey
nalyses
learly
how
hat
higher
ES
groups
ave
higher
roportions
f
followers.
It
may
eem
omewhat
ontradictory
hat
hose
n
upper
ES
groups
arebothmore artisanndmoreikelyobe followers, articularlyince
the
particular
ath
n
which
hey
re
following
he eader
may
not
be
con-
sistent ith
heir
elatively
trong
artisan
redispositions.owever,
omeone
with
clear
understanding
f
the
differences
etween
he
parties
s
likely
to
understandhen
his
oundary
hould
e
breached,
nd
would
herefore
be more
ikely
o
support
uch
n
action
nder
ppropriate
ircumstances.
Thus,
in
this
second
example,
for
those
groups
n
which
the
Republican/Democratic
oundary
s
tight,
he
bipartisan
oreign
olicy/par-
tisan omesticolicyoundarysalso ight.his sadditionalvidencegainst
the
original
ypothesis;
he
oppositions
o
seem
o
vary
ogether.
As
a
final
xample,
onsider
he
differences
etween
members
nd
leaders f
the
House of
Representatives.
ince
eadership
n
the
House s
solely
ased
on the
political
arty istinctions,
t
s
a
safe
ssumption
hat
the
Republican/Democratic
oundary
s
tighter
or he
eaders han he
members.
he
question
hen
oncerns
he
alience f
theother
pposition
to
these
wo
groups;
he
proposition
bove
ndicates
hat
his
oundary
s
tighteror hemembers,hile he wopreviousxamplesuggesthe everse.
Establishing
this
latter
possibility-that
the
porousness
of
the
Republican/Democratic
oundary
aries n
the
same
direction
s the
foreign/domestic
olicy
boundary-would
rovide
he first
ystematic
evidence f
this
bipartisan
oreign
olicy
ypothesis,
n
this
aper
r n
the
iterature.
With
oll
all
data from
he
first
ession
for
omparability)
f
each
of
five
ost-presidential
lection
ongresses
1961-1977),
his
uestion
an
be
explored.
y
ncluding
hose
otes n
which
he
president
ook
publicpositionseeCongressionaluarterly)nd
using
he
epresentative's
ote s
the
nit f
analysis,
hose oll
alls n
which
larger
roportion
f
represen-
tatives
oted
re
weighted
ore
eavily.
lthough
ome
epresentatives
ight
avoid
ontroversial
important )
otes,
cursory
xamination
f
roll
alls
indicates
hat
his
weighting
s
generally
n
ccord
with
onceptual
mportance.
A
potential
roblem
ith
he
nalysis
s the
lustering
f
observations
by
representative
nd
by
roll
all,
possibly
ausing
n
underestimation
f
the
tandard
rrors.
owever,
ecause
he
ata et
s so
arge154,709
oting
decisions),ll of thestandardrrorsrevery mall, nda corrections
therefore
ot
ikely
o
change
his
ppreciably.5
lso,
ince
many
ecisions
in
congress
re
concluded
ong
before r
entirely
ithout
formal
oll
all,
SSincehis
s
a
pooled
ross-sectional
esign,
eteroskedasticity
ould
roduce
nefficient
nd
biased
stimates. n
analysis
f the
residuals,
owever,
ndicates
o
major
problems.
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90
King
there
may
e
a
selection
ias
see
Barnow
t
l.,
1980). inally,
ecause
nly
the
first
ongressional
ession f
each
presidency
as
used,
honeymoon
effects
Manheim, 979) may
cause
problems. owever,
ecause
these
analyses
renot
losely
elatedoa
possible
oneymoon
ffect,t s
unlikely
to
greatly
lter
he
results.
urther
nalysis
f
other essions
ould
never-
theless e
very
seful.
ualifications
side,
hese
ataremain
mong
he
est
which re available t
present
o
analyze
hese
uestions.
In
order o facilitate
omparison,
ll
equations xplain
he
robability
of
voting
with he
president,
nd all control
or the effects
f
region
(north/south),
arty
eadership,
In
i.e.,
president's)
nd
Out
i.e.,opposi-
tion)
party
membership
Republican/Democraticarty
ifferencesre
not
very trongncomparisono In/Out arty ifferences),ssue rea,presi-
dent,
ndtime
eriod.
he
consequence
fthis
rocedure
s to
take
nto
c-
count
everal
lausible
ival
ypotheses
bout
oting
ith
he
resident.6
he
model s a
logistic
nalysis
f tabular ata. n
party
membersre
expected
to
support
he
resident
ore
hanOut
party
members.
n
the ase
of
bipar-
tisan
ecision-making,
he
n/Out
arty
plit
n
support
f the
president
s
hypothesized
o be
greater
n
domestichan n
foreign olicy
ecisions.
In
order
o
allow
for
he
possibility
hat
heres
more
ariation ithin
the road ategoriesfdomesticndforeignolicyhan etweenhem,here
are
three
oreign
olicy
nd
four
domestic
olicy
ategories
f
roll
calls.
This
oding
f
policy
ategories
s
consistent
ith
aried
esultsrom
eparate-
ly
onducted
tudies
see
Kessel
1974)
nd
Clausen
1973)
or
imilar
omestic
codings
nd
Hughes
1978)
for
imilar
oreign
olicy
odings)].
The
figures
re
presented
ith
ll
years
1961-1977)
ombined
ecause
preliminary
nalyses
ndicated
hat
imilar
elationships
enerally
old
up
over
ime nd
because f
he
enefitsf
aving
pace
nd
reducing
omplex-
ity. igure presentshepredictedalues fa logisticquationxplaining
the
robability
f
the
arty
eader
oting
ith
he
resident.'
stimated
ro-
babilities or
he n
and
Out
parties
cross he
even
olicy
reas
ppear
n
the
Figure.
he
arger
he
difference
etween
he n
and
Out
parties
or
particular
olicy
rea
the
vertical
istance
etween
he
ines
n
the
figure),
the
tronger
re
the
party
oundaries or
hat
policy
rea.
The first
hing
o
notice
bout
Figure
is
that,
s
expected,
n
party
membersf
the
House
of
Representatives
the
op
ine
n
the
igure)
upport
6Including
hese
tatisticalontrols
ubstantially
educeshe
ossibility
hateaders
nd
members
whovote
with he
president
o
so
by
coincidence
atherhan
esign.
7The ormal
eadership
f each
party
re the
nly
eal eaders
n
congress.
or
this
nalysis,
only
he
ighestanking
eader romach
arty
ho otess
considered.f he
op
hree
eaders
do notvote
excluding
he
peaker,
ho
by
raditionotes
nly
n
the ase
of a
tie),
he
oll
call s excluded
rom he
nalysis.
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Political
Parties and
Foreign
Policy
91
the
president
ar
more ften hanOut
party
members
the
ower
ine).
But
Figure
also
ndicates
hat
xcept
or efense
olicy
which ould
lausibly
be
explained
y
Vietnam
ecoming
ore
f
a domestic
han
foreign
olicy
issue which, ncidentally,upportshefirstxample,bove)-there s a
striking
ifference
n
eadership
upport
or
he
resident:
n
foreign
olicy,
the
probability
fan
In
party
ongressional
eader
upporting
he
resident
is
about
5
percentage
oints
more han ut
party
eaders
excluding
efense).
However,
his
plit
n
partyeadershipupport
or
he
resident
s about wice
as
great
n
the
our omestic
olicy ategories.
hus,
mong
he
arty
eader-
ship,
heres a clear
difference,
very ight
oundary,
etween
olitics
n
foreign olicy-which
ends o be
bipartisan-and olitics
n
domestic
policy which endsobepartisan.his s witnessedy he lear istinction
betweenhe eft nd
right
ides f the
figure.
In
a
parallel
resentation,
igure
displays
he ame
data,
but
for
he
general
membership
f
theHouse. The differenceetween
he wo
figures
is dramatic:
mong
he
members
heres
considerably
ess
distinction
i.e.,
looser
boundaries)
etween
oreign
nd domestic
olicy
decision-making
(i.e.,
betweenhe
eft nd
right
ides
f the
figure).
here
s,
however,
till
PROBABILITY
,
F THE
PARTY
.90
IN
PARTY
LEADER
VOTING
WITH
HE
.80
A
PRESIDENT
.70 /
.60
OUT
ARTY
.50
.40
.
\
.30
I
I
I
I
For-
For-
De-
So-
Gov't En-
Agri-
eign
eign
fense
cial
Mgt
ergy
culture
Trade
Aid Wel-
fare
POLICY AREA
Mg.
1.
In
and Out
party
eadership
upport
or he
president.
ource:
ercent-
ages
computed
rom he
PM,MI
ogit
model.
.f.
=
48,
G2
=
10667.35.
ote:
For ll
figures,
odel
bbreviations
re
s follows:ssue r
policy
rea
I),
Presi-
dent
P),
Party
eader's
ositionL),
and
party
embershipM).
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92
King
some
relationship.
or
example,
n
voting
or
foreign
id decisions
here
is
on the
average
o
In
and Out
party
ifference
n
the
probability
f a
representativeoting
with he
president.
n
contrast,
n the
government
managementategory,npartymembersreabout enpointsmoreikely
to votewith he
president
hanOut
party
members.
ut
although
hedif-
ferences
re
n
he orrect
irection,
he oundariesre
nowhereear s
tight
as
for
he
party
eaders
epresented
n
Figure
.
Thus
n this
xample,
s
in
the
previous
wo,
he
wo
binary pposi-
tions end o
vary
ogether:
hen he
Republican/Democratic
oundary
s
tight as
for
the
party eaders),
he
Foreign-Bipartisan/Domestic-Partisa
boundary
s also
tight.
When
here re
somewhat eaker
arty
istinctions
(as forHousemembers),herere lso ooser istinctionsetweenypesf
politics
bipartisan
r
partisan)
ndifferent
olicy
reas
foreign
r
domestic).
It is clear hat
n
alternative
xplanation
s
needed.
TWO
BINARY
OPPOSITIONS-ONE
UNDERLYING
STRUCTURE
The
nitial
roposition
asthat he
wo odesvaried
nversely:
hen
the
boundary
etween ne was
tight
he other houldbe loose. This
.79
.60
IN PARTY
PROBABILITY
MEMBER
OF
A
/
REPRESENTATIVE
50
VOTING
ITH
THE \ / / 1
PRESIDENT
.40
/
OUT
PARTY
V
MEMBER
.30
.20
.1o
I
I
I
I
I
I
.
Foreign
For- De- So- Gov't En-
Agri-
Trade eign fense cial Mgt ergy culture
Aid Wel-
fare
POLICY AREAS
Fig.
2. In and
Out
party epresentatives'
upport
or
hePresident. ource:
Percent-
ages computed
rom he
PLM,MI
logit
model. d.f.
=
108,
G2
=
4982.28;
MI com-
ponent:
d.f.
=
6,
G2
=
315.17.
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Political
Parties and
Foreign
Policy
93
proposition
although
ot
xtensivelyxplored
nthe iteraturewas
sup-
ported
y
plausible
rgument
nd conventional
olitical
ciencewisdom.t
appears
s comments
n
scholarly
rticles
ndas a well
nown
act
n
many
textbooks.owever,mpiricalvidencerom hreexamplesemonstrated
that hiswas
probably
ot
he
ase.
Rather,
he oundariesetweenhe
odes
seemed o
vary
ogether
when
necode
was
oose,
he ther ode
was oose
as
well. his eaves
s
with
vidence
f
relationship
ut
with o
explanation.
In
order o
derive n
explanation,
t s
mportant
o
recognize
hat
m-
plicit
n
thediscussion
hus
ar s that ach
of
these
inary
ppositions
s
a
signal
r
metaphoricymbol
or
he
ther.
t was
mplied
hat he
pposi-
tions
aried
ogether
r
apart
r that ne caused
heother.
An
alternative
formulation,ndthebasisfor he xplanationo beoffered,s that he wo
oppositions
re
metonymic;hey
re
ontiguous
oeach ther.
n other
ords,
one
binarypposition
s a structural
ransformationf
the ther:
ne
fun-
damental
tructure
nderliesothdistinctions.
Thecommon
tructuralasisfor
hese
wo odes s thedistinction
e-
tween we nd
they or,
more
enerally,
etween
same nd
different;
theformerre
usedbecause
hey
avemore irect elevanceo the urface-
level
elationships
f
nterest).
he
concept
f
we doesnothave
meaning
until he
pposingoncept
f
they
s
contrasted
nddefined.
his
distinc-
tion s
recognized
n
many
reas: For
example,
avid Truman's Wave
Theory
f
nterest
roup
ormations based n this istinction:
Organiza-
tion
egets ounterorganization,
e
writes
Truman,
956).
mplied
s that
withouthe
riginal
rganization,
he
ounterorganization
ouldnothave
defined
tself
s
a
group
as
we )
withouthe irst
roup orming
and
den-
tifying
hemselvess we and
everyone
lse as
they ).
The ame
rinciple
anbe
applied
o Middle astern
olitics:
oncomi-
tantwith he
harp
ncrease
n
mmigration
f
Jews o Palestine arlier
n
this enturynd their elf-identifications we, nd otherss they, as
the elf-definition
f
the
Arabs
iving
n
the rea as
we,
nd theJews s
they
Safran,
1978);
efforts
t
linguistic
istinctivenesslso
increased
during
his
period
Seckback,
974).
War,
for
example,
ould
not exist
withouthe
we/they
pposition.
There
re,
of
course,
many olitical
henomena
hich o
notderive
from
we/they
istinction,
s when
olitical
ction s based
on a sense f
community
r consensus.n thefirst
residential
lections,
or
xample,
political hetoricmphasizedhat hepolitical artyo whom he peaker
belonged
est
represented,
r
in
fact
ctually
as,
the
will
of
thenation.
JohnAnderson's
976 National
nity arty,
nd
Reagan's
984
ppeal
for new
patriotism
re more ecent
xamples.
The current
emocratic/Republican
pposition
an be reformulated
in this
manner as
my party/other
arty,
and the
Foreign-
Bipartisan/Domestic-Partisan
inary
opposition
can also be viewed as
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94 King
redefining
he
we/they
istinction.
nstead
f he ivision
eing
etween
ar-
ties,
t s betweenhe
U.S. and theworld
or
betweenheU.S. and
parts
ofthe
world).
rom
his
erspective,
hese wo
ppositions
re
really
urface-
level or content)manifestationsr transformationsfthe amewe/they
structural
pposition.
Thus
far
relationship
the
inary ppositions
aryingogether
and
an
underlying
xplanation
a
structural
dentity
have
been ssembled.
ut
althougheep
tructure
s of cademicnd
exploratory
nterest
and
remains
entirely
n
inference),
t s the
political
ontent
s
presently
onceptualized
that s more ften f interest
o
political
cientists.hese
findings
ust
thereforee related
ack o the
riginal
ubstantive
problem.8
n
sum,
why
is this tructuralelationshipf nterest?
The
basicobservations that
trong
nd
clearly
efined
olitical ar-
ties eadto the
bipartisanperation
f
foreignolicy
ndthe sual
partisan
operation
fdomestic
olicy.
he
xplanation
ollows
irectly:
ith
strong
parties,
hat s with
strong e/theypposition,
heres the
possibility
f
an
agreement
etweenhe
party
eaders;
he eaders an
speak
more on-
fidently
or
heir
arty
membersnd
can make
ompromises
ith
pposi-
tion
arty
eaders
more
asily.9
urthermore,
ipartisanship
i.e.,
nterparty
agreement)s mostikely hen he ssuedefineshewe/theyppositions
theUnited tates ersus
ther
ations;
f
course,
ipartisanship
s
possible
in
otherssue
reas,
ut t
seems
ikely
o be
most
requent
n
foreignolicy.
Thus,
strong,
ell-defined
epublican/Democratic
istinctioneads to
clearer
oundariesetween
oreignolicy
ipartisanship
nd
domestic
olicy
partisanship.
ased on
systematic
vidence,
his
ffectively
edefineshe
bipartisanoreignolicy ypothesis.
STRUCTURAL EXTENSIONS
There re
numerous
surface-level)
anifestationsf
the structural
we/theyinary
pposition.
xamples
rom
ruman's ave
heory
f
nterest
group
ormation
nd from
Middle
astern
olitics
ave
lready
een
pro-
vided.
Wide arietiesf
other
pplications
ould
e
explicated
n
onsiderable
detail.
For a few hort
xamples,
onsider:
xplanations
f social
group
solidarity;
rguments
or
he
psychological
nd
ociological
ecessity
f
the
8L6vi-Strauss
ight
avebeen atisfied
ere,
utfor
resent
urposes,
concentraten
using
structural
nthropology
o understand
he
urface-level
henomena
f
primary
nterest
o
political
cientists.
90n
evidenceor hose
ircumstanceshen
nter-group
ompetition
oesnot ead o n
group
cohesion.
ee
Tajfel 1982:
16);
Rabbie nd
deBrey1971);
Rabbie nd
Wilkens
1971);
Rab-
bie and
Huygen1974);
Rabbie t
al.
(1974);
nd Horwitz
nd Rabbie
1982).
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Political
arties nd
Foreign
olicy
95
family
r
ts
urrogates;
nderstanding
thnocentricity
nd
racism;
xplora-
tions fthe
rigins
fthe
nation-state;
xplanations
fthe
evelopment
fthe
politicalarty;
he
oyalty
or
ertain
roducts
hichome
dvertising
reates;
the ppeal f portsnd oyaltyo certaineamswhichrenot oincidently
named
or ocal
products
nd
ities);
nd he
remendous
ppeal
f he
Olym-
pics
one
television
etwork
itles ome
events s
The U.S. verses he
World ).
he ist ould
e extended.
nstead,
he
pproach
uggested
y
his
structuralist
ethod
n
this
aper
s imitedo
examining
ne
political
ssue
related o
the
original
wo
binary ppositions.
Another
urfaceevelmanifestation
fthe
we/theyinary pposition
is the nstitutional
ivalry
etween
ongress
nd the
presidency
n
the on-
duct fforeignolicy.Thisbinaryppositionuggestshatnforeignolicy
legislators
re more
ikely
o
cross
he
pposition
oundary
o
support
he
president.
n domestic
olicy,
owever,
he
ongress/presidency
oundary
becomes
more alient nd
support
or
he
president
hould
rop.
Thus
far,
party, olicy,
nd nstitutional
ppositions
n the evel f
political
niversals
avebeen dentified.
ll
three eem o be related o the
same
ocial-psychological
tructure.rabb
1957:7)
describes
ome f the
distinctions
etweenhese:
While he wo roblemsrelationsetweenhe artiesndrelationsetweenhe x-
ecutivend
egislative
ranchesare
ntimately
onnected,
nly
onfusion
anresult
from
egarding
hem
s
identical
roblems. armony ay revail
etweenhe wo
branchesf
government
oncerned ith
oreign
ffairs;
ut his act lone
will
not
guaranteeipartisano-operation
n
the
foreignolicy
ealm.
Crabb,
1957:
)
The
question
f boundariesetweenheHouse and the
presidency
s
explicitly
ddressed
yPolsby
1968).
An
institutionalized
rganization
e
argues
s,
nter
lia,
relatively
ell-bounded,
hat
s to
say,
differentiated
fromts
nvironment.
n
ncrease
n
this oundednessr nstitutionaliza-
tion sclearlybservedy decreasenthe urnoverfmembers,ncrease
in
the
verageength
f
service,
ncrease
n
the
eniority
f
successful
an-
didates or
peaker,
nd
sharp
ecline
f ateral
areer
movement,
n
and
out
oftheHouse
nd,
n
somenotable
ases,
lso
n
andoutofthe
peaker-
ship.
Thus,
here as
been,
ver
ime,
clearer
e/they
istinctionetween
congress
nd the
presidency.
From heconclusionbovethat he
trength
f the
boundaries
ary
in
the
ame
direction,
he
trongeroundary
etween
ongress
nd
tsen-
vironment,nd thusbetweenongressnd thepresidency,hould ead to
an increased
ossibility
f
agreement
etweenhe wo
branches
f
govern-
ment;
his
greement
hould e most
pparent
n
foreign
ffairs where
he
we/they
pposition
s
reformulatedo
provide
ncentive
or
congres-
sional/presidential
onsensus.
It should e noted hat he
ongress/presidency
istinctions an nstitu-
tional
opposition,
whereas he
others re
cognitive
r
social
oppositions.
he
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96
King
congress/presidencypposition
robably
riginated
n the asis f
cognitive
oppositions
elevant
o the
founders,
ut his nstitutional
istinction,
nce
in
place,
probably ncouraged
nd
exaggerated
he
we/theyognitive
p-
position. he distinctionlurswhen onsideringolitical artieswhich,
although
ever formal
art
f
American
overnment,
avebeen
nsitu-
tionalizedince ts
nception.
Although
he
ongressional/presidential
oundary
s
clearly
ecoming
tighterPolsby,
968),
t s not
pparent
rom
he
iteraturehether
n
foreign
affairs
hishas resulted
n
the
predicted
ncrease n
agreement
etween
members
f
ongress
nd he
resident.
hat
s oftenalled
he wo
residen-
cies iterature
based
n
the
hypothesis
yWildavsky1966)]
s
far rom
on-
sensus n either he evelor the trend f congressionalupport orthe
president
n
foreign
ersus omestic
ffairs.
n
fact,
ven
given
he
plausi-
ble
case
Wildavsky
makesfor
t,
there xists
o
satisfactory
ystematic
evidence
f
this
ypothesis.
It
s
nteresting
hat
ublished
ork
n
the wo
presidencies
nd
bipartisan
oreign
olicy
iteratures
arely
ite achother
or
build
n
each ther's
ork.
he
tructuralist
pproach
mployed
ere
elps
make his
onnection.)
For
example,
eLoup
ndShull
1979)
pdate
Wildavsky'snalysis
nd
appear ofindupportor is hesishat ongressionalupportor he resi-
dent s
greater
n
foreign
han n domesticffairsutfind
hat
he elation-
ship
s not s
strong
n
recent
ears.
he
problem
ith
his
nalysis,
nd
with
Wildavsky's
riginal
rticle,
s that heirmeasure f
support
s no
longer
being ompiled
y Congressional
uarterly
ecause f what
CQ
calls
ts
dubious
uality.
ee
Sigelman
1979)
uses differenteasure
nd finds
no
appreciable
ifferenceetween
oreign
nd
domestic
upport.
or
potential
problems
ith he
Sigelman
tudy
ee
LeLoup
and
Shull
1980).
In
order o
provide
more
ystematic
xaminationf this
uestion,
thedataanalyzednFigures and2 canbeexamined urther.gaindata
are
presented
or he
membersndthe
party
eaders. he
hypothesis
s
that
as a
consequence
f
the
ight
oundaries
etween
ongress
nd the
presi-
dent,
oth
he
eadersndmembers
ill
upport
he
resident
ore
n
foreign
than n
domestic
ffairsoll
alls.
urthermore,
rom
he ffects
f
tratifica-
tion bserved
bove,
he
elationship
hould e
stronger
mong
he eaders
than he
followers.
Figure reports redicted
alues f
a
logisticquation xplaining
he
probabilityf he artyeader oting ith he residentor ach f he even
policy
reas. t
suggests
hat,
ith
efense
olicy
s
a
possible
xceptiongain,
leadership
ecisions n
foreign
ffairsre farmore
ikely
o be
supportive
ofthe
resident
han
redecisions
n
domestic
ffairs. he
difference
s also
striking:
he
probability
f
congressional
eader
f
either
arty
oting
ith
the
presidentpproachescertainty
or
foreign
ffairs ut remains full25
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98 King
.80
.70
PROBABILITY
.60
OF
A
REPRESENTATIVE
VOTING WITH
.50
THE
PRESIDENT
.4o_
.30
.20
For- For-
De-
So-
Gov't En-
Agri-
eign eign
fense
cial
Mgt ergy
culture
Trade
Aid Wel-
fare
POLICY AREA
Fig.
4.
Party
membership
upport
or he
President.
ource:
ercentages
omputed
fromhe LM,I ogitmodel. .f.= 114,G = 5297.41; LMcomponent:.f.= 19,G
=
39665.76.
therest f
ts
environment).
histrend an
easily
e seen s
resulting,
n
part,
rom
greaterresidential
nvolvement
n
the
egislative
rocess
David-
son and
Oleszek,
981:
36-9;
Wayne,
978:
8,
passim).
n
other
words,
s
a
method
f
protecting
tself
rom
residentialegemony,ongress
as
set
up
nstitutional
rocedures
hich
mphasize
ecision-making
ecentralization.
One ndicationf theprobable onsequence
f
congressad becomemorecentralizeds the
greater
upport
or he
presidentmong
he
formal
arty
leadership:
entralizationould
ive
he eadersmore
nfluence,
hich
n
turn,
ould
robably
romoteresidential
ominance.
he
urrent
strategy
of
decentralizationone
ofdivide r
be
conquered preservesongressional
prerogative.
arbara
inckley
1978:
06)provides
everal
mportant
llustra-
tions f
this
rgument:
The
eniority
ystem
reates
committee
eadershipndependent
f
party
eaders
n-
cluding
he
resident.pecialization
n
committeesnd ubcommitteesan
generatesubgovernmentsmpenetrableopresidentialnfluence. idtermlectionsounter
the ffect
f
Presidential
oattailsromhe
receding
lection,
utting
ack fterwo
years
f a
four-year
erm he
first
ull
trength
f a
president'sartisan
upport.
While the
institutionsnd
groups
mentionedbove
become
very
cohesive
n
the
face
of
stronger
oundaries
e.g.,
what nites he
ountry
better
han
goodwar?),
learer oundaries
n
the
we/they
istinction
ave,
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Political arties
nd
Foreign
olicy
99
in
the
congressional
xample, iscouraged
ntra-group
ohesion.
Always
jealous
f
ts
ower
nd
position,ongress
ook
he
ogical
pproach
whether
intended
r
not)
of
decentralizing
nd,
s
a
result,
educing
residential
n-
fluence.hat s, becausehererefewermembersho an nfluencearge
numbers
ftheir
olleagues,
henumber
f
points
t which
residents
ust
attempt
o
influence
he
congress
s...that much
more.
Davis,
1979).
Therefore,
he
esult
f
stronger
oundaries,
nthis
ase,
s ess
presidential
influence
n
congress
nd
less
nstitutional
greement.
CONCLUSIONS
In
the
anguage
f
tructural
nthropology,
eep
tructure,
nthe
orm
of
the
we/they
inary pposition,
eems
o
havebeen
dentified.
everal
surface-level
i.e.,
content
atherhan
tructural)
anifestations
ave
been
explored
nd
explained.
eminiscent
fLevi-Strauss'
laborate
ontingency
tables
xpressing
nderlying
tructure
n terms f
all
possible
ombinations
of
cultural
rtifact,
his
nalysis
lso found
hat he ranslation
rocess
rom
structure
o surface-level
henomena
as notbeen
uniform.
Profound istoricalhangesn,anddynamicsf,political arties,
congressional-presidential
elations,
ipartisanship
erses
artisanship,
nd
policy
rea
ffects
an
llbe
usefully
nderstood
ithinhis
ramework.
ore
formally,
tructural
nalogies
etweenhe
following
ave
been
stablished:
we:they::Republican:Democrat::foreign
olicy:domestic olicy::con-
gress:president.
hen he
boundaries
etween
ny
f these
airs
s
strong,
the
boundary
etween
ny
other
air
s
also
likely
o
be
strong.
This
pproach
as also
helped
o connectnd
relate
wo iteratures
the twopresidenciesnd the bipartisanoreignolicy iteratureswith
currently
ew ross-references
utwith umerousubstantive
nd tructural
relationships.
his
aper
asdemonstrated
ome f
he
enefits
f
onsidering
these wo
iteratures
imultaneously.
The
pproach
as
lso ed
o
theoretical
ustification
f
nd
ystematic
evidence
or
both
he
bipartisan
oreign
olicy
nd
the
two
presidencies
hypotheses.
n
analysis
f
more
han nehundred
nd
fifty
housand
oting
decisions
rom
ive
residential
erms
ometimes
upports
oth
hypotheses,
but he
elationship
s
substantiallytronger
mong
he
eaders
han
mong
the membersf the U.S. HouseofRepresentatives.hus,conventional
wisdom-
which
may
be based
more n
this
highly
isible
roup-is
more
plausible
hen
eparate
ypotheses
re
pplied
o
congressional
eaders
nd
members.
The
analysis
as
also
helped
o
clarify
he
unique osition
f
the
arty
leadership
n
congresscross-pressured
tthe ntersection
ftwo
tructural
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100
King
oppositions.
he
congress/presidency
pposition
ncourages
he eaders
o
sidewith
ongress
nd
gainst
he
resident.
t
suggests
hat
he
eaders esist
presidentialttempts
t
persuasion
nd
protectongressional
rerogative.
However,heRepublican/Democraticpposition usheshese eadersna
different
irection.or
n
decentralized
rganizations
uch s theU.S. con-
gress,
nformations
power;
o,
to
acquire
nformationnd
perhaps
presidential
ndorsementf
favored
olicy bjectives,
he
eaders ave
n-
centiveso
associatewith he
president.
his
ssociation
ives
he eaders
more fa
presidential
erspective
han ther
members
which esults
n
far
greater
upport
or
he
residenty
he
eaders han
y
he
eneral
member-
ship.Being
leader
n
the
U.S.
House,then,
as
consequences
or
ogni-
tion hat eing memberoesnothave.Theresult or hepartyeadership
is
a
difficult
osition
nd an
ambiguous
ole.
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