The American University in Cairo

School of Humanities and Social Sciences

PIETY AND POWER: PIOUS ENDOWMENTS IN THE BAHRĪ MAMLŪK PERIOD, 1250-1382

A Thesis Submitted to

the Department of Arab and Islamic Civilizations

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for

the degree of Master of Arts in Arabic Studies

by

Muhammad Hafez Shaaban

Bachelor of Arts in History

(under the supervision of Dr. Nelly Hanna)

December 2015

The American University in Cairo

Piety and Power: Pious Endowments in the Bahrī Mamlūk Period, 1250-1382

A Thesis Submitted by

Muhammad Hafez Shaaban

to the Department of Arab and Islamic Civilizations

December/2015

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for

the degree of Master of Arts in Arabic Studies

has been approved by

Dr. Nelly Hanna

Thesis Committee Chair / Advisor ________________________________________

Distinguished Professor of Middle East History, The American University in Cairo

Dr. Leonor Fernandes

Thesis Committee Reader / Examiner _________________________________________

Associate Professor of Middle East History, The American University in Cairo

Dr. Amina Elbendary

Thesis Committee Reader / Examiner ________________________________________

Associate Professor of Middle East History, The American University in Cairo

_________________________ _______ ____________________ _______

Department Chair Date Dean Date

I

Dedication

To the fourteenth-century scribes who have made my eye sight a little poorer.

II

Acknowledgements

This thesis would never have been completed without the help and encouragement of many people that I have had the pleasure of meeting during my time at AUC. I have benefited immensely from their kind mentorship and support while completing my thesis, which would not have been possible without them.

My time as a graduate student was made much easier with the help and kindness of Mrs. Maggie Daoud and Mrs. Marwa Sabry. Mrs. Marwa Sabry in particular endured my endless requests and was always there when I needed help. Professor W. Matt Malczycki was one of the professors that made graduate studies at AUC worthwhile. His course on historiography my first year at AUC was one of the toughest classes and the most rewarding as well. Professor Saiyad Nizamuddin Ahmad continually provided advice and introduced me to Islamic and Arabic codicology that helped me navigate the sources used in this thesis. My life as a graduate student was made easier due to his kindness and helpfulness. Professors Amina ElBendary Leonor Fernandes deserve special thanks for reading my thesis and providing me with insights on how to improve it. Professor Fernandes especially deserves special thanks for her assistance in my understanding of Mamluk period endowments. This thesis would not have been possible without the support of Professor Nelly Hanna. Not only did she wade through my thesis and make corrections during the length process, it was her enthusiasm for my academic endeavors that really helped me see the light at the end of the tunnel. Her unyielding support and mentorship made my time at AUC rewarding.

My time at AUC was made more fruitful by the friends I made along the way. It is unimaginable to think of graduate school without the many debates and conversations I had with Paul Williams. Our explorations of medieval Cairo were both hysterically funny and educational. Walid Asfour has been a constant source of light throughout my life in Cairo. His humor and kindness have been a source of strength while we trudged through academic life. My long walks through Cairo with my uncle, Samir Shaaban, have become one of my most treasured memories. The ideal gentleman, a best friend and loving uncle; I can never repay him for the kindness he has showered on his nephew.

I owe special thanks to my parents who have supported my academic endeavors and my expensive habit of collecting books. I have been very fortunate to be their son. Finally, I would like to thank my wife, Rudina Ahmed Helal. My life has been made immeasurably better by your constant support.

III

Table of Contents

Dedication ........................................................................................................................................ I

Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... II

List of Tables ................................................................................................................................... V

List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. VI

Abbrevations ................................................................................................................................. VII

Transliteration .............................................................................................................................. VIII

Chapter 1 ......................................................................................................................................... 2

Introduction: The Importance of Waqf Studies .......................................................................... 2

Awqaf and Political Objectives ............................................................................................... 4

New Land Tenure Patterns ..................................................................................................... 5

Power, Legitimacy and Architecture ....................................................................................... 6

Sources ........................................................................................................................................ 7

Waqfiyyas as a Source ............................................................................................................ 7

Mamluk Architecture as a Source ......................................................................................... 11

Chronicles and Historical Narratives ..................................................................................... 11

Modern Scholarship .............................................................................................................. 12

The Political Milieu of the Late Bahrī Period ........................................................................ 18

Chapter 2 ....................................................................................................................................... 28

New Land Tenure Patterns and Endowments .......................................................................... 28

New Land Tenure Patterns ................................................................................................... 29

Nazir al-waqf: Inheritance and Power through Endowments .............................................. 35

al-Dīwān al-Mufrad: An end to Qalāwunid land tenure? ..................................................... 41

Chapter 3 ....................................................................................................................................... 45

Power, Legitimacy and Architecture ............................................ Error! Bookmark not defined.

Endowed Institutions & Dynastic Space ............................................................................... 48

The Dynastic Space of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn: Qalāwun’s Heirs versus Usurping Amirs .............. 63

Awqaf & Political Relationships: al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s Third Reign ................................... 69

Barquq: The End of the Qalāwunid Dynasty ......................................................................... 85

Chapter 4 ....................................................................................................................................... 89

Conclusion: Endowments and the Mamluk Empire .................... Error! Bookmark not defined.

Appendix ....................................................................................................................................... 93

Bibliography ................................................................................................................................ 119

IV

Primary Sources ...................................................................................................................... 119

Published Waqf Deeds ........................................................................................................ 119

Published Primary Sources ................................................................................................. 125

Secondary Sources .............................................................................................................. 129

V

List of Tables Table A: Early Mamluk Rulers and Their Endowments, 1250-1341 ............................................. 26

Table B: Agricultural Properties Included in Amir Ṣargitmish’s Endowment ............................... 32

Table C: Egyptian Agricultural Properties Included in Sultan Ḥassan’s Endowment ................... 34

Table D: Changes in Land Tenure Patterns From Later Qalāwunids to the Reign of Barquq ....... 94

Table E: Father-Son Succession During the Burji Period (1382-1517) .......................................... 97

Table F: Regal Titles ...................................................................................................................... 98

Table G: Royal Titles of Sultan Qalāwun and al-Ashraf Khalīl ..................................................... 102

Table H: Inscriptions of Mamluk Amirs ....................................................................................... 104

Table I: al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s Royal Progeny ............................................................................ 106

Table J: Royal Titles of Sultan Qalāwun and al-Ashraf Shaʿbān .................................................. 107

Table K: Comparison of Royal Titles (Sultan Baybars, the Qalāwunids & Barquq)..................... 109

VI

List of Figures Figure A: Endowed Mosques and Madrasahs during the Fourteenth Century ............................ 23

Figure B: Excerpt from Sultan al-Ashraf Shaʿbān’s Waqfiyya ....................................................... 41

Figure C Madrasa of Sultan al-Ẓāhir Baybars .............................................................................. 111

Figure D: Bayn al-Qaṣrayn in the Early Bahrī Mamluk Period .................................................... 112

Figure E: Inscription on the Lintel above the Windows to the Right Side of Qalāwun’s Complex Entrance Portal ........................................................................................................................... 113

Figure F: Inscription on Top of the Entrance Portal of Qalāwun’s Complex .............................. 114

Figure G: The Brass Door Knockers of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s Complex on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn .... 115

Figure H: The Entrance Portal to the Complex of Sultan al-Nāṣir Muḥammad .......................... 116

Figure I: The Sabīl of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad at the Complex of Qalāwun .................................... 117

Figure J: Lintel Over the Entrance Portal to the Complex of Sultan al-Nāṣir Muḥammad ......... 118

VII

Abbrevations

*AI Annales Islamologiques *EI2 Encyclopedia of Islam, New Edition, 12 vols., Leiden-Paris,1960–2004 *al-Khiṭaṭ (I) al-Mawāʻiẓ wa-al-iʻtibār fī dhikr al- khiṭaṭ wa-al-āthār, 2 vols., Cairo: Dār

al-Ṭibāʿah al-Miṣrīyah, 1853-1854. *al-Khiṭaṭ (II) al-Mawāʻiẓ wa-al-iʻtibār fī dhikr al-khiṭaṭ wa-al-āthār, Ayman Fu'ad Sayyid

(ed.), 5 vols., London: al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation, 2002-04. *MSR Mamlūk Studies Review *RCEA Repertoire chronologique d 'épigraphie arabe, Cairo: Institut Francais

d'Archeologie Orientale, 1931-1991.

VIII

Transliteration

m م gh غ sh ش kh خ ʾ ء

n ن g ف ṣ ص d د b ب

h ه q ق ḍ ض dh ذ t ت

w و k ك ṭ ط r ر th ث

y ي l ل ẓ ظ z ز j ج

ʿ ع s س ḥ ح

-al ال h,t ة

ـ ــ u ـ ـ a ـ i ـ

ــ ــ an ـ ــ un ـ In ـ

Ī ي ū و ـ ā آ

ـ ـيـ ūw وــ ā ا ـ īy (medial) , ī (final)

ـ á ى Ay يـ aw و

ـ Ay يـ Transliteration follows the practice of Mamlūk Studies Review. Arabic words are in general

italicized and those that are not well known include diacritical marks. Words used throughout

the book and therefore not requiring diacritical marks, or italicization, include sultan, amir,

Mamluk, and or the various dyanasties (Fatimid, Ayyubid, Bahri Mamluk) with the exception of

official titles or document headings. The term mamluk refers to a manumitted military slave,

while Mamluk refers to the regimes from the thirteenth through sixteenth centuries.

1

Piety and Power: Pious Endowments in the Bahrī Mamlūk Period, 1250-1382

Muhammad Hafez Shaaban

2

Chapter 1

Introduction: The Importance of Waqf Studies

The narrative chronicles that document the Mamluk Empire frequently mention the

various religious endowments of their day. Their importance to the social, political and economic

spheres of the Mamluk Empire is evident by the numerous treatises written about them.1 The

impressive amount of endowed buildings built from the mid-thirteenth century till the early

sixteenth century ultimately poses a serious question to modern historians, why did endowed

buildings become so prominent during the Mamluk Empire? As the majority of these complexes

were funded by pious endowments (sing. waqf, pl. awqaf) founded by the Mamluk military and

civilian elite, the answer can be investigated through their use of pious endowments and their

objectives. This institution offers historians a unique opportunity to study the Mamluk power

structure since it has left copious amounts of historical sources in the form of a legal document:

waqfiyya or ḥujjat waqf (endowment deed). Almost every major Mamluk sultan or amir endowed

a religious establishment of some sort and left behind legal documents allowing historians an

opportunity to view an institution, and therefore power structures related to it, over a long

period of time with ample data. The stipulations within these documents provide a wealth of

1 For an example see: Yehoshua Frenkel, Ḍawʾ al-sarī li-maʻrifat habar Tamīm al-Darī: On Tamim al-Dari and His Waqf in Hebron (Leiden: Brill, 2014). This work actually contains critical editions of Mamlūk period treatises on endowments and land tenure written by al-Maqrīzī (764-845/1364-1442), Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī (773-852/1372-1449) and al-Suyūṭī (845-911/1445-1505).

3

information: salaries, land tenure patterns, social and/or political networks, and even dynastic

ambitions. This data points to a key element: an informal mechanism to obtain, assert or

legitimize power. Pious endowments provided a highly flexible mechanism, outside of the formal

power structure of the Mamluk state, which allowed the Mamluk military elite to achieve

political goals.

The power structure of the Mamluk state was derived in theory from the authority of the

sultan. His ability to assign military and administrative positions to various amirs along with the

financial rewards those positions entailed, provided him with the ability to dominate this power

structure. Royal patronage was awarded to various Mamluk amirs in return for loyalty and

service to the ruler. The main financial reward for these positions was the iqṭaʿ.2 Its importance

in financially maintaining the political structure of the Mamlūk state is shown through the

literature of the period in which it was commonly referred to as khubz (bread).3 However, this

assignment could be revoked or reassigned since it did not come with hereditary rights as in the

case of medieval European fiefs. The scholarly consensus has been that this insecurity encouraged

2 Although not truly equivalent to the European fief there are some general similarities. The iqṭaʿ provided the financial means for a warrior to equip himself and his entourage. However during the Mamlūk period it was not generally hereditary, although there were exceptions to the rule. For research on this feudal system see: A. N. Poliak, Feudalism in Egypt, Syria, Palestine and Lebanon, 1250-1900 (London: The Royal Asiatic Society, 1939). Also see: Ḥasanayn Muḥammad Rabīʿ, "The Size and Value of the Iqṭaʿ in Egypt 564-741 A.H./1169-1341 A.D," in Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East, ed. Michael A. Cook (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), 129-138. For more recent studies of the iqṭaʿ system see: Tsugitaka Sato, State and Rural Society in Medieval Islam: Sultans, Muqtaʻs, and Fallahun (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1997). Idem., "The Evolution of the Iqṭāʿ System under the Mamlūks: An Analysis of al-Rawk al-Ḥusāmī and al-Rawk al-Nāṣiri," Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 37 (1979): 99-131. 3 The word khubz (sing.) or akhbaz (plural) is used to mean iqṭaʿ. See: Felicita Tramontana, “Khubz as Iqṭāʿ in Four Authors from the Ayyubid and Early Mamlūk Periods,” MSR XVI (2012): 103-122.

4

the Mamluk elite to create endowments in order to maintain a more permanent control of these

limited assets for their offspring. However, it was the political machinations by members of the

Mamluk elite that drove this phenomenon in the fourteenth century. Those political actors that

sought what van Steenbergen termed “effective power” created endowments and fueled an

unprecedented urban development in Cairo’s history.4 This study intends to investigate how

pious endowments were used as a mechanism to strengthen a political actor’s position by

investigating endowments in their entirety not just a single aspect (financial, symbolic, etc.) as

most studies have done in the past.

Awqaf and Political Objectives

The sultan in theory could enforce his authority through several mechanisms found in the

formal power structure: through the use of force (utilizing his control of the army and especially

his own household mamluks), through influence (appointing supporters to offices within the

state) and by granting favors or gifts. In addition to these, the sultan and the Mamluk elite

would use an institution found in Islamic law, waqf. Although its concepts and legal parameters

were determined by fiqh (jurisprudence), which gave it the added benefit of legal and religious

protection, the institution provided flexibility that was used to generate various forms of capital:

political, economic and cultural. Outside the formal power structure of the Mamluk state, the

institution of waqf offered a mechanism to accumulate these different types of capital and utilize

4 Jo Van Steenbergen, Order Out of Chaos: Patronage, Conflict and Mamluk Socio-Political Culture, 1341-1382 (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 53-122.

5

them towards the waqīf’s or founder’s political aspirations. Changes in the formal power structure

of the Mamluk state during the fourteenth century were mirrored in the ways which pious

endowments were used. As the power of sultan was continually tested, especially after the death

of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad (741/1341), endowments were employed to garner power outside of the

formal power structure. This study will illustrate how during times of political and economic

stability, the Mamluk elite used pious endowments to expand their influence and mark their

dominance on the physical landscape, while at times of instability or of crisis they used pious

endowments to financially and politically stabilize their regime, with varying degrees of success.

By investigating mainly the institutions of waqf sulṭani (royal waqfs) of the fourteenth century, it

will become apparent that pious endowments were actively used by the Mamluk elite to cope

with the changing power structure of the fourteenth century.

New Land Tenure Patterns

The first chapter will show how the finances of pious endowments evolved over the

course of the fourteenth century. The restructuring of the land tenure system during the third

reign of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad (r. 709-41/1310-41) would have unintended consequences. With

the consolidation of power in the hands of the sultan, he controlled the lifeline of the aristocracy

and state, iqṭaʿat (fiefs). However, after his passing the Qalāwūnid rulers lacked this control.

Coupled with the changing economic situation during the fourteenth century, the Mamluk elite

had to develop new ways of obtaining the necessary financial resources to maintain their power.

6

They created pious endowments in order to cope with the changing political and economic

situations. As naẓir (administrator) of a pious endowment, they would have access to any

revenue not spent on salaries or other stipulations they themselves wrote in the endowment

deed. The Qalāwūnids used this institution to build private reservoirs of financial resources as

well as to bind powerful senior Mamluk officials to their cause, by ensuring them hefty financial

rewards through positions in their royal endowments.5 These efforts might not have created a

permanent hereditary system but it would create a lasting idea of Qalāwūnid regal stature for

much of the fourteenth century. In order to understand these changes, this study will analyze

landholding patterns of the royal endowments, alongside the sultan’s milk (private) landholdings

as well, to ascertain if the narrative sources are correct that during the latter half of the Bahri

period endowments began to generate larger excess financial capital. The stipulations of the royal

endowments will also be studied to show how later Qalāwūnids tried to pass financial resources

to their heir(s) and bind high ranking Mamluk officials to their cause.

Power, Legitimacy and Architecture

The second chapter will illustrate how the physical remains of pious endowments, i.e. the

buildings themselves, were used to strengthen claims of kingship. The Qalāwūnid sultans were

particularly adept at this particular usage to bolster their claim of hereditary right. Narrative

sources provide us with examples of how endowed institutions, like the complex of Sultan 5 The use of pious endowments was not invented by the Qalāwūnids or even the Mamluks but was adopted by previous regimes dating back to the Saljuqs, who influenced the Zangids who in turn influenced the Ayyubids. This influence, which is important, is beyond the scope of this study.

7

Qalāwūn, were used as places for state ceremonies tying Mamluk amirs to the Qalāwūnid sultan.

They were also used as propaganda tools, expressing to the public both their political power and

pious intentions, operating along the same lines as modern billboards with their inscriptions

influencing public opinion. Royal pious endowments created a familiar bond not only between

direct heirs of the endower, or waqīf, but with those of his political allies or subordinates. Their

use of endowed institutions to build and strengthen claims of kingship will be established by

studying the epigraphic evidence of these endowments and their physical presence within the

urban fabric of Cairo. While several scholars, who will be discussed later, have already studied

the financial rewards that the ruling elite solicited from endowments, the power they generated

from their architectural works has not received as much attention since Humphrey’s study on the

“expressive intent” of Mamluk architecture in 1972.6 The amount of effort expended to create

these works of art meant the patrons considered the building(s) just as important as the financial

aspects, therefore it is just as important to understand the context in which these monuments

were created and their intent. These monumental constructions arguably provided as much

incentive for their patrons to create them, as did the financial ones.

Sources

Waqfiyyas as a Source

6 R. Humphreys, “The Expressive Intent of the Mamlūk Architecture of Cairo: A Preliminary Essay,” Studia Islamica 35 (1972): 69-119. There have been a few studies that use architecture to discuss the political history of the Mamlūk state. For one of the most important, see: Nasser Rabbat, Mamluk History through Architecture: Monuments, Culture, and Politics in Medieval Egypt and Syria (London: I.B. Tauris, 2010).

8

One of the reasons that makes such a study feasible is that the Mamluk period has left a

large amount of documentary sources for historians in the form of endowment deeds, also

known as a waqfiyya or ḥujjat waqf. Some forty-six waqf documents from the Bahrī period alone

are cataloged by Muḥammad Muḥammad ʿAmīn in the Egyptian National Archive.7 It is a legal

document in which a founder (waqīf), who meets the requirement of ‘compos mentis’,

immobilizes legally owned property and the revenue generated from it towards a charitable

institution or cause in perpetuity. In order for it to be inviolable, it would follow a formula set

out in legal works, required the approval of the Qadī al-Quḍat (chief judges) of each of the four

madhhabs and its registration with the dīwan al-awqaf. It should be kept in mind that there were

several types of endowments, each of which deserves a separate study for this period.8 However,

the main type of endowments discussed here is the awqaf al-ahliyya. In theory, the document

should minutely document the properties endowed, the day to day operations of the institution,

the salaries of employees of the foundation, and the succession of its administration, usually

beginning with the founder and then his or her descendants. However, waqf documents remain

to be thoroughly examined and utilized and need to be viewed with caution.9 As with all legal

documents, what is not written is just as important as what is.

7 Muḥammad Muḥammad ʿAmīn, al-Awqaf wa-al-Ḥayah al-Ijtimaʿīyah fī Miṣr, 648-923 A.H./1250-1517 A.D. (Cairo: Dār al-Nahḍah al-ʿArabīyah, 1980). 8 For information on the various forms of pious endowments see: al-Maqrīzī, al-Khiṭaṭ (I), 2:294-296. 9 An exhaustive research on the surviving waqf documents presented in Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn’s catalog has yet to be done.

9

Several issues develop once any waqf document is closely examined. It must be

remembered that a waqfiyya is a legal document meant to protect the institution and ultimately

the founder’s wishes. The regulations and requests of the founder speak just as loud as the lack of

information on other aspects of the endowment structure. The document is minutely descriptive

in documenting certain aspects such as the property endowed or the salaries and benefits of the

institution’s employees, but remains aloof on subjects such as projected income. Although it

would have been impossible to inscribe the specific income of each property since it would

naturally vary, specific information about it was left out which might have been purposely done

to protect capital accumulation.

Another concern is that several endowments grew in size or shrank over periods of time.

Many founders included clauses within the waqfiyya allowing the supervisor of the waqf to use

surplus money to expand the endowment (or in periods of financial strain, a clause allowed the

naẓīr to judicially make cuts). These later additions undoubtedly occurred but are often found

accidently by scholars studying other documents, but more will probably found with more

thorough studies. An example is found in the waqf of Ḥammām al-Sukkariyya which had

originally been part of Sultan Qalāwūn’s endowment.10 Overall, the waqfīyat provide reliable data

for early period of an endowment’s history.11

10 Hamza ʿAbd al-ʿAziz Badr and Daniel Crecelius, “The Waqfiyya of Two Hammams in Cairo Known as al-Sukkariyya,” in Le Waqf dans l’Espace Islamique Outil de Pouvir Socio-Politique (Damascus: l’Institut Français d’Études Arabes de Damas, 1995), 138. 11 For a more in-depth analysis as to why waqfiyyas provide a reliable source of information about endowments in their early stages see: Leonor Fernandes, "Notes on a New Source for the Study of Religious Architecture during the

10

Thirdly the waqfīyat that have survived till the present day are highly skewed in favor of

endowments created by sultans or powerful amirs. This might be a result of selective bias of the

Ottomans and their adaptation of local waqf policy to enhance their own position within a newly

conquered territory.12 In other words, certain endowments might have survived do to the new

situation under Ottoman authority. The larger and more financial robust endowments would

have been desirable for the new authorities to keep running. Another probability was that these

institutions, with their larger endowments and symbolic status within society, were able to

survive longer than those endowments created by individuals with much smaller means. There

are surviving documents from the awlad al-nas, literally the “children of the people” which was a

term used for the offspring of mamluks, which provide an interesting insight into a little

understood sub-section within Mamluk society.13 However, since the aim of this investigation is

to understand how waqf was used by the Mamluk elite, particularly the sultan or the amirs at the

apex of the hierarchy, this skewed selection of documents will not harm investigation but should

Mamlūk Period: The Waqfīya," al-Abḥath 33 (1985): 3-12. Also see Carl F. Petry, "A Geniza for Mamluk Studies? Charitable Trust (Waqf) Documents as a Source for Economic and Social History," MSR II (1998): 51-60. 12 Several of the waqf documents we have actually were For more information on pious endowments in Ottoman Egypt see: Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Egypt's Adjustment to Ottoman Rule: Institutions, Waqf and Architecture in Cairo, 16th and 17th centuries (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994). 13 Stephan Conermann and Suad Saghbini, “Awlād al-Nās as Founders of Pious Endowments: The Waqfīyah of Yaḥyá ibn Ṭūghān al-Ḥasanī: of the Year 870/146,” MSR 6 (2002): 21-50. Also see: Hani Hamza, “Some Aspects of the Economic and Social Life of Ibn Taghrībirdī Based on an Examination of His Waqfīyah,” MSR 7, no. 1 (2008): 139-172. For a study on awlad al-nas during the Mamluk period, see: Ulrich Haarmann, “Arabic in Speech, Turkish in Lineage: Mamluks and Their Sons in the Intellectual Life of Fourteenth-Century Egypt and Syria,” Journal of Semitic Studies 33, no. 1 (1988): 81-144.

11

be remembered as the nature of these endowments are discussed. These particular endowments

were different and had much wider intentions that those founded by less influential individuals.

Mamluk Architecture as a Source

In addition to the legal documentation of each endowed institution are the physical

remains, the actual extant buildings. These provide context and clues to the founder’s motivations

that are missing with the endowment deed. The epigraphic data provides researchers with

information as to how the buildings were meant to be perceived by the public. These medieval

institutions provided a propaganda medium similar to today’s billboards. The expressive intent of

these structures will provide tantalizing clues as to the complex purpose of each endowment. 14

Chronicles and Historical Narratives

The final set of primary sources that will be used are the chronicles written by what

Nasser Rabbat described as the literati of their period.15 This group, made up of the ‘ulama,

provide a rich historical source for modern historians. As Rabbat points out however, this class

which regarded itself as the preserver of Islamic and Arab culture probably viewed their foreign

overlords with disdain. It also should also be taken into consideration that this class was co-

opted into the power structure and this too was reflected in their writings and should be

14R. Stephen Humphreys, "The Expressive Intent of the Mamluk Architecture of Cairo,” 69-119. 15 Nasser Rabbat, Mamluk History Through Architecture: Monuments, Culture and Politics in Medieval Egypt and Syria (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2010), 12.

12

analyzed accordingly. Scholars, such as al-Maqrīzī (764-845/1364-1442), had access to

documents that no longer survive and might provide tantalizing clues to modern historians. Al-

Maqrīzī and other scholars often provide detailed information on endowments that prove the

validity of these sources.16

Modern Scholarship

Although the issue of pious endowments has long been a part of Arabic scholarly

literature it is not until the last several decades that in-depth analysis of this institution has

occurred. L. A. Mayers’s published monograph on the endowment of Sultan Qāytbāy offered the

possibility to study these important documents for various fields, especially architectural

studies.17 During the 1950’s at Cairo University, the Egyptian scholar ʿAbd al-Laṭīf Ibrāhīm

began modern studies on Mamluk pious endowments with his seminal and pioneering studies.

His encouragement of graduate students in this field led to research of several institutions.18

Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn’s work in the 1980’s on waqf during the Mamluk period remains

the authoritative work in the field.19

16 A study on the validity of such information has yet to be done, although they would have intimate knowledge and access to such records due to their training and the positions they held. The historian al-Maqrīzī in particular often states figures and stipulations from endowment deeds. 17 L. A. Mayer, The Buildings of Qaytbay as Described in His Endowment Deed (London: A. Probsthain, 1938). 18 Unfortunately many of these were never published and sit waiting to be used at Cairo University’s Central Library. See bibliography in: Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn, Fihrist watha'iq al-Qahirah hatṭa nihayat asr Ṣalatịn al-Mamalīk (Cairo: al-Mahad al-Ilmī al-Firinsī lil-Āthār al-Sharqīyah, 1981). 19 Muhammad Muhammad Amīn, al-Awqaf wa-al-hạyah al-ijtimaʻīyah fī Misṛ, 648-923 H / 1250-1517: dirasah tarīkhīyah wathaʼiqīyah (al-Qāhirah: Dār al-Nahdạh al-ʻArabīyah, 1980). For the standard catalogue of Mamluk waqf

13

More recent scholarship has shown an increased use of endowment documents which

generally tend to follow four different trends. The first trend generally utilizes a wider range of

endowment deeds to study institutions and urban areas. Examples of this type of scholarship are

Leonora Fernandes’ authoritative work on the khanqah institution during the Mamluk

period,20Adam Sabra’s dissertational work on poverty and charity in Mamluk Egypt,21 and

Jonathan Berkey’s engaging study on educational institutions in Mamlūk Cairo.22 The second

trend in waqf scholarship focuses more on its political and financial aspects. Carl Petry’s study on

the endowments of sultans Qāytbāy and al-Ghūrī have shown that the institution of waqf was

manipulated for personal financial gain.23 Lucian Reinfrandt’s study of al-Muʿayyad Aḥmad, son

of sultan al-Ashraf Īnāl, who succeeded his father as sultan for a few months enabled modern

documents in Cairo archives see his: Fihrist watha'iq al-Qahirah hatṭa nihayat asr Ṣalatị n al-Mamalīk (al-Qāhirah: al-Mahad al- Ilmī al-Firinsī lil-Āthār al-Sharqīyah, 1981). 20 Eleonora Fernandes, The Evolution of a Sufi Institution in Mamluk Egypt: the Khanqah (Berlin: Schwarz, 1988). Also see her: "Istibdal: The Game of Exchange and Its Impact on the Urbanization of Mamluk Cairo," in The Cairo Heritage: Essays in Honor of Laila Ali Ibrahim, ed. Doris Behrens-Abouseif (Cairo and New York: The American University in Cairo Press, 2000), 203-222. 21 Adam Sabra, Poverty and Charity in Medieval Islam: Mamluk Egypt, 1250-1517 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 22 Jonathan Berkey, The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo: a Social History of Islamic Education (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992). 23 Carl F. Petry, "Waqf as an Instrument of Investment in the Mamluk Sultanate: Security vs. Profit?," in Slave Elites in the Middle East and Africa: A Comparative Study, ed. Toru Miura and John Edward Philips (London: Kegan Paul International, 2000), 99-115. Also see his: "The Estate of al-Khuwand Fāṭima al-Khaṣṣbakiyya: Royal Spouse, Autonomous Investor," in The Mamluks in Egyptian and Syrian Politics and Society, ed. Amalia Levanoni and Michael Winter (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 277-294. Idem.,"Fractionalized Estates in a Centralized Regime: The Holdings of al-Ashraf Qāytbāy and Qānṣūh al-Ghawrī According to Their Waqf Deeds," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 41, no. 1 (1998): 96-117.

14

scholars to understand how pious endowments created a security buffer for royal offspring.24

Finally, Jean-Claude Garcin and Mustafa Taher’s work on the endowment of Jawhār al-Lāla

illustrated how endowments were used as a complex financial tool.25 More importantly their

work illustrates that Mamluk donors, or more likely their administrative staff, were able to

calculate intricate financial equations in order to create lucrative endowments. The third trend

uses endowment deeds to enrich architectural studies. These studies usually focus on a single

institution and only provide partial publishing of waqf documents.26 The fourth trend focuses on

jurisprudence issues regarding endowments. These generally focus on early legal opinions before

the Mamlūk period, with the exception of Yehoshua Frenkel’s recent work. 27 The final trend is

usually a detailed study of a single entire waqf deed (i.e. as a legal deed). 28 However, there is

24 Lucian Reinfandt, “Religious Endowments and Succession to Rule: The Career of a Sultan's Son in the Fifteenth Century.” MSR VI (2002): 51-70. This work is based on his doctoral research: Mamlukische Sultansstiftungen des 9./15. Jahrhunderts : nach den Urkunden der Stifter al-Ašraf Īnal und al-Muʼayyad Aḥmad ibn Īnal (Berlin : Klaus Schwarz, 2003). 25 Jean-Claude Garcin and Mustafa Anouar Taher, "Enquête sur le financement d'un waqf égyptien du XVe siècle: Les comptes de Jawhār Al-lāla," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 38, (1995): 262-304. 26 For example see: J. Dobrowolski, "The Funerary Complex of Amīr Kabīr Qurqumas in Cairo," in Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras II, Proceedings of the 4th and 5th International Colloquium, ed. Urbain Vermeulen and Daniel Smet. Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, May 1995 and 1996. (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 1998), 265-282. Although there are exceptions to this see: Sylvie Denoix et al., Le Khan al-Khalili et ses environs: un centre commercial et artisanal au Caire du XIII° au XX° siècle (Le Caire: Institut français d'archéologie orientale, 1999). This study used a variety of endowment deeds to study the evolution of Khān al-Khalīlī. 27 See: Muhammad Zubair Abbasi, “The Classical Islamic Law of Waqf: A Concise Introduction,” Arab Law Quarterly 26 (2012): 121-153. Also: Peter Hennigan, The Birth of a Legal Institution: the Formation of the Waqf in Third Century A.H. Ḥanafī Legal Discourse (Boston: Brill, 2004). Yehoshua Frenkel, Ḍawʾ al-sarī li-maʿrifat habar Tamīm al-Darī: On Tamīm al-Darī and His Waqf in Hebron (Leiden: Brill, 2014). 28 Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Sattār ʿUthmān, Wathīqat Waqf Jamal al-Dīn Yūsuf al-Ustadar: Dirasah Tarīkhīyah Atharīyah Wathaʾiqīyah (Alexandria: Dār al-Maʿārif, 1983). ʿImād Badr al-Dīn Maḥmūd Abū Ghāzī, “Wathaʾiq al-Sulṭan al-

15

general consensus that the Mamluk elite had mainly materialistic motives for creating pious

endowments. However, these studies have not yet exhausted all the avenues of inquiry into how

this malleable institution operated with such frequency and for such a monumental duration.

This is most likely due to the small number of published waqf documents in their entirety and

the obsessive effort needed to transcribe an entire endowment deed. The majority of those that

are published are not published in their entirety usually only referring to the physical

descriptions of the institution’s building(s), property endowed or salaries of employees.29

However several scholars have argued for a more inclusive approach to the complex

phenomena of awqaf. Yehoshua Frenkel has argued that not only was awqaf used by the Mamluk

elite to generate prestige but also used as “a device to establish its hegemony.”30 This device was

used in a variety of ways: to gather political support from the religious establishment31, providing

social services and providing for the general welfare32, creating networks linking urban areas

Ashraf Ṭūman Bay: Dirasah wa-Taḥqīq wa-Nashr li-Baʿḍ Wathaʾiq al-Waqf wa-al-Bayʿ wa-al-Istibdal” (Ph.D. diss, Cairo University, 1988). Aḥmad Darrāj, Ḥujjat Waqf al-Ashraf Barsbay (Cairo: Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale, 1963). Howyda N. al-Harithy, Kitab Waqf al-Sulṭan al-Naṣir Ḥasan ibn Muḥammad ibn Qalawūn ʿalá Madrasatih bil-Rumaylah (Beirut: In Kommiss. bei Das Arabische Buch, 2001). Daisuke Igarashi, "The Private Property and Awqaf of the Circassian Mamluk Sultans: The Case of Barqūq," Orient (Nippon Oriento Gakkai) 43, (2008): 167-196. 29 An example would be Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn’s, "Wathāʾiq Waqf al-Sulṭān al-Nāṣir Muḥammad ibn Qalāwūn," in Tadhkirat al-Nabīh fī Ayyam al-Manṣūr wa-Banīh, ed. Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn (Cairo: al-Hayʾah al-Miṣrīyah al-ʿĀmmah lil-Kitāb, 1982), 329-448. 30 Yehoshua Frenkel, "Awqāf in Mamluk Bilād al-Shām," MSR XIII, no. 1 (2009): 153. 31 Ibid., 153. 32 Ibid., 160-161.

16

with rural33, but most importantly to finance the embodiment of the regime’s ideology and image

of power.34 Igarashi Daisuke also put forth a similar argument that the “waqfization” of iqṭaʿat was

“a vehicle for sustaining their power and rule, through which they acquired financial and social

influences.”35 However Daisuke argues that it is during the Burji period and the declining iqṭaʿ

system that forced the Mamluks to utilize pious endowments to sustain their declining resources.

This study’s thesis examines how pious endowments were used as a mechanism to gain

power or influence by the donor but argues it was the centralizing forces of the late thirteenth

century and the political developments of the fourteenth century that drove the Mamluk elite to

increasingly utilize pious endowments. The growing use of endowments created the

“waqfization” trend that became so pronounced during the Burji period. The Bahri period is

particularly relevant for such a study because it offers a unique view on the development of this

institution because of the large amount of documentary evidence (in the form of endowment

deeds and contemporary histories) and the constant change in state politics. While some scholars

argue that the Islamic world reached its nadir before the disintegration of the Abbasid caliphate

and Islamic law became static, the Mamluk period refutes this. Mamluk period legal experts

wrote treatises discussing the legality of creating private endowments (awqaf al-ahliyya) from

state lands, ones that benefit family members, and the validity of the new state structure (i.e. rule

33 Ibid., 161-162. 34 Ibid., 163. 35 Igarashu Daisuke, Land Tenure and Mamlūk Waqfs (Bonn: EB Verlag, 2014), 40.

17

by convert former slaves).36 These hotly contested issues and the development of socio-political

system attest to a vibrant and confident society.

36 Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Balāṭunusī (851-935/1447-1529), Taḥrīr al-Maqal fīma Yaḥill wa-Yaḥrum min Bayt al-Mal, ed. Fatḥ Allāh Muḥammad Ghāzī al-Ṣabbāgh (Mansura: Dār al-Wafāʾ, 1989).

18

The Political Milieu of the Late Bahri Period

It is impossible to understand the development of pious endowments in the Mamluk

Empire without understanding the political system in which they developed. As an institution,

which naturally revolved around the issue of power, it is important to understand how it was

affected by contemporary issues to understand its development. One of the primary components

of the endowment was the agricultural land that provided financial and material support for the

endowment. Since assignment of agricultural land was the prerogative of the state, the fate of

endowments would always be inextricably tied to the political situation of the period. The

evolving political structure of the Mamluk state would influence the evolution of pious

endowments, at least in regards to the endowments made by the Mamluk elite. After the death of

the last Ayyubid sultan in 647/1249, the Mamluk “state” had been adapting [ad-hoc] to the

situation on the ground. In fact, this “consciously perceived and carefully formulated Mamluk

system, (which) became the structural backbone of a new and long lived polity and political

culture”, was not developed until the latter part of the thirteenth century, when the Mamluk state

actually began to take shape.37

The fourteenth century would be largely influenced by the reigns of two

thirteenth-century rulers, Sultan al-Ẓāhir Baybars al-Bunduqdārī (r. 658-676/1260-1270) and

al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn al-Ṣāliḥī (r. 678-689/1279-1290). The evolving Mamluk political structure

37 Nasser Rabbat, Mamluk History Through Architecture, 5.

19

they consolidated during their respective reigns would heavily influence the next century.38 In

this evolving political structure, the sultan theoretically held supreme power alongside a new

institutionalized Mamluk seniority. Qalāwūn’s investiture diploma (as well as those of his two

sons: al-Ṣāliḥ ʿAlī and al-Ashraf Khalīl) was also a contract between the sultan and the Ṣāliḥī

amirs, whom had brought him to power in the first place, that guaranteed their status in return

for their support.39 This balance could be mastered by someone in Qalāwūn’s position coming to

the throne matured and battle tested.40 But this balance could not be maintained if one of either

group became overly powerful as would be the case for much of the fourteenth century. The

descendants of Qalāwūn would be placed on the throne by generally more experienced amirs,

causing the delicate political structure that evolved from the policies of Baybars and Qalāwūn to

unravel causing political instability.41 The next sultan, al-Ashraf Khalīl was murdered when the

Mamluk magnates felt their status threatened. The following seventeen years saw political

38 Linda Northrup, From Slave to Sultan: the Career of Al-Manṣūr Qalawūn and the Consolidation of Mamluk Rule in Egypt and Syria 678-689 A.H./1279-1290 A.D. (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1998), 162-166. The centralization and militarization of the state by al-Ṣālih Ayyūb provided a model for Sultan Baybars. This model would be expanded upon by Sultan al-Qalāwūn. 39 Ibid., 302-303. 40 Qalāwūn became sultan at the age of 60 as well. 41 Jo Van Steenbergen, “”Is Anyone My Guardian …?” Mamlūk Under-Age Rule and the Later Qalāwūnids," Al-Masaq 19, no. 1 (2007): 55-65. Van Steenbergen offers an in-depth study of the age and situation of enthronement for each of the Qalāwūnid rulers from the death of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad till the reign of Barqūq. Although the main point of his article is to articulate the “Qalāwūnid reflex” and and to dispel the idea that weak and young Qalāwūnid offspring installed on the throne, it is impossible to escape the fact they were always much less experienced than the amīrs. For a look at the succession machinations of various actors at the end of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s reign see: Jo Van Steenbergen, "Mamluk Elite on the Eve of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad's Death (1341): A Look behind the Scenes of Mamluk Politics," MSR IX, no. 2 (2005): 173-199.

20

instability with al-Nāṣir Muḥammad being enthroned and dethroned twice along with three

usurpations by ambitious amirs (al-ʿĀdil Kitbughā, al-Manṣūr Lājīn and Baybars al-Jāshankīr).

The third reign of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad (r. 709-41/1310-41) saw the strengthening of

the position of the Mamluk sultan vis-à-vis the Mamluk amirs after his cadastral survey of Egypt

and Syria. The cadastral survey, which was conducted between 713/1313 and 725/1325,

resulted in the redistribution of iqṭaʿat to the advantage of the sultan.42 This redistribution saw

the share of the sultan rise from 4/24 percent to 10/24 percent of all cultivated land.43 During

his first two previous reigns, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad was barely an equal to the powerful Mamluk

amirs of his father, al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn, and brother, al-Ashraf Khalīl, making him dependent on

them to maintain his hold on the throne.44 He was therefore removed when he was no longer

useful to the powerful Mamluk amirs. Al-Nāṣir Muḥammad sought to remove the power of his

predecessors’ amirs while strengthening his own position by redistributing the iqṭaʿat. Al-Maqrīzī

noted that,

42 For a general review on iqṭa see: Claude Cahen, "Iḳṭāʿ," in Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Ed. P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs. (Leiden: Brill, 1960-), Vol. 3, 1088. Also: Tsugitaka Sato, "The Evolution of the Iqṭāʿ System under the Mamlūks: An Analysis of al-Rawk al-Ḥusāmī and al-Rawk al-Nāṣiri," Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 37 (1979): 99-131. 43 Ḥasanayn Muḥammad Rabīʿ, The Financial System of Egypt, A.H. 564-741/A.D. 1169-1341 (London: Oxford University Press, 1972), 54. 44 Reuven Amitai, A Turning Point in Mamlūk History: The Third Reign of al-Naṣir Muḥammad ibn Qalawūn 1310-1341 (Brill: Leiden: 1995), 28.

21

لطانــأرضفيـالعشرـالخ يرـمنـشعبانـوقعـالشروعـفيـروكـ و” مصرـوـسببـذلكــأنـالسـ

ةـالبرجية،ـوكانـالخ بزـ ـ بقيـ ائبــو ـ استكثرـأخبارـالمماليكـأصحابـبيبرسـالجاشنكيرـوسلارـالن

مانماـئةـمثـقال، منـو ق وعـالفتةـبأـخذــ)خشيـ)السلطان الواحـدـماـبينـألفـمثـقالـفيــالسـنةـإلىـث

45“.أخبازهم

The cadastral survey of Egypt began at the end of Shaʿbān. The reason for this was the sultan (al-

Nāṣir Muḥammad) deemed the large amount of akhbaz (or iqṭaʿat) of supporters of Baybars al-

Jāshankīr and Salār al-Nā’ib and the other Bahrī mamlūks too much. Their akhbāz ranged from

1000 mithqāl per year to 800 mithqāl which the sultan wanted to take. His cadastral survey and the redistribution of iqṭaʿs created a highly centralized land

tenure system benefiting the reigning sultan. It allowed al-Nāṣir Muḥammad to reward his own

royal mamlūks with larger iqṭaʿat and offsetting the power of the amirs from his predecessors by

reducing their share. The sultan would also gain better control of the Mamluk hierarchy as it

weakened the muqṭaʿs control over their lands since it was non-hereditary (at least in theory)

and contingent on the sultan’s allocation.46 His triumphant return to Cairo and resumption of

power in 709/1310 saw him quickly eliminate or sideline the amirs which had played a hand in

his previous removals and the implementation of the new iqṭaʿ system.47 Although this system

45 Aḥmad ibn ʿAlī al-Maqrizi (764-845/1364-1442), Kitab al-Sulūk li-maʿrifat duwal al-mulūk, ed. Muḥammad Muṣṭafá Ziyādah (Cairo: Matbạʿ Lajnat al-Ta’līfa al-Tarjamak wa al-Nashr, 1934-1972), 2:1:146. 46 One of the motivations of his cadastral survey was to find out which lands had become hereditary from previous muqṭaʿs. See: al-Maqrīzī, Sūlūk, 2:153. 47 Reuven Amitai, A Turning Point in Mamlūk History, 28.

22

benefited him enormously during his final reign, it ultimately produced unintended consequences

for his descendants.

This centralized iqṭaʿ institution had several unintended consequences. First, the

centralization of the Mamluk hierarchy’s economic lifeline pushed them to find a mechanism to

control land outside the iqṭaʿ system. This centralized institution coupled with the lack of any

external threats by the end of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s third reign, which freed up financial capital

spent previously on military expenditures, led to the creation of numerous endowments far

beyond the populace’s need for religious, educational, and social institutions. Secondly, this new

control mechanism in the formal power structure of the Mamluk state benefited a ruler with a

firm grip on the throne. An inexperienced young sultan however, as many of his successors

would be, was not able to control this and other mechanisms of the power structure. The amirs

too looked outside the formal power structure for a way to enhance their position vis-a-vis the

amirs. During the financially and politically stable period of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s third reign,

endowments were funded mainly by urban rental properties and endowed institutions built by

amirs received financial support from the sultan.48The last decade of his reign saw eighteen

mosques and madrasahs built, more than the next two decades after his reign together (See

Figure A). However, during the late Bahri period as competition for power intensified and the

economic situation of the Mamluk Empire changed, fewer mosques were built but they were

funded by vastly larger endowments. These funds largely came from the “waqfization” of state

48 Howyda N. al-Harithy, "The Patronage of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad ibn Qalāwūn, 1310-1341," MSR 4 (2000): 226.

23

lands, a phenomenon mostly thought to have taken place during the fifteenth century. However it

was during the politically turbulent fourteenth century that powerful individuals were able to

acquire state lands and place them in their endowments.

Figure A: Endowed Mosques and Madrasahs during the Fourteenth Century49

The link between the political power and endowments is illustrated by the large

proportion of endowments created by the Mamluk elite. Obviously it was only they who could

have the financial and political clout to endow such massive institutions. The relationship

49 The reader will notice that the time periods in this table are not uniformly divided. This was intentionally done to illustrate the massive building program of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad. The period from 1331-1341 was the last decade al-Nāṣir Muḥammad was in power which was also when the power of the sultan was at its zenith. The amount of endowed mosques and madrasahs built during this decade is more than other decade in the fourteenth century.

3

5

7

18

8 9

5

7

1279-90 1310-1320 1321-1330 1331-1341 1342-1350 1351-1360 1361-1370 1371-1382

24

between large endowments and the Mamluk elite has been noted by several modern researchers

and contemporary Mamluk sources. Al-Suyūṭī commented that:

يفة،ـأوــ” اعلمـأنـالأوقافـفيـالغالبـلاـتصدرـإلاـمنـملكـأوـسلطان،ـأوـكافلـمملـكةـشر

.“50أميرـمنـأعيانـالأمراء،ـوـمنـفيـدرجتهم

“Know that endowments are not founded except by kings or sultans, or by heads of state, or high

ranking amīrs or men of those rank.”51

Looking at Table A, there is a correlation between rulers of the Mamluk state and their

creation of endowments. Of the twelve sultans who reigned from 1250 till 1341, eleven of them

are known to have created endowments. The only one, al-ʿAdil Salamish, who did not create an

endowment, had a short insignificant reign. The number of religious institutions endowed during

the reign of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad alone is staggering.52Again this is not to suggest that civilians

did not create endowments, they of course did.53 However, the size and position of these

endowments within their respective urban settings denote their small scale, lack of political clout,

50 Muḥammad ibn Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī, Jawahir al-ʿUqūd wa-Muʿīn al-Quḍah wa-al-Muwaqqiʿīn wa-al-Shuhūd. Ed. Muḥammad Ḥāmid al-Fiqī (Cairo: Maṭbaʿat al-Sunnah al-Muḥammadīyah, 1955), 1:321-322. 51 Igarashi Daisuke, Land Tenure and Mamlūk Waqfs, 17. 52 See Chāhinda Fahmī Karīm, “Jawāmiʻ wa-masājid umaraʼ al-sulṭān al-Nāṣir Muḥammad ibn-Qalāwūn” (Ph.D. diss., Cairo University, 1987). 53 For an example of an endowment by a member of the civilian elite see: Hani Hamza, "Turbat Abū Zakariyya Ibn ʿAbd Allāh Mūsa (chief surgeon of al-Bīmāristān al-Manṣūrī) and his social status according to his endowment deed (waqfiyya)," in Material Evidence and Narrative Sources: Interdisciplinary Studies of the History of the Muslim Middle East , ed. Daniella Talmon-Heller and Katia Cytryn-Silverman (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 1:315-340.

25

and different motivations. Nimrod Luz’s study of endowments in Jerusalem has shown that those

closest to the Ḥaram al-Sharīf belonged to the Mamlūk elite. Those found further and further

away from the Ḥaram al-Sharīf belonged to founders of smaller stature or means.54 These

spacious, richly endowed, institutions and their central location are proof that pious endowments

were used an expression of power and legitimacy. It is this particular and pervasive use of

endowments that shall be investigated in order to understand its evolution and importance in the

late Bahri period.

54 Nimrod Luz, Mamluk City in the Middle East: History, Culture, and the Urban Landscape (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 166.

26

Table A: Early Mamluk Rulers and Their Endowments, 1250-134155 Sultan Created An Endowment

Shajar al-Durr 1250/648

al-Muʿizz Aybak56 1250-1257/648-655

al-Muẓẓafar Quṭuz57 1259-1260/657-658

al-Ẓāhir Baybars 1260-1277/658-676

al-Saʿīd Baraka Khān58 1277-1279/676-678

al-ʿAdil Salamish 1279/678

al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn 1279-1290/678-689

al-Ashraf Khalīl 1290-1293/689-693

al-Nāṣir Muḥammad 1293-1394/693-694, 1299-1309/698-708, 1310-1341/709-741

al-ʿAdil Kitbughā 1294-1296/694-696

55 Many of these sultans listed here created multiple endowed, like al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn. 56 His endowed structure no longer exists. See Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Cairo of the Mamluks, 116-117. 57 Doris Behrens-Abouseif, “The Mamluk City” in The City in the Islamic World, ed. Salma K. Jayyusi, Renata Holod, Attilio Petrucciolo and Andre Raymond (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 2:296. Original source can be found in: Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad Ibn Iyās (852-ca. 893 A.H./1448-ca. 1524 C.E.), Badaʾiʿ al-Zuhūr fī Waqaʾiʿ al-Duhūr, ed. Muḥammad Muṣṭafá (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1960-1975), 1:1:308. 58 His endowment lacks the grandeur of the others, but he did endow positions for the madrasa the Ayyubid sultan Ṣāliḥ Negm al-Dīn Ayyūb. See: al-Maqrīzī, al-Khiṭaṭ (I), 2:374.

بية،ـوقطعـثمـإنـالملكـ” بمدينةـالمحلةـالغر السعيدـناصرـالدينـمحمدـبركةـخانـابنـالملكـالظاهرـبيبرس،ـوقفـالصاغةـالتيـتجاهها،ـوأماكنـبالقاهرةـوبعة،ـعندـكلـمدرســمعيدانـوعدـةـطلبة يةـوالأطفيحيةـعلىـمدرسينـأر “.أراضيـجزائرـبالأعمالـالج يز

27

al-Manṣūr Lājīn 1296-1299/696-698

al-Muẓẓafar Baybars al-Jāshankīr 1309-1310/708-709

28

Chapter 2

New Land Tenure Patterns and Endowments

The Mamluk power system was based on land tenure. Control over agricultural property

fed, clothed and trained the mamluks who provided the powerbase for the military aristocracy.

This chapter will show how after the decline of the power system set up by al-Nāṣir Muḥammad,

the Qalāwūnid sultans and elite Mamluk officials were forced to find alternative paths to

maintain power (i.e. control over agricultural lands). They accomplished this by manipulating the

institution of waqf to provide a counter balance to the changing political and economic

situations. They did this by endowing larger proportions of agricultural property in their

endowments and attempting to link powerful Mamluk officials to them. As the Mamluk state’s

finances became more problematic, the Qalāwūnids attempted to provide financial assets to their

heirs through endowments by stipulating that their male heirs gain control of these large and rich

endowments. This strategy was linked to the growing allocation of iqṭaʿat to Qalāwūnid sīdīs

(princes) which was meant to strengthen a Qalāwūnid sultan’s position.59 After the early

fourteenth century, the political environment continually shifted and the link between power and

endowments became more evident.

59 Ulrich Haarmann, "The Sons of Mamluks as Fief-holders in Late Medieval Egypt," in Land Tenure and Social Transformation in the Middle East, ed. by Tarif Khalidi (Beirut: American University in Beirut, 1984), 163. “The Baḥrī state, even in its frail last decade (for which we have Ibn al- Jran's documentation for 777), had been solidly built on a disproportionate share of the house of Qalāwūn in the wealth of Egypt.” Haarmann continues by saying that contemporary observers might have regarded Barqūq’s reign as a new period because it resulted in new patterns of wealth distribution.

29

New Land Tenure Patterns

The amount of agricultural land that was endowed to fund the operations of endowed

institutions began to sharply increase during the late Bahri period. The Qalāwūn complex in

Bayn al-Qaṣrayn was mainly funded through commercial property located in the close vicinity of

the complex itself.60 This offered easy management of the day to day running of the endowment

and oversight of the commercial property that funded it. The same applied to the madrasah of al-

Nāṣir Muḥammad where the endowed property was mainly commercial and in relative proximity

to the establishment. This technique of endowing commercial property near the establishments

helped to develop areas and which would in turn increase the income.61 The endowments of

Qalāwūn and al-Nāṣir Muḥammad relied on very little agricultural land to provide income for

endowments.62 The political changes that occurred after the death of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad would

change the nature of endowments. As the political situation became more complicated so did

endowments.

60 There was some agricultural property endowed for the Qalāwūn complex. The village of Kōm al-Aswad in al-Gīza which consisted of 160 feddans was endowed for his complex on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn. See Heinz Halm, Ägypten nach den mamlukischen Lehensregistern (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1979) 2:224. 61 Baybars apparently did not plan an urban development project with his endowment. He only endowed the mosque with the surrounding land, to be leased on a long-term basis. See Behrens-Abouseif, Cairo of the Mamluks, 122 62 See Amīn, Muḥammad Muḥammad, "Wathāʾiq Waqf al-Sulṭān Qalāwūn ʿalá al-Bīmaristān al-Manṣūrī," in Tadhkirat al-Nabīh fī Ayyam al-Manṣūr wa-Banīh, ed. Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn (Cairo: Maṭbaʿat Dār al-Kutub, 1976), 1:295-396. Also see his: "Wathāʾiq Waqf al-Sulṭān al-Nāṣir Muḥammad ibn Qalāwūn," in Tadhkirat al-Nabīh fī Ayyam al-Manṣūr wa-Banīh, ed. Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn (Cairo: al-Hayʾah al-Miṣrīyah al-ʿĀmmah lil-Kitāb, 1982), 329-448.

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The period surrounding the two reigns of al-Nāṣir Ḥassan (r. 748-752/1347-1351, 755-

762/1354-1361) illustrate the growing complexity of endowments and the changing nature of

the type of properties endowed. This period saw not only a population change due to the

decimation caused by the Black Death plague but also an unstable political situation.63 This

affected the land tenure system which financed the powerbase of the Mamluk state. The increase

in iqṭaʿ’at becoming alienated and turned into waqf began during this period, not during the Burji

period. We know this because when Barqūq became atabak al-ʿasakir he held a meeting in

780/1379 to discuss the problem of turning state land into awqāf properties.64 The issue had

already become problematic before the Burji period had started. As discussed earlier, al-Nāṣir

Ḥassan had to contend with the political ambitions of powerful amīrs such as Baybughā Rūs,

Shaykhū, and Ṣarghitmish. This continued turbulence over power would see the rise in

agricultural properties becoming part of endowments

At his height, Ṣarghitmish held the powerful office of atabak al-ʿasakir roughly one year

before his death in 759/1358 and had created an endowed complex, built in 756-7/1356. His

endowment which is adjoined to the Ibn Ṭūlūn mosque on Ṣalība Street in Cairo illustrates a

different trend from that of the early Mamluk generation.65 His endowment consisted of large

tracts of agricultural land (See Table B), whereas the endowments of Sultan Qalāwūn and al-

Nāṣir Muḥammad consisted of mostly commercial property. The agricultural properties endowed 63 Igarashi Daisuke, Land Tenure and Mamlūk Waqfs, 6-7. 64 Igarashi Daisuke, Land Tenure and Mamlūk Waqfs, 10-11. 65 For an overview of the architectural history of his endowment see: Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Islamic Architecture in Cairo: An Introduction. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1989), 121-122.

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by Ṣarghitmish amounted to 837 feddans, a massive amount considering that Qalāwūn’s

endowment consisted of 160 feddans in the village of Kōm al-Aswad in Giza.66 Although these

properties were technically owned legally so that they could be endowed, how he came to possess

them is unknown. Like other leading amirs who controlled the government, he had the power of

distributing iqṭaʿat and had the power to enforce his will.67 These agricultural properties were

located near Cairo, which benefitted the administrators of the endowment. It would also have

given him a supply cash and foodstuffs in times of need or emergency since he was the first

administrator of his endowment which was one of the most common stipulations in endowment

deeds. The amir Shaykhū al-Nāṣirī, who had been the leading amir before Ṣarghitmish, had

amassed massive property holdings amounting to an income 200,000 dirhams per day!68 It must

be kept in mind that the reign of al-Nāṣir Ḥassan saw continual conflicts between the various

factions seeking hegemonic power over rivals. This bitter conflict which saw both sulṭān and the

highest Mamluk amirs murdered stimulated the growing trend in larger more complex

endowments. However the endowment of Ṣarghitmish and its agricultural property would be

dwarfed by later Bahri period endowments.

66 For agricultural property endowed by Ṣarghitmish, see Table B. For the property endowed by Qalāwūn see: Behrens-Abouseif, Cairo of the Mamluks, 134. Also for the agricultural land endowed by Qalāwūn see: Heinz Halm, Ägypten nach den mamlukischen Lehensregistern (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1979 & 1982), 1:224. 67 Amalia Levanoni, “The Mamluk Conception of the Sultanate,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26:3 (1994):383-384 68 al-Maqrīzī, al-Khiṭaṭ (II), 4:262.

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Table B: Agricultural Properties Included in Amir Ṣargitmish’s Endowment69

Source Village Area in Feddans70

Page 9 Minyat Ḥalfā 529 feddans

Pages 12-13 Qalyūb 268 feddans

Pages 13-14 Tel Hadyā near Aleppo 20 feddans

Page 17 Naḥrīrīya 20 feddans

TOTAL 837 feddans

The complex of Sultan al-Nāṣir Ḥassan is considered one of the greatest architectural

monuments of the Islamic world, even though it was never fully completed.71 The endowment

was amply supplied to ensure its longevity and profitability and was still functioning when ʿAlī

Bāshā Mubārak penned his famous al-Khiṭaṭ al-Tawfīqīyah in the nineteenth century.72 Although

it would be difficult to argue that his main intention was to create a mechanism for accruing

financial capital especially since the amount of money poured into the building was massive, it

would have none the less produced a profit. The sultan spent an amazing 20,000 dirhams or

1,000 dinars mithqal per day building his complex.73The wealth needed to build this massive

69 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf Ibrāhīm, "Naṣṣān Jadīdān min Wathīqat al-Amīr Ṣarghatmish." Majallat Kullīyat al-Ādab, Jamiʿat al-Qahirah 27 (1965): 134. 70 1 feddan = 5,929 square meters or 1.465088 acres. Stuart J. Borsh, The Black Death in Egypt and England, 160. 71 Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Islamic Architecture in Cairo: An Introduction. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1989), 122. 72 Hujja Waqf Sultan al-Nasir Hassan, Dar al-Wathaʾiq al-Qawmiyya n°365/85. For an edited copy of this endowment deed see: Howyda N. al-Harithy, Kitab Waqf al-Sulṭan al-Naṣir Ḥasan ibn Muḥammad ibn Qalawūn ʿalá Madrasatih bil-Rumaylah (Berlin: Das Arabische Buch, 2001). An online version can be found at: http://menadoc.bibliothek.uni-halle.de/ssg/content/titleinfo/732469. Also see: ʿAlī Bāshā Mubārak (1239-1311/1823 or 1824-1893), al-Khiṭaṭ al-Tawfīqīyah al-jadīdah li-Miṣr al-Qahirah wa-muduniha wa-biladiha al-qadīmah wa-al-shahīrah (Cairo: al-Matbạ`ah al-Kubrá al-Amīrīyah, 1888). 73 al-Maqrīzī, al-Khiṭaṭ (I), 2:316.

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complex was probably funded from the property left by the numerous plague victims.74 The

historian Ibn Kathīr (700-774/1301-1373) complained of Sultan Ḥassan’s abuse of the Bayt al-

Mal (the public treasury) from which the sultan bought properties that were eventually endowed

in his waqf and the collusion of religious officials who refused to bring him to account.75

The amount of property endowed by Sultan Ḥassan in Egypt alone was substantial to say

the least, especially in comparison to early Qalāwūnid endowments. The property generated

profits even though the expenditures on the staff and other expenses found in the endowment

deed amounted to over half a million dirhams per year which is impressive taking into account

the overall economic situation during this period.76 The Black Death plague had a devastating

effect on the economy of the Mamluk Empire. The reduced population would have caused wages

to rise, increasing the price of goods and work, but saw a reduction in the amount of goods and

foods produced.77 The rise in prices and labor coupled with the reduction in the population

would have lowered profits from urban rentals which may also explain later Bahri period

endowments having a higher proportion of agricultural lands in their endowments. This

74 Howyda N. al-Harithy, "The Complex of Sultan Hasan in Cairo: Reading between the Lines," Muqarnas 13 (1996): 69. Also see: Michael W. Dols, The Black Death in the Middle East (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), 269-271. 75 Abdallah Kahil, The Sultan Ḥasan Complex in Cairo, 1357-1364: A Case Study in the Formation of Mamluk Style (Beirut: Orient-Institut der DMG Beirut, 2008), 3. 76 The exact total comes out to 558,600 dirhams nuqra per annum. See: Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn, Wathaʼiq waqf al-Sultạ n al-Malik al-Nasịr Hạsan ibn Muhạmmad ibn Qalawūn ʻalá masạ lih al-Qubbah wa-al-Masjid al-Jamiʻ wa-al-Madaris wa-Maktab al-Sabīl bi-al-Qahirah: al-shurūt, al-wazạ ʼif, al-masạ rif (Cairo: Markaz Tahqīq al-Turāth, 1986), 30. 77 Adam Sabra, Poverty and Charity in Medieval Islam: Mamlūk Egypt, 1250-1517 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 121-122.

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development also supports the argument of the institution’s flexibility, since founders could easily

change the type of properties endowed according to return rates at certain periods. However, the

amount of agricultural land endowed by al-Nāṣir Ḥassan would have served another purpose.

The growing struggle between powerful amirs and Qalāwūnid heirs would require large amounts

of financial resources and agricultural property would become a contested commodity. When a

powerful figure in the Mamluk state gained power they were able to buy or probably more likely

confiscate property from the state treasury and place it in their endowments, as in the case of

Sultan Ḥassan.

Table C: Egyptian Agricultural Properties Included in Sultan Ḥassan’s Endowment

Source78 Village Province/Area Area in Feddans Yearly Income

(Dirham Nuqra)79

188 Qahā Qalyūb 3,200 131,200 192 Dīrīn al-Gharbīya 1,745 71,545 206 Shanashā al-Dahaqlīya 3,253 133,373 209 Kafr Minya Naʿīm Kafūr Shanashā 345 14,145 210 Ḥamāqiya Kafūr Shanashā 473 19,393 217 Bisāṭ al-Aḥlaf al-Gharbīya 1,155 47,355 225 Arsāj al-Buḥayra 5,386 22,0416

TOTAL 15,557 637, 837

78 Page number found in Sultan al-Nāṣir Ḥassan’s published waqf: al-Harithy, Howyda N., Kitab Waqf al-Sulṭan al-Naṣir Ḥasan ibn Muḥammad ibn Qalawūn ʿalá Madrasatih bil-Rumaylah. 9, 295, (Beirut: al-Maʿhad al-Almānī lil-Abḥāth al-Sharqīyah and al-Sharikah al-Muttaḥidah, and Berlin: Das Arabische Buch, 2001). 79 Stuart J. Borsh, The Black Death in Egypt and England, 72. Borsh worked out the average income of a feddan based on dirham nuqra.

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Nazir al-waqf: Inheritance and Power through Endowments

The changing political environment following the death of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad in 1341

saw a change in the use of pious endowments by the Mamluk elite, especially the Qalāwūnids.

The continual power struggles between powerful Mamluk amirs and ambitious Qalāwūnid

sultans created a financial strain on the state treasury. Coupled with the devastating effects of the

plague epidemics, political actors had to find new revenue streams to finance their ambitions.

Pious endowments were used to in novel ways to offset these changes. As control of the lifeline

of the military aristocracy (iqṭaʿat) became more contested between powerful amirs versus a

Qalāwūnid sultan, the proportion of agricultural lands, which powerful Mamluk amirs or sultans

had possessed as iqṭāʿ or taken from the state, in endowments increased . The growing need to

finance supporting factions also saw the post of administrator of endowments become more

important, as they had control of enormous financial resources. Lucian Reinfandt demonstrated

this use during the late Mamluk period by examining the endowment deed of Sultan al-Ashraf

Īnāl (r. 857/1453–865/1461) and his son, al-Mu’ayyad Aḥmad. 80 The importance of the

administrator’s post mirrored the late Bahri period’s changing political situation as senior

Mamluk amirs grew more powerful. All of which is reflected in the growing complexity of the

relevant stipulations in late Bahri period endowment deeds.

80 Lucian Reinfandt, “Religious Endowments and Succession to Rule: The Career of a Sultan’s Son in the Fifteenth Century,” MSR VII (2002): 51-70.

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As noted earlier, Sultan Qalāwūn’s long reign saw the growing centralization of power in

the hands of the sultan. Interestingly his endowment deed stipulated that the administration of

his massive endowment be handed over to a civilian, the Chief Shāfiʿī judge.81 However by the

reign of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, this had changed, perhaps reflecting the changing political

structure of the Mamluk Empire. The late Bahri period saw the power of senior Mamluk amirs

increase at the expensive of the reigning sultan. Mamluk amirs were able to rebuild their own

power during the political chaos that ensued following the murder of al-Ashraf Khalīl and the

early reigns of the young al-Nāṣir Muḥammad. The growing power of senior Mamluk amirs in

relation to the Qalāwūnid sultans is demonstrated by their inclusion in the administration of

royal endowments.82

Their inclusion in the administration of endowments was done for several reasons. First,

it was meant to entice powerful Mamluk officials to support the Qalāwūnid sultan that founded

the endowment. Secondly, it was done in the hope of offsetting the chance of the confiscation of

the endowment by including them in the financial rewards of the endowment. Igarashi Daisuke

cataloged a number of endowments that were administered by high ranking Mamluk amirs.83

Daisuke’s data supports Ibn Taghrībirdī’s (813-874/1411-1470) statement that only high

81 Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn, “Wathāʼiq waqf al-Sultạ n Qalāwūnʿala al-Bīmaristān al-Manṣūrī: Dirāsah wa-Nashr wa-Taḥqīq,” in Tadhkirat al-nabīh fī ayyam al-Mansụ r wa-banīh, ed. Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn (Cairo, al-Hayʼah al-Misṛīyah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Kitāb, 1976), 1:369 82 The endowments of powerful amirs also stipulated that senior Mamluk amirs hold the post of administrator after their deaths. Igarashi Daisuke 83 Igarashi Daisuke, Land Tenure and Mamlūk Waqfs, 42-25.

37

ranking officials were appointed to be administrators alongside the heir(s) of the endower.84 The

Mamluk era writer al-Qalqashandī (756-821/1355-1418) also stated that the most powerful

amir held the position of administrator of al-Bimāristān al-Manṣūri.85 It was a rich prize for

whoever controlled it since it reputedly had an income around one million dirhams per year.86 It

was al-Nāṣir Ḥassan who awarded Ṣarghitmish the administration post of al-Bimāristān al-

Manṣūri, who was the leading amir during his reign. 87 There is clearly a link between power,

control of large endowments and financial profit.

Modern scholars have yet to decidedly prove that royal endowments created huge

surpluses since we have yet to come across documents showing the financial accounting of these

endowments. However recent studies, especially those done by Carl Petry, have pointed out the

huge discrepancies between possible income and the expenditures. We also have contemporary

observations of the vast sums of money these endowments generated. It was Shāfiʿ ibn ʿAlī (649-

730/1252-1330), a scribe in Qalāwūn’s royal chancery, who stated the endowment amounted an

84 Ibn Taghrībirdī (813-874/1411-1470), Ḥawadith al-Duhūr fī madá al-Ayyam wa-al-Shuhūr, ed. Fahīm Muḥammad Shultūt (Cairo: Lajnat Iḥyāʾ al-Turāth al-Islāmī, 1990), 1:83-84. 85 Aḥmad ibn al-Qalqashandī (756-821/1355-1418), Kitab Ṣubḥ al-aʻshá (Cairo: Dār al-Kutub al-Khudaywīyah, 1913-1922), 4:38.

ية”... النظرـفيهـمنـاصحابـلأكبرـالأمراءـبالديارـالمصر ـ .“وـعادة“…and it was the administrator of customarily from the companions of the biggest amirs in Egypt.” 86 Linda S. Northrup, “Qalāwūn’s Patronage of the Medical Sciences in Thirteenth-Century Egypt,” MSR V (2001): 123. 87 al-Maqrīzī, Kitab al-Sulūk li-maʻrifat duwal al-mulūk (Cairo: Maṭbaʿat Dār al-Kutub, 1970-1973), 3:1:7-8.

38

amazing one million dirhams per year.88 Even if this amount was count in half, it still provided

an amazing income in comparison to its expenditures. The position of administrator was a

financially rewarding office.

The stipulations of who would control the endowment after the passing of the original

endower seem to have become more complicated. By the time of Sultan al-Nāṣir Ḥassan, the

stipulations regulating who exactly would control the endowment as administrator reached

multiple lines in comparison with that of his grandfather, Sultan Qalāwūn.89 Sultan al-Nasir

Hasan’s stipulations over who should control his endowment after his passing was meant to

ensure his dynasty, specifically his direct male heirs, continued. The stipulations laid out in his

endowment deed are very concise and leave little room for legal discrepancies.

مىـكانـالنظرـفيـذلكــللارشدــفالارشدــمنــاولادــمولاناـالس لطانـالملكـالناصرـالواقفـالمس”

فيهــمنــالذكورـخاصـةـد ونـالاناثـوـاولادـاولادهـــوـنسلهـــوـعقبهــالذ كورــد ونـالاناثــمنــ

…“90اولادــالظهرـوـاولادــالبطنــفانــاستوـوـفيـذلكــق دـمـاسن ه م

“The administrator should be the most mature of the children of the stipulated founder,

Sulṭān al-Malik al-Nāṣir (Ḥassan), specifically the males not the females, and the

88 Linda S. Northrup, “Qalāwūn’s Patronage of the Medical Sciences in Thirteenth-Century Egypt,” MSR 5 (2001): 123. 89 Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn, “Wathāʼiq waqf al-Sultạ n Qalāwūnʿala al-Bīmaristān al-Manṣūrī: Dirāsah wa-Nashr wa-Taḥqīq”, in Tadhkirat al-nabīh fī ayyam al-Mansụ r wa-banīh, Vol. 1 (Cairo: al-Hayʼah al-Misṛīyah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Kitāb, 1976), 369. 90 Howyda N. al-Harithy, Kitab Waqf al-Sulṭan al-Naṣir Ḥasan, 176.

39

founder’s children’s children, but only his male descendants from the offspring of his sons

and daughters, if they are the same level and push forward the eldest…”

Sultan al-Nāṣir Ḥassan went through great lengths to ensure his male progeny would

succeed him as administrator of his large endowment institution (dūn al-anath: with the

exclusion of the females). As the stipulation details the condition for who shall succeed the

founder as its administrator, al-Nāṣir Ḥassan wished that his most able and mature male heir

would gain control of this lucrative foundation using terms such as “al-arshad fa-al-arshad” (the

most mature). Interestingly, there was no distinction made between the offspring of his sons or

from his daughters (min awlad al-ẓahr wa awlad al-batn), as long as that offspring who was to

inherit the position was male. Why would he exclude his female progeny? This particular

endowment was meant to help ensure the succession of the Qalāwūnid line during troubled

times. Sultan al-Nāṣir Ḥassan would provide for his wife in a different waqf all together.91 His

intention was to ensure that the Qalāwūnid heir would have access to financial resources. Sultan

al-Nasir Hassan stipulated in the endowment deed that four hundred thousand dirhams be saved

in reserve, a significant sum.92 Although half of it should have been used to enlarge the complex’s

endowment, maintenance or charitable purposes, it would have undoubtedly provided a quick

source of capital for someone in need. When Barqūq fled Cairo in 791/1389, his complex was

91 Abdallah Kahil, The Sultan Ḥassan Complex in Cairo (1357-1364), 194. For a transcription of this waqf see: ʿAlī Ḥasan Zaghlūl, “Madrasat al-Sulṭān Ḥasan: dirāsa miʿmāriyya wa āthāriyya” (MA Thesis, Faculty of Archeology, Cairo University, 1977), Appendix 5. 92 Howyda N. al-Harithy, Kitab Waqf al-Sulṭan al-Naṣir Ḥasan, 173.

40

found to have had 7,500 dinars stored in it.93 There are other instances recorded in

contemporary sources that illustrate how Mamluk officials used these institutions to quickly

acquire wealth.94 This use of endowments to help the stability of the Qalāwūnid dynasty was not

only financial but symbolic as well, something that did not go unnoticed by the man who would

finally bring an end to Qalāwūnid rule.

The next Qalāwūnid sultan who held serious power after al-Nāṣir Ḥassan was al-Ashraf

Shaʿbān, who created two endowed institutions. The first created a madrasah below the citadel in

Cairo most likely in the same place where the ruins of Sultan al-Mu’ayyad Shaykh’s hospital now

stand. The second endowment was to the benefit of al-Ḥaramayn, the cities of Mecca and

Madīnah.95 The endowment document for this last endowment provides an interesting clause

regarding its administration (See Figure B). The stipulations regarding the position of

administrator is quite regular, it was reserved for the founding sultan during his lifetime and then

his descendants. However, the next clause is unusual. It states that after those provisions are met

(in the case of his family line dying out) the administrator should also be the administrator of

his great grandfather’s endowment, the bīmaristan of Qalāwūn. While it was normal for the

benefit of the financial surplus to revert to a more charitable cause after the end of the founder’s

family line, this clause is interesting. It binds his endowment with that of his family. This link 93 Igarashi Daisuke, “The Private Property and Awqāf of the Circassian Mamlūk Sultans: The Case of Barquq,” Orient 43(2008): 173. 94 Igarashi Daisuke, Land Tenure and Mamluk Waqfs, 24. 95 Hujja Waqf Sultan al-Ashraf Shaʿban, Dar al-Wathā’iq Qawmīyah 7/48. An edited edition of this document can be found in: Rāshid Saʿd Rāshid al-Qaḥṭānī, Awqaf al-Sulṭan al-Ashraf Shaʿban ʿalá al-Ḥaramayn al-Sharīfayn (Riyadh: Maktabat al-Malik Fahd al-Waṭanīyah, 1994).

41

was possibly another way to assure that the Qalāwūnids maintained a financial link to each other

for the benefit of the family’s cause. Theoretically, a Qalāwūnid heir would have access to the

financial windfall of several well-endowed institutions giving them the ability to have access to

quick funds or posts for patronage.

Figure B: Excerpt from Sultan al-Ashraf Shaʿbān’s Waqfiyya96

Line #

1219 بالنظرـاستقلـذلكـعلىـللنظرـتأهلـمنـالواقفـأولادـفيـيكنـلمـفإن…

المحروسةـبالقاهرةـالمنصوريـالمارستانـعلىـالنظرـلهـالمجعولـالمذكورـالموقوفـعلى 1220

“If there are no children of the founder qualified to be administrator, the position of administrator will be assumed by the proper beneficiary, the administrator of the al-Manṣūrī hospital in Cairo, the Protected City.”

al-Dīwān al-Mufrad: An end to Qalāwunid land tenure?

The highly structured iqṭaʿ system, which under al-Nāṣir Muhammad had created a

balanced power system in favor of the sultan, acted as the catalysis for the mounting struggles

between senior amīrs and Qalāwūnid sultans after his death in 741/1341 and the “waqfization”

of state lands in an attempt to control more land. As seen earlier Qalāwūnid sultans appointed

96 Hujja Waqf Sultan al-Ashraf Shaʿban, Dar al-Wathā’iq Qawmīyah 7/48.

42

their sons as administers of their lucrative endowments. In addition to this, Qalāwūnid sultans

began to grant iqṭaʿat to their sons and by the reign of al-Ashraf Shaʿbān this had grown to

immense proportions. Coupled with the rich financial resources from royal endowments and an

heir’s own private landholdings, they had the best chance of having the financial resources to

hold on to the throne. However this trend abruptly ended under the regime change under Sultan

Barqūq. After Barqūq, Qalāwūnid sīdīs would no longer enjoy large shares of iqṭaʿ, which

corresponded to this group’s declining importance during the Burji period.97 There was a trend

(albeit nothing in comparison to the Qalāwūnids in the fourteenth century), of sons attempting

to succeed their fathers throughout the Burji period, although the majority of them only ruled for

a year (See Table D). So why was there a change in policy that could have benefitted Barqūq and

his heirs? It was meant to dismantle Qalāwūnid financial resources.

As atabak al-ʿasakir in 780/1379, Barqūq summoned the men of state and important

officials to discuss the issue of waqfs. He was concerned how state lands had been alienated from

the state coffers and become part of endowments. Barqūq stated this trend had caused large

financial losses for the state.98 According to al-Maqrīzī, Barqūq was able to return some of these

waqfs back into iqṭāʿ grants for mamlūks.99 Another account states that Barqūq was stymied

against any reform of the waqf system by opposition from powerful men of state. Either way,

97Ulrich Haarmann, “The Sons of Mamluks as Fief-holders” in Land tenure and social transformation in the Middle East, ed. Tarif Khalidi (Beirut: American Univ. of Beirut, 1984), 157. 98 Igarashi Daisuke, “The Establishment of the Dīwān al-Mufrad: Its Background and Implications,” MSR X, no. 1 (2006): 122. 99 Ibid., 123. See the original source: al-Maqrīzī, Sūlūk, 3:347.

43

Barqūq had come to the realization that endowments constituted a threat not only to state

finances but to his ability to hold on to power. In order to remedy this, Barqūq came up with a

novel solution, dīwan al-mufrad.

Ulrich Haarmann’s study of land tenure and the awlad al-nas (the sons of Mamlūks)

came to the opinion that this new policy “was not, or not primarily, an act of revenge on the

former ruling house, for not only Qalāwūnids were affected by this new rule.”100However, the

data shows that it was primarily an act against the Qalāwūnids as almost a third of Qalāwūnid

property was placed under the control of Barqūq's dīwan al-mufrad or relatives of Barqūq by

800/1397-8 (See Table C). The table shows the massive amount of property held by the royal

family under Sultan al-Ashraf Shaʿbān, mainly through his sons, in the year 777/1375-6. It also

shows the change in property ownership by 800/1397-8, mainly from the private property of the

Qalāwūnid family to the control of Sultan Barqūq’s dīwan al-mufrad . This meant that these lands

were under the direct control of Barqūq and not returned back to the proper diwan for re-

allotment to mamluks, which naturally benefited him greatly. Barqūq was fully aware of the

relationship between land, waqf and power.

Barqūq’s reign and policies directly affected the mechanisms that the Qalāwūnids had

employed in the hope of maintaining their grasp on power. His attempts to undo endowments

and his policy of reverting private property back to the state (albeit to his advantage under dīwan

al-mufrad) greatly affected any resources at the disposal of the Qalāwūnids. This coupled with

100 Ibid., 157.

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the destruction of Qalāwūnid endowed institutions,101 it is possible this was a confiscation of

Qalāwūnid financial resources which would have weakened their ability to challenge Barqūq's

claim to the sultanate. His original move to usurp a Qalāwūnid sultan resulted in Barqūq's flight

from Cairo. No matter how weak the Qalāwūnid heir(s) might be they still posed a significant

risk to Barqūq's plans, especially with their legacy and financial resources.

101 The destruction of al-Ashraf Shaʿbān’s endowed complex in Cairo will be discussed in the following chapter.

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Chapter 3

Power, Legitimacy and Architecture

The architectural component of a pious endowment, i.e. the building complex itself, was

just as significant as its legal, socio-political and financial components. These endowed religious

establishments were used to dominate the urban landscape as a testament to their founder’s

legitimacy and power. The amount of planning and forethought that went into the building of a

masjid, khanqah, or madrasah negates any notion that their construction was a byproduct of a

mechanism solely geared towards financial gain. Contemporary sources pointed out that several

sultans were heavily involved with their endowments, personally supervising the layout and

construction of their endowed institutions.102 The expensive materials, the skilled craftsmen,

grandiloquent inscriptions, and the opulent financial outlay all point to an explicit intention of

the founder to communicate something more than just a college, tomb or place of worship.

Stephan Humphreys in his seminal essay argued that architecture is in itself a form of human

communication.

It is nevertheless obvious that architecture must by its very nature have meaning, for it is

a human artifact as completely as is language, and as such it represents a pattern of

human intentions and motives. As a representing or signifying entity, a monument has

102 For examples of this in the Ayyubid and Mamluk period see: Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Cairo of the Mamluks (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2007), 32-33.

46

meaning: it must refer to the thought and attitudes of its builder, and these can in

principle (if not always in fact) be reconstructed by an onlooker contemplating it.103

So what were endowed institutions meant to communicate to the public? Power. These

expensive ornate buildings were meant to express the Mamluk military elite’s right to rule or in

the case of the sultan, preeminence. The Mamluk elite adapted the institution of waqf in their

pursuit of hegemonic power, although this was not an original idea as their predecessors such as

the Ayyubids or the Fatimids had used the institution in a similar manner. What differed in their

use of endowments was the sheer number of endowments that were created and the

sophistication in which they were employed.104 This evolved usage of pious endowments was

directly linked with the political changes within the Mamluk Empire. Again Humphreys

eloquently sums up how religious architecture was used by the Mamluk elite.

(Mamluk religious architecture) constituted an architectural expression of the same

attitudes which shaped the whole range of Mamluk political and social behavior, and

which indeed were a decisive element in the structure of the Mamluk state. In their

religious architecture, the Mamluks communicated to their subjects that in accepting

Islam, they had become its masters; that its institutions were in fact subject to their own

103 Stephen R. Humphreys, “The Expressive Intent of the Mamlūk Architecture of Cairo: A Preliminary Essay”, 71. 104 Although it would be unfair to judge the Ayyubids’ building programs against the two Mamluk periods, it should be kept in mind that under the last decade of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad some eighteen mosques and madrasahs were built.

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values and needs; that, in the end, the splendid efflorescence of Sunni Islam in the

fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was but a manifestation of their own glory105

The public would have not missed the fact that the Mamluk elite not only had the power

and financial resources to endow these expensive institutions, but were also in some ways

superior in their acts of piety to those born Muslims.106 They were the guardians of Sunni Islam,

able to provide the means to educate the future ʿulama and protect the Holy Cities. Even the

ʿulama begrudgingly acknowledged their accomplishments to Islam. A Mamluk sultan or amir

establishing an endowment might have been signaling “submission to the values and institutions

of the people” they ruled but “the larger and more ornate the building he erected, the more

visible became the religious worth and social significance of himself and (indirectly) of the class

to which he belonged.”107 In doing so, the endower aimed to build a consensus amongst the

various segments of the population in order maintain their rule. Although political machinations

could bind the Mamluk elite and the ʿulama, it is necessary to also induce the population to

support the regime since without their general acceptance no government could stand.108 The

105 Ibid., 119. Added wording and parentheses are mine. 106 Despite all of this, the ʿulama always viewed them as outsiders. For a discussion on how the Mamluks were viewed in contemporary sources see: Nasser Rabbat, Mamlūk History Through Architecture: Monuments, Culture and Politics in Medieval Egypt and Syria (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2010), 12-19. 107 Stephen R. Humphreys, “The Expressive Intent of the Mamlūk Architecture of Cairo,” 119. 108 See De La Boétie’s theory on how the general public’s acquiescence is necessary for the survival of any government even a tyrannical one: Étienne de la Boétie (1530-1563), The Politics of Obedience: The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude, trans. Harry Kurz (Auburn: Ludwig Von Mises Institute, 2008).

48

Mamluk elite who endowed institutions made use of the imposing structures to advertise

themselves through one of the most important mediums of Islamic civilization, the written word.

The vain inscriptions that were incised on these institutions of religious learning and

practice are contradictory to the humility usually associated with pious acts.109 If a madrasah or

khanqah was meant to appease a founder’s guilty conscious or to follow religious beliefs, why try

to impress the public with lengthy titles and magnificent grandeur? Clearly pious endowments of

the Mamluk elite were an expression of their power and ambition. This expression of power and

right to rule was communicated through inscriptions and the position of endowed institutions

within the urban environment.

Endowed Institutions & Dynastic Space

The location of the endowments in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries tells a story

about the political development of the Mamluk sultanate. The Mamluk elite's use of endowed

institutions to support their claims of preeminence in the political arena is reflected in the

conscious decision of their placement and design. The ability to change urban space is a

reflection of an individual’s power since this would require political, social and financial capital

to do so. Therefore an individual’s position can be expressed in their possession of a specific area

in a city. As individuals began to compete for power during the Bahri period, Cairo’s urban areas

109 This isn’t to suggest that endowed institutions founded by the Mamluk elite were all together devoid of piety. Many endowed institutions were inscribed with the humble epithet “al-ʿabd al-faqir” meaning “the humble or poor slave”. For an example of this see: RCEA, XIII, n° 4917.

49

began to drastically change as these individuals competed to legitimize their power through

architecture, thus creating a dynastic space in which a ruler could physically impose his power

and claims of legitimacy on the urban landscape and therefore on the public.110 It also created a

hierarchy of space within the urban landscape, since placement of an endowed institution was

based on the founder’s power. In other words, sultans were able to place their endowments in

areas seen to be more important than less powerful amirs. By tracing the placement of mainly

royal endowments from this period, the story the Qalāwūnid dynasty unfolds.

In order to understand the relationship between urban space and power during the early

Mamluk period and how the Mamluk elite used pious endowments to demonstrate their

legitimacy and power, a brief overview of the evolution of dynastic space in Cairo during the

Fatimid and Ayyubid periods is needed. The area known as Bayn al-Qaṣrayn, literally meaning

"between the two palaces", was an area of special significance beginning with the Fatimids.

Understanding its importance as a center for ritual ceremonies to enforce dynastic legitimacy is

necessary in order to understand its importance later during the Mamluk period.

With the conquest of Egypt in 358/969 by the Fāṭimid general Jawhar, a new capital city

was built for the Fatimid caliph, al-Muʿizz (r. 341-365/953-975), away from the ancient city of

al-Fusṭāṭ. This imperial capital, al-Qāhirah or "the Victorious", was the exclusive domain of the

caliph and his imperial court. It was dominated by a massive royal complex made up of the Great

110 For more on the theory of power and space see: Alan Harding and Talja Blokland, eds., Urban Theory: A Critical Introduction to Power, Cities and Urbanism in the 21st century (London: Sage Publications Ltd, 2014).

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Eastern Palace and the Lesser Western Palace, giving it the name: Bayn al-Qaṣrayn.111 The

Fatimids created a dynastic space within the urban landscape to hold their court ceremonies that

reinforced their dynasty’s legitimacy by physically imposing their power on the public through

architecture.112 Its seclusion from the older city of al-Fusṭāṭ was meant to separate the august

majesty of the caliph from the ordinary masses. This area's potent symbolism would have a

profound influence on the use of pious endowments.

This dynastic space was modified after the takeover of Egypt by Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn (r. 564-

589/1169-1193). Keen to establish his own authority and power in a capital that had been ruled

by the Shīʿī Fatimids for almost two centuries meant that he would have to change the urban

landscape to symbolize his control over the city. The first step in the dismemberment of the

Fatimid legitimacy was the appropriation of the many urban properties held by the Fatimids and

their court officials.113 Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn modified this dynastic space by distributing these properties

to his supporters and family members, who in turn created law colleges and other endowed

institutions within these buildings or their former areas.114 Although Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn built the

Citadel in Cairo as the focus of his reign, later Ayyubids would go back and build endowed

111 Yaacov Lev, Saladin in Egypt (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 110. 112 On al-Qāhira as a “ritual city” during the Fatimid period see: Paula Sanders, Ritual, Politics, and the City of Fatimid Cairo (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), 39-51. 113 Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn also temporarily closed al-Azhar mosque since it was a center of Shīʿī teaching and daʿwa (propagation). For a history of the mosque see: Nasser O. Rabbat, "Al-Azhar Mosque: An Architectural Chronicle of Cairo's History," Muqarnas 13 (1996): 45-67. 114 Yaacov Lev, Saladin in Egypt, 108. For a topographical study of Ayyubid Cairo see: Neil D. MacKenzie, Ayyubid Cairo: A Topographical Study (Cairo: American University In Cairo Press, 1992).

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institutions on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn. This Ayyubid dynastic space would become the focus for much

of the early Mamluk royal endowments.

The early Mamluk period was very unlike the establishment of a new dynastic order

under the Fatimids or the Ayyubids. The legitimacy of the earliest Mamluk rulers was based on

lineage with the previous dynasty, the Ayyubids. Aybak married a member of the royal family

and Quṭuz would claim to be an offspring of the Ayyubids to legitimize his power.115 However,

this could not be a lasting solution since basing their legitimacy on a family they disposed from

power was counter-productive. It was not until the reign of Sultan al-Ẓāhir Baybars, some ten

years since the last Ayyubid sultan ruled, when the Mamluk state took its form and a more

coherent policy towards legitimacy was formed. Baybars understood the instability caused by the

continual shifting in the political order and recognized new regime’s lack of legitimacy. Baybars

appropriated the dynastic space established by the Ayyubids utilizing the institution of waqf to

proclaim his right to rule. He consciously associated his legitimacy with his former master, the

last Ayyubid ruler al-Ṣāliḥ Najm al-Dīn Ayyūb (r. 637-647/1240-1249), by claiming his place in

the dynastic space of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn.

The complex of al-Ṣalīḥ was placed on the main thoroughfare of the former imperial city

of the Fatimids, Bayn al-Qaṣrayn, which had been used as a dynastic space since the foundation

115 Yehoshua Frenkel, “Awqāf in Mamlūk Bilād al-Shām,” MSR 8:1 (2009): 151, fn. 15. For the original reference see: Abū al-Maḥāsin Yūsuf ibn Taghrībirdī (1411-1470), al-Nujūm al-Zahirah fī Mulūk Miṣr wa-al-Qahirah (Cairo, 1937), 7:85.

52

of al-Qāhira.116 He, like others before and after him, placed his complex here to signal his

legitimacy through his pious deed and through his Ayyubid lineage. This complex would become

a center of Bahri Mamluk legitimacy propaganda, its significance lasting even during the Burji

period. During the reign of al-Muʾayyad Shaykh (r. 815-824/1412-1421) there was a discussion

about where to place his royal endowment. Although he would later place it next to Bāb

Zuwayla, the importance of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn and Barqūq’s complex, in particular, was suggested

due to its importance as a dynastic space.117

The complex of al-Ṣāliḥ Najm al-Dīn Ayyūb provided a model dynastic space that relayed

a message through a physical object and was improved upon under the Bahri Mamluk sultans.

One of the most potent propaganda tools were the various inscriptions found on the institution

itself. Inscribed on the al-Ṣāliḥiyya complex is the usual acclamation of who the founder was.

This inscription, like others, was also a declaration of power and legitimacy. In the case of the al-

Ṣāliḥiyya complex, it read:

116 For information of this complex see: Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Cairo of the Mamluks: A History of the Architecture and Its Culture (London: IB Tauris, 2007), 113-114. Also see: al-Maqrīzī, al-Khiṭaṭ (I), 2:28. 117 Badr al-Dīn Maḥmūd ibn Aḥmad al-ʿAynī (762-855/1361-1451), ʿIqd al-Juman fī Taʾrīkh Ahl al-Zaman. ed. ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṭanṭāwī al-Qarmūṭ (Cairo: Maṭbaʿat ʿAláʾ; al-Zahrāʾ lil-ʿilām al-ʿArabī, 1985), 1: 225. See the following for the history of al-Mu’ayyad Shaykh’s endowment: Nairy Hampikian, “Mu’ayyad Šayḫ and the Landscape of Power,” AI 46 (2012). Also see her: “The Barimaristan of al-Mu’ayyad Shaykh and the Area around it” (MA thesis, American Univeristy in Cairo, 1991). Tarek Swelim, “The complex of Sultan al-Mu’ayyad Shaykh” (MA thesis, American Univeristy in Cairo, 1986). ‘A. Fahmi, “Wathiqat al-Sultan al-Muayyad Shaykh” (PhD diss., Cairo University, 1991).

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ــالإسلامــسلطان الدينـوـــالدنياــنجمــالمثاغرــالمرابطــالمجاهدــالعادلــالعالمــالسيدـ لصالحاــالملكــالسلطانــمولانا

ــالملكــالسلطان ـبنـبـأيوــ ـالفتحــأبىــالأكرمينــآبائهــعنــالملكــوارثـالمجاهدينـــملوكــسيدـــالمسلمينـوـ

811 .أيوـبــبنــبكرــأبىــبنــمحمدـــالمعالىــأبىــالدينــناصرــالكامل

Our Lord the Sultan, the King, al-Ṣāliḥ, the Master, the Knowledgeable, the Just, the Warrior, the

One Stationed to Guard Territories, the Fighter at the Borders, Star of the World and the Religion,

Sultan of Islam and Muslims, Master of the Warrior Kinds, Inheritor of the kingdom from his

respectable fathers, Abū al-Fatḥ, Ayyub, son of the Sultan, the King, al-Kāmil, Supporter of the

Religion, Abū al-Maʿālī, Muḥammad ibn Abū Bakr ibn Ayyūb119

Al-Ṣāliḥ claimed the right to rule through his inheritance and his role as defender of the

faith. His list of titles provided a model which later Mamluk sultans would emulate but his reign

also provided a model of government in which power was concentrated in his hands.120

Humphreys argued that “politically, these men [al-Ẓāhir Baybars and Qalāwūn] were taught both

by al-Ṣāliḥ’s relationship to them as his mamlūks that political power resided in a single

individual, that autocracy was the natural order of government.”121 When al-Maqrīzī describes

the personality of al-Ṣāliḥ as a ruler this sort of rule becomes quite clear.

118 RCEA, XI, n° 4298. 119 English translation found in: Heba Abd el-Aziz el-Toudy, “Inscriptions of Bahri Mamlūk Sultans”, 87. 120

The use of Arabic on buildings to relay messages to the public was pioneered by the Fatimids. See: Irene A. Bierman, Writing Signs: The Fatimid Public Text (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 2. 121 R. Stephen Humphreys, From Saladin to the Mongols: The Ayyubids of Damascus, 1193-1260 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1977), 367. Addition between brackets is mine.

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Even when he sat with his companions there was silence. No one dared to speak except to answer

him. Nor was anyone seated in audience with him, no matter his business, ever known to have

spoken first, whether to intercede or to give counsel. Government officials were not permitted to

act independently. Rather they would submit a petition and await the sultan’s reply with his

instructions. Al-Ṣaliḥ, however, treated his subordinates with great respect and never uttered a

vile word regarding anyone in his service.122

This model of kingship provided Baybars and Qalāwūn with a very instructive approach

on their political path to power.123Although they might have arrived as the first among equals,

they would push to create a regal aura around their rule. One of the mechanisms which they used

to accomplish this was awqaf. They would create architecturally stunning religious establishments

to support their claim of regal status in a system of supposed equals. Their model for this

strategy was again provided by their former master, al-Ṣāliḥ.

The complex of al-Ṣāliḥ projected his power and legitimacy on the urban landscape, a

model which would be imitated and improved under the Mamluks. Its potent symbolic power

was used for promotion ceremonies of Mamluk amirs during the early Bahri period, tying their

right to rule as “heirs” of the Ayyūbid dynasty. The ritual procession is described in al-Maqrīzī’s

al-Khiṭaṭ:

122 al-Maqrīzī, Sulūk, 1:2:340. This English translation can be found in: Linda S. Northrup, From Slave to Sultan: The Career of al-Manṣūr Qalawūn and the Consolidation of Mamluk Rule in Egypt and Syria (678-689A.H./1279-1290A.D.) (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1998), 163-164. 123 For al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb’s influence see: Northrup, From Slave to Sultan, 163-164.

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يفـ وكانتـالعادةـأنهـإذاـأمرــالسلطانـأحداـمنـأمراءـمصرـوالشامـفإنهـينزلـمنـقلعةـالجبلـوعليهـالتشر

ين،ـوعملـذلكـمنـعهدـسلطنةـ والشرـبوشـوتوقدـلهـالقاهرة،ـفيمرــإلىـالمدرسةـالصالحيةـبينـالقصر

124.ومنـبعده أيبك المعز

It was the custom that whenever the sultan awarded the rank of amir to any of the amīrs of Egypt

and Syria, the latter would come down from the citadel, dressed with a robe of honour and with a

fur hat, and while the city of Cairo was illuminated in his honour. He then would proceed to the

Ṣāliḥiyya madrasa at Bayna l-Qaṣrayn. That is how [this ceremonial] was performed during the

reign of sultan al-Mu’izz Aybak and during that of his immediate successors.125

However, a continuance of this policy would not allow for the legitimacy of Mamluk

sultans to go on indefinitely. Sultan al-Ẓāhir Baybars (r. 658-76/1260-77) realized his rule,

some ten years after the last Ayyubid ruler in Cairo, could no longer attach its legitimacy solely

to the former dynasty. His solution to this problem was the use of pious endowments and

projection of a power onto the urban landscape. The al-Ẓāhiriyya complex, which was mostly

destroyed in 1874 to make room for a new road, was built right next to the complex of his

former master, al-Ṣāliḥiyya.126 The decoration of his madrasa is similar to those of the Ayyubid

124 al-Maqrīzī, al-Khiṭaṭ (I), 2:380. 125 Jo Van Steenbergen, “Ritual, Politics and the City of Mamlūk Cairo: The Bayna l’Qaṣrayn As A Dyanmic ‘Lieu De Mémoire, 1250-1382,” in Court Ceremonies and Rituals of Power in Byzantium and the Medieval Mediterranean, ed. Alexander Beihammer, Stavroula Constantinou and Maria Parani (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 232. 126 Caroline Williams, Islamic Monuments in Cairo: The Practical Guide (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2008), 185. In 1882 the minaret fell down as well. See: Behrens-Abouseif, Cairo of the Mamluks, 119-121.

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period as well, symbolically signaling an unbroken continuance of legitimate rule. 127The choice

of location was deliberate and therefore of great importance. It signals two significant points: the

first is the homage to his former master as his rightful successor and secondly al-Ẓāhir Baybars’

equal stature to that of his former master since only an equal could build next to a sultan.

Interestingly on his mosque he was described as “the One who ordered the allegiance to two

Caliphs”, something his predecessor certainly never could claim.128 Perhaps the Mamluk sultans

were aiming to outdo their famous predecessors.

The influential reign of al-Ẓāhir Baybars was eventually followed by Qalāwūn’s, whose

long reign allowed him to cement the new state which saw a centralization of power in the hands

of the sultan.129 However, like al-Ẓāhir Baybars, he was a mamluk and the issue of legitimacy

was still a problematic issue. Egypt had known hereditary rule for centuries under the Ayyubids

and the Fatimids before them. Following the example of his former master, al-Ṣāliḥ, and his

predecessor, al-Ẓāhir Baybars, he would endow an institution, but his ambitions would require

him to attempt something on a much grander scale. His ambition to create a legacy so

resounding that it would cement his descendants’ claim to power for the next century had an

enormous impact on the evolution of pious endowments.

127 Behrens-Abouseif, Cairo of the Mamluks, 126. 128 Translation found in: Heba al-Toudy, “Inscriptions of Bahri Mamlūk Sultans”, 101. The complete inscription can be found at: RCEA, XII, n° 4564. “الآمرـببيعةـالخليفتين” 129 For details on Qalāwūn’s background and career prior to becoming sultan see: Northrup, From Slave to Sultan, 66-83.

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The setting of the al-Manṣūriyya complex, like that of al-Ẓāhir Baybars, was deliberate

and therefore intended to convey a message. We know its location was intentional because of the

hassle to acquire the property. According to Ibn ʿAbd al-Ẓāhir (620-692/1223-1292), female

descendants of the Ayyubid dynasty inhabited the property which Qalāwūn exchanged for

another property in order to acquire the property for his complex and then hurried their

move.130 The site of his monumental complex faced those of his predecessors, al-Ẓāhiriyya and

al-Ṣāliḥiyya. Yet, Qalāwūn did not intend to simply put himself on equal footing with or derive

legitimacy by proximity to al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb’s complex, as al-Ẓāhir Baybars had done, but to surpass

them both.

Sultan Qalāwūn’s complex became the focal point of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn, the dynastic space

of both the Fāṭimids and the Ayyūbids. This massive structure would have drawn the public’s

eye toward its impressive exterior and no doubt to the lengthy inscription band which ran the

entire length of structure facing the main thoroughfare of the area. This would have operated like

a modern billboard, influencing the public through a visual medium. Qalāwūn’s complex would

have swayed public opinion in his favor which helped to build the necessary consensus to rule by

creating the image of a pious Muslim that ensured the spiritual, intellectual and physical

wellbeing of the Muslim community. Just as important was the expression of power and

130 Muḥyī al-Dīn Ibn ʿAbd al-Zāhir (620-692/1223-1292), Tashrīf al-Ayyam wa-al-ʿUṣūr fī Sīrat al-Malik al-Manṣūr, ed. Murād Kāmil (Cairo: Wizārat al-Thaqāfah wa-al-Irshād al-Qawmī, 1961), 55.

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legitimacy in the inscriptions on the complex. These inscriptions which can still be clearly read

today show a ruler who’s aspiration was as monumental as the complex.131

Examining the material evidence from his complex leaves the distinct impression he

intended to outdo his immediate predecessors and establish his legacy alongside that of Ṣalāḥ al-

Dīn Ayyūb (r. 564-589/1169-1193) and Nūr al-Dīn ibn Zangī (r. 541-569/1146-1174). These

two rulers, lauded as the defenders of Islam, won their fame during their wars against the

Crusaders. Qalāwūn undoubtedly saw himself in a similar situation, with the exception of having

to face two foes at once (the Crusaders and the Mongols). Both Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn and Nūr al-Dīn had

created legendary hospitals, the one created by the latter was supposedly visited by Qalāwūn.

Although Qalāwūn’s titles follow a similar formula to the Zangids and Ayyubids, beginning with

the personal adjectives of the ruler, his lengthy list of titles far outdo any of them.132 Qalāwūn

also employed similar titles to that of Nūr al-Dīn who was described as “the Subdoer of

Mutineers, the Suppressor of the Atheists, the Killer of the Infidels and Polytheists, King of the

World”133or to Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn who took the title “the Owner of the Lands of Egypt”134 and

“Servant of the Two Holy Sanctuaries”.135 He even employed several titles used by al-Ẓāhir

Baybars, however Qalāwūn builds upon these with much more grandiose titles. His use of the

title “Sultan of the Two Iraqs (Arab & Persian), and of the Two Egypts (Upper and Lower)”, 131 For inscriptions on the exterior of the Sultan Qalāwūn’s complex, see: RCEA, XIII, n° 4845; RCEA, XIII, n° 4846; RCEA, XIII, n° 4847; RCEA, XIII, n° 4848; RCEA, XIII, n° 4849; RCEA, XIII, n° 4852. 132 Heba al-Toudy, “Inscriptions of Bahri Mamlūk Sultans”, 139. 133 Ibid., 69. 134 Ibid., 78. 135 Ibid., 79.

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“Sultan of the earth so vast in its length and width” and “King of the Earth” are novel and reflect

an ambition to establish something more lasting than that accomplished by al-Ẓāhir Baybars.

Qalāwūn created a hospital on such a monumental scale as to arguably outdo even those

two legendary rulers. In the taqlīd (diploma) given to Muhadhdhib al-Dīn b. Abī Ḥulayqa, as

riyasat al-ṭibb (post of chief physician) of Qalāwūn’s hospital, his intentions are laid bare.136 His

predecessors had shown concern for the religious sciences by endowing institutions of learning

and prayer but had neglected the science of the body (ʿilm al-abdan). Qalāwūn wished to outdo

his immediate predecessors and create a complex of accomplish both sciences, an institution “to

dazzle the eyes”.137 The decorations used to beautify his complex were said to have never before

used in Egypt.138 All the more important since the institution was open to all Muslims, who

needed medical services, to marvel at his beneficence and power.

Qalāwūn’s intention was to present to the public a building representing a ruler who

surpassed all others before him .The titles included in the inscriptions on his complex follow a

similar pattern like that seen on al-Ṣāliḥ’s complex or al-Ẓāhir Baybars’ but his titles go further

than his predecessor’s as if he was signaling he was their superior (See for a comparison between

them see Table E).139 Qalāwūn was deliberately justified his legitimacy in his own right,

136 Northrup, From Slave to Sultan, 120. 137 Ibid., 120. 138 Ibid., 120. 139 The mausoleum in the madrasah of al-Ẓāhir Baybars in Damascus has an interesting inscription that shows how powerful writing can be. The inscriptions states that the order of its completion was given by “al-sulṭan al-malik al-manṣūr sayf al-dunya wa al-dīn Qalawūn al-Ṣaliḥī”, although it was founded by Barakā Khān ibn Baybars. One imagines Qalāwūn doing this to cement an image of legitimacy through his predecessor. His use of royal titles would

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something more than just “al-Ṣāliḥī”, a faithful mamlūk of the Ayyubid king al-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb. His

right to rule originated with his protection of Islam and his endowments. His nisba, al-Ṣāliḥī,

wasn’t simply a name of a mere mamluk but a special group of mujahidūn (holy warriors) that

had saved the Muslims from the enemies of their faith. His titles were meant to impress upon the

public the image of a rightful ruler.

يدــ, العادلـ, العالمـ, المنصورــ ,الأعظمـالملك, السلطانـ , سيدـناـوـمولانا ـ المنصور, المجاهدـ, المظفـرـ, المؤ

سلطانـالأرضـذاتـ, سيدــالملوكـوـالسلاطينـ, سلطانـالإسلامـوـالمسلمينـ, سيفـالدنياـوـالدينـ,

ينـ, ملكـالبسيطةـ, الطولـوـالعرضـ ينـ, سلطانـالعراقينـوـالمصر وارثـالملكـ, ملكـالبرـينـوـالبحر

يفين ـ, قبلتينصاحبـال, ملكـملوكـالعربـوـالعجمـ, قسيمـأميرـ, الصالحىـ قلاون , خادمـالحرمينـالشر

يةــ, المؤمنينـ يةـ]ــصاحبـالديار, أوحدـالملوكـالعصر منصفـ, الآملينـكنزـالعفاةـوـالمنقطعينـــ...ـ[المصر

دينـسيفـالدنياـوـال, قاهرـالخوارجـوـالمتمردـينـ, قاتلـالـكفرةـوـالمشركينـ, المظلومينـمنـالظالمينـ

140 .قسيمـأميرـالمؤمنين, قلاوونـالصالحىـ,

Our master and lord, the Greatest Sultan, al-Malik al-Manṣūr, the Knowledgeable, the Just, the

Supported, the Triumphant, the Warrior, sayf al-dunya wa al-dīn, the Sultan of Islam and the

Muslims, the Master of Kings and Sultans, the Sultan of the Earth so vast in its length and width,

the King of the Earth, the Sultan of the Two Iraqs and the Two Egypts, the King of the Two

Shores/Lands and the two Seas, the Inheritor of the Kingdom, the King of the Arabs and non-

Arabs, the One in Charge of the Two Sanctuaries [Mecca and Jerusalem], the Servant of the Two

also be used to show his equal status to the legendary Mamluk ruler al-Ẓāhir Baybars. For the inscription see: RCEA, XIII, n° 4884. 140 RCEA, XIII, n° 4852. I have added commas to separate the various titles.

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Holy Sanctuaries [Mecca and Madina], Qalāwūn al-Ṣāliḥī, the Partner of the Prince of the Faithful

… the One of His Kind of the Kings of the time, the Owner of the Lands of Egypt … of the

Hopeful, the Treasure of the Suffering and the Needy, the Obtainer of the Rights of the Oppressed

from the Oppressors, the Killer of the Infidels and Polytheists, the Conqueror Over the Outcasts

and the Mutineers, sayf al-dunya wa al-dīn, Qalāwūn al-Ṣāliḥī, the Partner of the Prince of the

faithful.141

Qalāwūn’s bombastic inscriptions were meant to proclaim to the public the arrival of a

ruler unlike any of those before him. His titles included many that his predecessors hadn’t used

such as “Āwḥad al-malūk al-ʿaṣriyya” or “the One of His Kind of the Kings of the Time”. Any

visitor would have been reminded of this entering or moving around the complex as various

inscriptions detailing his right to rule are found throughout the complex (See Image E and Image

F). It would almost be impossible for any visitor to the complex not to know who had founded

it. Easily readable inscriptions are found above the windows where anyone passing by could hear

men reciting Quran, or the several inscriptions at the entrance door. Qalāwūn utilized his

endowed complex to display his power by building on central property in the space previously

employed by the Fatimids and Ayyubids for their own dynastic claims and influenced public

opinion to build a consensus needed for his reign. This propaganda monument also served as a

centerpiece for later Qalāwūnids’ ceremonial rituals to help enforce their unique claim to power.

Qalāwūn’s reign left such an indelible mark on the Mamluk establishment that his progeny

141 A complete translation of the entire inscription can be found in: Heba al-Toudy, “Inscriptions of Bahri Mamlūk Sultans”, 138.

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repeatedly became sultans for almost a century, a phenomenon in the Mamluk Empire. His

complex modified the dynamic space of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn to display his power and legitimacy.

Whereas new amirs had once been invested in the complex of al-Ṣāliḥ, they now were invested in

Qalāwūn’s majestic complex.

يحضرـتحليفهـصاحبـ يةـوصارـالأميرـيحلفـعندـالقبرـالمذكور،ـو الحجاب،ـفنقلـذلكـإلىـالقبةـالمنصور

يجلسـلهـفيـطولـشارعـالقاهرةـإلىـالقلعةـأهلـ وتمدــأسمطةـجليلةـبهذهـالقبة،ـثمـينصرفـالأميرـو

الأغانيـلتزفهـفيـنزولهـوصعوده،ـوكانـهذاـمنـجملةـمنتزهاتـالقاهرة،ـوقدـبطلـذلكـمنذـانقرضتـ

142دولةـبنيـقلاون

Thereafter, it was transferred to the Manṣūriyya mausoleum. Eventually, therefore, the amir used

to swear an oath [of investiture] at this mausoleum, in the presence of the lord chamberlain.

Thereupon a sumptuous banquet was organized at this mausoleum and then the amir returned [to

the citadel]. All along the road between Cairo and the citadel, there used to be singers sitting down

and turning his passage to and fro into a solemn procession. This used to be one of the great

parades of the city of Cairo, but all that was abolished with annihilation of the regime of the

Qalāwūnids.143

His monumental complex became the focal point for his immediate successors, especially

al-Ashraf Khalīl and al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, although they would not be the only ones attempting

to derive legitimacy through his endowed complex. Although al-Ashraf Khalīl had endowed a

142 al-Maqrīzī, al-Khitạt (I), 2:380-381. 143 Jo Van Steenbergen, “Ritual, Politics, and the City in Mamlūk Cairo”, 232-233.

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complex not located along Bayn al-Qaṣrayn, probably due to his foundation being created before

ascending to the throne, he would use his father’s complex to imbue legitimacy on his reign. The

beginning of his military campaign to attack the Crusader held Acre, he would start his long

march at his father’s complex, no doubt reminding those present of his legitimacy through his

magnificent forbearer.144 Its importance was not relegated to only ceremonial processions since it

in fact had created a new focal point in the urban landscape. The complex provided much of the

social services needed for the city since it included a hospital, water fountain, college and even

shops to buy from or rent located in close proximity. Qalāwūn’s lasting legacy was illustrated by

his endowed complex which became the central space for Mamluk royal legitimacy for the next

century.

The Dynastic Space of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn: Qalāwun’s Heirs versus Usurping Amirs

Although al-Ashraf Khalīl’s endowed complex was located outside of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn, it

would still use inscriptions similar to those of Qalāwūn’s complex on its exterior to proclaim his

legitimacy. His endowed institution was founded while Qalāwūn was still sultan and an

inscription on his tomb mentions him as the son of the sultan. In other words, like the Ayyūbids,

Qalāwūn’s son would derive his legitimacy through his descent of a royal forbearer. Although the

description shows that al-Ashraf Khalīl is the junior in this relationship, they do share similar

titles (See Table F). There was an obvious attempt by al-Ashraf Khalīl, and probably his father,

144 Northrup, From Slave to Sultan, 158.

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to link the two together as rightful rulers through inscriptions. The son and father are described

as:

يدـ, ــالمثاغر, ــالمرابط, ــالمجاهد, ــالعادل, ــالعالم, ــالأشرفــالملك, ــالسلطان, ــسيدـناـوـــمولانا ــالمظفـر, ــالمؤ

ـوـــالطغاةــمبيد, ــالمتمردـينـوــ الخوارجــقاهر, ــالمشركينـوـــالـكفرةــقاتلـــ...ــالدينـوـــالدنيا حـ(ـصلا)ـــالمنصور,

ــكهف, ــالمساكينـوـ ـالفقراءــكنز, ــالظالمينــمنــالمظلومينــمنصف, ــالعالمينــفىــالعدلــمحيى, ــالمارقين

ــأبو, ــالدينــحوزةــحامى, ــالمرسلينــسيدـــملةـــمحيى, ــبالبراهين ـالحقــ ـ(ـ؟)ـــناصر, ــالمنقطعينـوـــالضعفاء

بنـ خليل ـالفتح ــالمرابط, ــالمجاهد, ــالعادل, ــالعالم , المنصورــالملك, ــالأعظمــالسلطان, ــسيدـناـوـــمولاناــإ

يدـ, ــالمثاغر, ــاليمنـوـــالشأمــسلطانــالأممــرقابــمالك, ــالعجمـوـــالعربــسلطان, ــالمنصور, ــالمظفـرــالمؤ

ينــملك, يفينــالحرمينــخادم, ــالبحر يةـــالديارــملك, ــالقبلتينــصاحب, ــالشر يةـــالجهاتـوـــالمصر ـوـــالحجاز

يةـــالديارـوـــالفراتيةـــالأعمالـوـــالشأميةـــالبلاد يةـــملوكــأوحد, ــ البكر ـوـــالدنياــسيفـــ... ـجهانــبهلوانــالعصر

ــقلاون, ــالمتمردـينـوـــالخوارجــقاهر, ــالمشركينـوـــالـكفرةــقاتل, ــالمسلمينـوـــالإسلامــسلطان, ــالدين

541المؤمنيـ[ـنــأميرـــقـ]ـسيم, ــالصالحى

Our Lord and Master, the Sultan, al-Malik al-Ashraf, the Knowledgeable, the Just, the Warrior,

the One Stationed to Guard the Territories, the Fighter at the Borders, the Supported, the

Triumphant, the Victorious, ṣalāḥ al-dunyā wa al-dīn … Killer of the Infidels and the Polytheists,

Conqueror of the Outcasts and Mutineers, Exterminator of the Despots and the Dissenters,

Reviver of Justice in All Worlds, the Treasure of the Poor and Needy, the Supported of the Truth

with Evidence, the Reviver of the Religion of the Master of Prophets, the Defender of the

Borders/Lands of the Religion, Abū Fatḥ Khalīl, son of our Lord and Master, the Greatest Sultan,

al-Malik al-Manṣūr, the Knowledgeable, the Just, the Warrior, the One Stationed to Guard

Territories, the Fighter at the Borders, the Supported, the Triumphant, the Victorious, Sultan of

145 RCEA, XIII, n° 4895. I added the commas to separate the epithets and titles.

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Arabs and non-Arabs, Possessor of the Necks of Nations, Sultan of the Levant and the Yemen,

King of the Two Seas, Servant of the Two Holy Sanctuaries [Mecca and Madina], the One in

Charge of the Two Sanctuaries [Mecca and Jerusalem], King of the Egyptian Homelands, of the

Lands of the Hijaz, of the Lands of the Levant, of the Lands around the Euphrates, and the Land

of Diyarbekir, the One of his kind of Kings of his time, the King of the World … sayf al-dunyā wa al-

dīn, Sultan of Islam and the Muslims, Killer of the Infidels and Polytheists, Conqueror of the

Outcasts and Muntineers, Qalāwūn al-Ṣāliḥī, Partner of the Prince of the Faithful.146

Comparing the titles used by al-Ashraf Khalīl and Qalāwūn, it is obvious that the son’s

legitimacy was based on his father. More than half of the inscription matches the titles describing

his father in the same inscription, unlike similar descriptions between a ruling father and heir

(ex: al-Ẓāhir Baybars and Baraka Khān or Qalāwūn and al-Ṣāliḥ ʿAlī) which were much more

simple when describing the heir.147 The Qalāwūnids utilized endowments to further their

dynastic claims with growing sophistication. Although al-Ashraf Khalīl’s endowment was placed

outside of the dynastic space on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn, the employment of inscriptions to project his

legitimacy and dynastic right was to become a trademark of the Qalāwūnids. But it was a model

that not only they would try to employ.

Interestingly enough the next individual who wished to claim royal legitimacy by placing

his endowment on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn was not a member of the Qalāwūnid dynasty. The powerful

amir al-ʿAdil Kitbughā (r. 694-6/1295-7) had usurped power from the inexperienced al-Nāṣir

Muḥammad, the young son of Qalāwūn. Not only would Kitbughā endow a complex right next

146 English translation can be found at: Heba el-Toudy, “Inscriptions of Bahri Mamlūk Sultans”, 148-149. 147 Ibid. 150.

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to his former patron, Qalāwūn, he would use the portal of church brought back to Cairo by al-

Ashraf Khalīl.148 The importance of the endowment’s location is seen in al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s

response when he was brought to power for a second time in 698/1299. Sultan al-Nāṣir

Muḥammad took over the construction of the complex, apparently before it was formally

endowed.149 He then proceeded to make it into his own endowed complex. The heavy brass door

knockers of the main entrance door however are inscribed to Sultan al-ʿAdil Kitbughā (See

Figure G). Why did al-Nāṣir Muḥammad leave this door knocker on the monument after he had

taken such time and effort to make sure the monument was associated with him? Perhaps as a

subtle reminder of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s actions to those passing by.

In addition to this al-Nāṣir Muḥammad repaired the minaret of the Qalāwūn complex

and endowed a sabīl (fountain) which was attached near the portal of the Qalāwūn complex as

well (See Figure I).150 He would inscribe on every conceivable space to remind those who passed

by his connection with his father, Qalāwūn, and his right to rule. These inscriptions are easily

read today with the naked eye so would have been very obvious to the public during that period

(See Figure J).

148 Philip Speiser, “The Sultan al-Nāṣir Muḥammad Madrasah in Cairo: Restoration and Archaeological Investigation,” MSR XII, no. 2 (2008): 198. 149 al-Maqrīzī, al-Khiṭaṭ (I), 2:382 150 The founder of the sabīl is a matter of debate, but it seems he had ordered its building and it was completed after his death. See: Sophie Ebeid, “Early sabīls and their standardization,” (Master’s Thesis, American University in Cairo, 1976), 21.

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The northern area of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn, clustered around the religious establishments of

al-Ṣāliḥ, al-Ẓāhir Baybars and Qalāwūn, was the prerogative of reigning monarchs. No other

major religious establishments were endowed along this central thoroughfare until Sultan Barqūq

founded his complex next to that of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad. The use of endowments to project

power on the urban landscape also resulted in spaces of hierarchy. Sultans were able to establish

endowments along the important area on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn since it required large outlays of cash

and power (no doubt used by Qalāwūn to acquire the property needed to establish his complex)

to build on prime real estate. However, because endowments allowed for flexible uses

endowments by powerful amirs were employed in a similar manner as those created by sultans.

The complex of Baybars al-Jāshankīr (r. 708-9/1309-1310) was not located on the main

thoroughfare of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn but next to it. This is due to the fact the complex was first

constructed and endowed when Baybars was still an amir. His endowment is located next

another powerful amir: Qarāsunqur. However, after several years of political machinations

Baybars eventually ascended to the throne in 708/1309. He would not only add to his original

endowment, he would strive to create a more regal complex. The inscriptions on his complex

would have displayed his royal titles, like the complexes of Sultan Qalāwūn and al-Ẓāhir Baybars

before him. However, his removal by al-Nāṣir Muḥammad in 709/1310 would change the nature

of his endowment. Sultan al-Nāṣir Muḥammad would close the complex down for years until the

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opening of his khānqāh at Sīryāqūs.151 But more importantly, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad would change

the inscriptions Baybars al-Jāshankīr had placed on the complex.152 Since the complex was a

consecrated endowment and technically beyond confiscation like that of Kitbughā’s, al-Nāṣir

Muḥammad could not simple remake it into his own complex like he had done before or chose

not to since it was not located in the dynastic space of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn and thereby less regal. So

he chose to remove the royal titular inscriptions on the complex leaving the part appropriate for

an amir. His actions “can be interpreted as a gesture of disapproval of their claim to the throne

on the one hand, and a desire to establish an uninterrupted royal lineage for the house of

Qalāwūn on the other.”153

These institutions and their endowments were a central part to the display of power and

legitimacy for the ruling elite. The symbolism of their endowments is not a modern

interpretation but one that held special significance to the people living in that era. The creation

of spaces of hierarchy was not haphazard but reflected the realities of power. Evidence of the

pious endowments’ importance and its relationship with the Mamluk power structure is proven

by al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s actions. The importance of location and inscriptions was deemed

important enough to warrant his actions in confiscation of al-ʿAdil Kitbughā’s unregistered

endowment, since his would have been located in an area of royal prerogative, and the rewording

151 Leonor Fernandes, “The Foundation of Baybars al-Jashankir: Its Waqf, History and Architecture,” Murqarnas 4 (1987): 23. 152 Ibid., 23. 153 Howayda al-Harithy, “Patronage of al-Nasir Muhammad,” MSR IV (2000): 234.

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of the inscriptions found on Baybars al-Jāshankīr’s endowment. The use of pious endowments by

the Mamluk elite would continue to be an important factor in politics during al-Nāṣir

Muḥammad’s third reign.

Awqaf & Political Relationships: al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s Third Reign

The importance was endowments during the early period of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s three

reigns has been shown to be central to the legitimacy of the sultan. His third reign (709-

41/1310-41) would usher in a new phase in the use of waqf. Not only would he continue using

endowments to promote urban growth and establish his legitimacy like his father had before him,

he would use endowments in an effort to bind amirs to his cause and further establish his

legitimacy. His third reign would see him firmly establish his rule after removing those amirs that

proved to be disloyal to his own supremacy and his redistribution of iqṭaʿ in the favor of the

sultan with his cadastral survey of the empire in 713/1313.154. This relatively peaceful period, in

which he reigned supreme, would see the use of awqaf change in objectives hoping to bind

chosen elite amirs to his family’s dynasty, therefore prolonging the Qalāwūnid’s claim to the

throne and a move away from building on the royal venue of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn.

154 The cadastral survey began in al-Shām in 713/1313, then Miṣr in 715/1315, Ṭarābulus in 717/1317 and finally Ḥalab in 725/1325. On al-Rawk al-Naṣirī, see: Tsugitaka Satō, State and Rural Society in Medieval Islam, 135-152.

70

This long period of rule by one man, along with the lack of hostile enemies threatening

invasion, allowed the ruling elite to direct financial resources to other avenues.155 This lack of

outside intrusions with a more centralized land tenure system after the cadastral survey meant

that the sultan and the favored elite could spend more resources on building programs.156 Ibn

Taghrībirdī reported that if al-Nāṣir Muḥammad heard that a foundation was established, the

founder would receive the sultan’s congratulations in public and would receive money,

equipment and more from him in private.157 This generous support to amirs was not only out of

favoritism to those he held in esteem but also a form of control which helped him spread his

legitimacy through his largesse via building programs. Much like the building programs of the

sultans, these amiral endowments would provide a means to display his legitimacy. These

calculated gifts were also meant to bind the forming ruling aristocracy to his family, therefore

hopefully ensuring his dynasty’s survival. Sultan al-Nāṣir Muḥammad would use a two pronged

approach to this task. First, he created an alliance with certain amirs through marriage, either by

allowing them to marry into his family or the sultan into theirs.158 The second part would entail

providing financial support for architectural programs, both in the forms of endowed institutions

155 Howayda al-Harithy, “Patronage of al-Nasir Muhammad”, 222-223. 156 Ibid., 224. For the original source see: Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad Ibn Iyās (850-930/1448-ca.1524), Badaʾiʿ al-Zuhūr fī Waqaʾiʿ al-Duhūr (Cairo: al-Hayʼah al-Misṛīyah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Kitāb, 1982-1984), 1:1:446. 157 Abū al-Maḥāsin Yūsuf Ibn Taghrī Birdī, al-Nujūm al-Zahirah fī Mulūk Miṣr wa-al-Qahirah (Cairo: al-Muʾassasah al-Miṣrīyah al-ʿĀmmah, 1963-1972), 9:185.

“…فيـالباطنـبالمالـوـالآلات،ـوـغيرهإذاـسمعـبأحدـقدـأنشأـعمارةـبمكانـشكرهـفيـالملأـوـأمدذـ…”158 Jo Van Steenbergen, Order Out of Chaos, 82.

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or palaces. The financial support al-Nāṣir Muḥammad offered to his favored amirs was very

substantial.

The building of a mosque could be very costly. According to al-Maqrīzī, the mosque of

amīr Aydumur al-Khaṭīrī, built in 1337, cost 400,000 silver dirhams or 20,000 dinars. The

mosque of al-Māridānī was supposed to have cost more than 300,000 dirhams or 15,000 dinars.

Although in comparison to private buildings, such as the palace of Baktimur al-Sāqī which cost

an estimated one million dirhams or 50,000 dinars, these endowed complexes did not cost an

exorbitant amount.159 However, what we do notice in the sources is that material and financial

funding for this did not solely come from the purses of the amirs, but from a generous patron,

al-Nāṣir Muḥammad.

The historian al-Maqrīzī remarked that al-Nāṣir Muḥammad spent eighty thousand

dirhams daily on his building programs during this third reign.160 While it is not certain that

those funds also covered the gifts to amirs who were conducting their own building programs is

not known, but it does show the amount of buildings created during this time. This period

would see the creation of many Friday masjids, jamiʿ, and a number of other religious

establishments. During his reign alone, some thirty congregational mosques were built while only

159 For a more detailed discussion on the cost of building during the Bahri Mamluk period see: Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Cairo of the Mamluks, 47-48. 160Aḥmad ibn ʿAlī al-Maqrīzī, Kitab al-Sulūk li-maʻrifat duwal al-mulūk (Cairo: Matbạʻat Lajnat al-Taʼlīf wa-al-Tarjamah wa-al-Nashr, 1934-1972), 2:2:163-164.

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one (belonging to al-Ẓāhir Baybars) had been built in the 50 years prior.161 Amirs, like

Alṭunbughā al-Māridānī, benefited from al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s largesse through cash funds,

labor, or building materials. As stated earlier, these gifts were given in the hope of tying these

powerful individuals to his dynastic house there were also more immediate benefits. Studying the

inscriptions of these amiral endowed structures, many of them proclaim the founder was an

officer of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad (see Table G). Most inscriptions followed the basic structure of

“amir x, position at court or rank, officer of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad”. These inscriptions of course

would give legitimacy to the founding amirs through their relationship of the sultan, but it also

reminded the public of his omnipresence. This legacy as a builder and patron of religious

establishments would be looked back on by later historians, like al-Maqrīzī, as the zenith of the

Mamluk state. It is interesting to note that certain amirs who became sultans, like Baybars al-

Jāshankīr and Kitbughā, purposely used the title al-Manṣūrī or “al-maliki al-manṣūrī” on their

endowed complexes.162 This would have been done to illustrate the patron’s legitimacy through

his relationship the Qalāwūn and perhaps his own right to power.

A New Dynastic Space?: Awqaf in the Late Fourteenth Century

The third reign of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad saw the creation of a new dynastic space in and

around the area of the citadel in Cairo. This new development began his building program with

161 al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 2:2:544. 162 Sāmī Ṣāliḥ ‘Abdal-Mālik, "Une inscription du sultan mamelouk Kitbuġā découverte a al-Qurrayṣ (Sinaï central)", in Le Sinaï de la conquête arabe à nos jours, ed. J. M. Mouton (Cairo: IFAO, 2001), 52.

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the intention of leaving his lasting make on the urban landscape and outdoing any other Mamlūk

sultan. His building program included endowed structures, bridges, waterworks and private

residences for him and his amirs.163 There were many causes for shifting the focus area of his

building program. The first is rather superficial as the sultan himself resided in the citadel and

would have wanted to admire his own crowning achievement on the urban landscape to be seen

from the citadel. Secondly, ceremonial possession through the city which would have either

started or ended at the citadel would re-enforce the idea of Qalāwūnid legitimacy. A Qalāwūnid

sultan could have begun the ceremonial entrance into Cairo at the khānqāh of al-Nāṣir

Muḥammad located to the north of the city, then headed towards the endowments of Qalāwūn

and al-Nāṣir Muḥammad on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn going south towards to citadel and coming to the

complex of al-Nāṣir Ḥassan or al-Ashraf Shaʿbān right before entering the citadel, all the while

reminding those in attendance of the legacy of the Qalāwūnid dynasty. Finally, the construction

of palaces was for patronage and control over powerful amirs in the retinue of al-Nāṣir

Muḥammad. It is these powerful amirs and their ambitions that would influence the next phase

of major royal endowments and the growing sophistication of the institution itself.

This focus on the citadel began with al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s competition with the legacy

of al-Ẓāhir Baybars.164 Although he had constructed other Friday mosques around Cairo, he

would rebuild one (most likely endowed) inside the citadel which replaced one that was

163 For details on these buildings, see: Howayda al-Harithy, “Patronage of al-Nasir Muhammad”, 225. Also see: Nasser Rabbat, The Citadel of Cairo: A New Interpretation of Royal Mamluk Architecture (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 181-282. 164 Howayda al-Harithy, “Patronage of al-Nasir Muhammad”, 234.

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supposedly built by the Ayyūbid Sultan al-Kāmil.165 A costly demolishment and rebuilding of a

mosque would serve to buttress his legacy as the patron of the Mamlūk state. This competition

also resulted in him rebuilding and enlarging Qanāṭir al-Sibāʿ (The Bridge of Panthers) to

outshine his predecessor.166 The historian al-Maqrīzī stated that he constructed a new palace in

the citadel, Qaṣr al-Ablaq, to rival the place al-Ẓāhir Baybars had built in Damascus. In addition

to these, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad constructed two palaces for favorite amirs, Alṭunbugha al-Māridānī

and Yalbughā al-Yaḥyāwī in Rumaylah. It was the amirs of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s reign that

would play a significant role in the political events after his death. Their ambitions would result

in a series of Qalāwūnids being placed on the throne and removed which would have a strong

impact on the development of pious endowments in the late fourteenth century. These two

palaces, along with the other buildings of the elite amīrs, were to become symbols of their

elevated position within the Mamluk state.

The majority of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s progeny would not enjoy the long stable reign he

had during the Qalāwūnid’s sway over most of the fourteenth century (See Table H). Only three

of his offspring would endow institutions during their lifetime: al-Ḥājjī167 (his son) al-Nāṣir

Ḥassan (his son), and al-Ashraf Shaʿbān (his grandson). The last two would have the longest

reigns of all the Qalāwūnid sultans after al-Nāṣir Muḥammad. The endowed religious complexes

of al-Nāṣir Ḥasan and al-Ashraf Shaʿbān reflected the growing change in the political situation

165 Ibid., 228. 166 Ibid., 234-5. See original source: al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 2:1:129. 167 See Muḥammad Muḥammad Amīn, Catalog, 11, no. 40.

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and the adaption of awqaf. As the struggle between Qalāwūnid heirs and powerful amirs became

hotly contested, Qalāwūnid sultans would use the institution to reinforce their claims as the

rightful ruler of the Mamluk Empire by building imposing complexes that reminded all that the

Qalāwūnids were unlike any other who might wish to claim the sultanate.

Struggle for Power: Qalawunid Sultans versus Powerful Amirs

The death of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad brought about a shift in the internal power structure of

the Mamluk state. The Mamluk sultans since al-Ẓāhir Baybars had slowly concentrated power in

the hands of the sultan at the expense of the amirs. Sultan al-Nāṣir Muḥammad had brought this

concerted effort to its zenith with his final reign. However, after his death there would be a

drastic reversal. Ambitious amirs would consistently challenge the power and prerogative of the

Qalāwūnid sultan. This change in the power dynamic was reflected in how pious endowments

were employed by the Mamluk elite. These ambitious amirs seeking “effective power” over the

state apparatus would present a serious challenge to any Qalāwūnid sultan wishing to establish

their own power.168 The Qalāwūnids who were able to obtain some measure of power would

employ pious endowments in order to offset the growing power of the Mamluk amirs through

financial manipulations of their endowments (See Chapter 2). They would also use the symbolic

power of their royal endowments to extend the dynastic space of the Qalāwūnid sultans from 168 The term “effective power” was used by Van Steenbergen, belonging to those who actually ran the state in contrast to “legitimate power” which belonged to those who derived their power, in theory, from their position within the Mamlūk political structure. Jo Van Steenbergen, Order Out of Chaos: Patronage, Conflict and Mamlūk Socio-Political Culture, 1341-1382 (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 53-122.

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Bayn al-Qaṣrayn to the Citadel, marking their objective of dominating the nerve center of the

Mamluk Empire.

The 1340’s, the decade following al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s death, would be a politically

turbulent period in which no less than six different Qalāwūnids placed on the throne (See Table

H). The longest reign during that period was that of Ismāʿīl b. al-Nāṣir Muḥammad for a little

over three years. What was consistent throughout this period and the majority of the rest of the

fourteenth century were the periodic power struggles between ambitious amirs and the reigning

sultan. Several times, an amir would over power his rival, removing the reigning sultan and place

a new sultan on the throne. These amirs were the favored amirs of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s regime.

In August of 742/1341, Qawṣūn al-Nāṣirī al-Sāqi would stage a rebellion against al-Manṣūr Abū

Bakr and replaced him with Kujuk.169 Later that same year Ṭashtumur al-Badrī al-Nāṣirī al-Sāqī

successfully challenged the power of Qawṣūn and placed al-Nāṣir Aḥmad on the throne

(although for only a matter of months).170 The next sultan, al-Ṣāliḥ Ismāʿīl, would eventually be

replaced after amir Arghūn al-ʿAlāʾī al-Nāṣirī proved victorious against amir Almalik al-Jūkandar

and placed al-Kāmil Shaʿbān on the throne.171 The end of his reign would start with the rebellion

of amir Yalbughā al-Yaḥyāwī, one of the favored amīrs al-Nāṣir Muḥammad built a luxurious

palace for close to the citadel, and would be joined by amirs Maliktamur al-Ḥijāzi, Arghūn Shāh

169 Ibid., Order Out of Chaos, 148. 170 Ibid., 148. 171 Ibid., 151.

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and Aqsunqur al-Naṣirī who would place al-Muẓaffar Hājjī on the throne.172 These Qalāwūnid

sultans had a very difficult task establishing their own power, although it was not impossible.

Sultan al-Nāṣir Ḥassan reached the throne at an early age after his brother al-Muẓaffar

Hājjī was removed and killed at the age of 20 in 748/1347.173 While the majority of the political

intrigue up to this point had been caused by the favored amirs of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, the reign

of al-Muẓaffar Hājjī would see the creation of a new generation of powerful amirs that had only

been promoted after al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s death.174 Although there are inconsistencies in al-

Nāṣir Ḥassan’s age according to different sources, he was a teenager at the time of his

accession.175 His early days on the throne were much like those of his father’s two earlier reigns;

“effective power” was in the hands of senior amirs. The purse strings of the Mamlūk state which

had been so carefully placed in the hands of the sultan under al-Nāṣir Muḥammad would be

usurped by senior amirs like Baybughā Rūs and Shaykhū al-ʿUmarī al-Nāṣirī. As naʾib al-salṭana

he would hold power as a reigning sultan would, distributing and assigning iqṭāʿ’s and position of

nāʾibs in Syria.176 Shaykhū al-ʿUmarī al-Nāṣirī controlled the sultan’s treasury or khizānat al-

khāṣṣ.177 These two amirs were of the same type as al-Nāṣir Muhammad’s khāṣsakīyah who had

been so intertwined in the reigns of al-Nāṣir Ḥassan’s siblings. Therefore it should come to no

172 Ibid., Order Out of Chaos, 114. 173 Van Steenbergen, “Is anyone my guardian . . . ?’’, 64. 174 Van Steenbergen, Order Out of Chaos, 154. 175 Van Steenbergen, “Is anyone my guardian?’’, 64. 176 Van Steenbergen, Order Out of Chaos, 114. 177 Ibid., 191.

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surprise it was two palaces of al-Nāṣirī amirs that al-Nāṣir Ḥasan choose to destroy and build his

own endowed complex on top of.

There is no doubt that al-Nāṣir Ḥassan witnessed the cruel replacement of one sibling over

another on the throne by powerful amirs of his father which would influence the building of his

monumental complex. His resentment of their usurpation of royal Qalāwūnid prerogative would

have festered over time especially as he would be treated in a similar manner by the amirs

Baybughā Rūs and Shaykhū al-ʿUmarī al-Nāṣirī (who controlled the sultan’s treasury or khizanat

al-khaṣṣ). So powerless was his position when he first became sultan that he was given an

allowance of just one hundred dirhams per day.178 His decision to place his endowed complex on

the ruins of the palaces of Alṭunbugha al-Māridānī and Yalbughā al-Yaḥyāwī was undeniably

symbolic.179

Sultan al-Nāṣir Hassan’s complex was an expression of his power and legitimacy since it

was built after the demise of the two most powerful amirs of his rule. The date of this complex’s

construction beginning was either 1356 or 1357. However the latter date is more believable for

several reasons. In July of 1357 Shaykhū was mortally wounded, supposedly by a jilted amir who

had been seeking an iqṭaʿ and was refused. Shaykhū’s departure opened the way for al-Nāṣir

Ḥassan to create his own patronage network and therefore his own power.180 He would have

178 al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 2:751. 179 Abdullah Kahil, The Sultan Hasan Complex in Cairo, 1. 180 Van Steenbergen, Order Out of Chaos, 156.

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also been able to recoup financial resources that had long been at the disposal of the former

atabak al-ʿasakir. The first endowment deed for the complex is dated 15 Rabī al-Ākhir 760

(1359) and Thursday 2 Rajab 760 (1359)181, roughly eight months after al-Nāṣir Ḥassan

outmaneuvered another political enemy, amir Ṣarghitmish in 759/1358. His improved political

fortunes allowed him the necessary time to build his own patronage network and the financial

resources to establish an endowment.182

The complex is unlike any other from the Mamlūk period in its size and grandeur, it was

meant to remind all that the Qalāwūnids were the rightful rulers. Its monumental size and

position across from the citadel of Cairo was intended to express al-Nāṣir Ḥassan’s power and

contempt for the elite Mamluk amirs. The Black Death which had decimated the Cairene

population would have made unnecessary another massive religious establishment.183 Its

intention is quiet clear from al-Maqrīzī’s description of it as an “anti-Citadel”.184 The Qalāwūnid

heirs were prisoners of ambitious amirs in the housing quarters of the Citadel, which was the

seat of the Mamluk state. Sultan al-Nāṣir Ḥassan had been a witness to his own removal and

manipulation of his position by ambitious amirs, not to mention the fate of his brothers, would

have felt bitterness at having being denied and barred from what he probably viewed as his right. 181 Howayda al-Harithy, Kitab waqf as-sulṭan an-Naṣir Ḥasan Ibn-Muḥammad Ibn-Qalawūn ʿala madrasatihī bi-'r-Rumaila, 181, lines 21-23. 182 Financial resources left by victims of the plague also helped finance the institution. See Howayda al-Harithy, “The Complex of Sultan Hasan in Cairo: Reading between the Lines,” Muqarnas 13 (1996): 77. 183 Kahil, The Sultan Hasan Complex in Cairo, 3. 184Ibid., 3. For the original text see: al-Maqrīzī, al-Khiṭaṭ (I), 2:316.

“ ضدـالقلعةالجبل ”

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His description is apt since it would be used as fortified position against fights against Barqūq’s

mamluks in the citadel. It was meant to display royal power in opposition to meddling amirs.185

This display of power was furthered when the complex by a formal ceremony for inauguration

where the sultan publicly proclaimed his wealth, power and patronage. Sultan al-Nāṣir Ḥasan

gave five hundred robes of honor (khilʿa) to the various people involved in the construction of

his complex. In addition to this magnanimity he awarded the princely sum of one hundred

thousand dinars to the chief architect. This was done in full view of amirs and the four chief

qādīs.186 This expression of Qalāwūnid power and legitimacy would last till the rise of Barqūq.

There is little epigraphic data from al-Nāṣir Ḥassan’s complex which is probably due to

his death prior to its completion.187 However there are inscriptions found above the doors in

each corner of the madrasah that read:

رحمنـالرحيمـأمرـبإنشاءـهذهـالمدرسةـالمباركةـمولاناـالسلطانـالشهيدـالمرحومـالملكـبسمـاللهــال ”

بنـمولاناـالسلطانـالشهيدـالمرحومـالملكـالناصرـمحمدــبن الناصرـحسن وـذلكـفىـشهورـ قلاون إ

بعـوـستيـنـو 188 .“سبعمائة سنةـأر

185Ibid., 3. 186Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad Ibn Iyās, s Badaʼiʻ al-zuhūr fī waqaʼiʻ al-duhūr, 1:560-561. 187 The decorations in sections of the complex were left semi-complete in areas. See: Kahil, The Sultan Hasan Complex in Cairo, 62. 188 RCEA, XVII, n° 764 002.

81

“The construction of this blessed college was order by our Lord, the Sultan, the Martyr,

al-Malik al-Nāṣir Ḥassan, son of our Lord, the Sultan, the Martyr, the late al-Malik al-

Nāṣir, Muhammad b. Qalāwūn in the year 764 A.H.”

Both sultans, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad and al-Nāṣir Ḥassan are referred to as “al-shahīd”, or

martyr). Although al-Nāṣir Muḥammad died of natural causes, al-Nāṣir Ḥassan was murdered.

His body was never interred in the majestic complex he established below the citadel. The term

employed here is interesting as it attests to their struggle for the faith but in the case of al-Nāṣir

Ḥassan against those would be purveyors of injustice and civil unrest, the usurping amirs. The

importance placed on names and titles is important and we know this because of an action of al-

Nāṣir Ḥassan who changed his original name from Qumārī, the Qalāwūnid sultans are

distinguished from other Mamluk sultans due to their Arabic names. Like his father before him,

this gave him a distinction from the mamluk amirs who had “foreign” names. His name,

endowment and titles inscribed on it were all meant to set him apart from the mamluk amirs and

establish his legitimacy in the eyes of the public. The next Qalāwūnid sultan would also use

endowments in a similar way.

Although the madrasa of sultan al-Ashraf Shaʿbān did not survive the Mamlūk period, the

complex of Umm Sultan Shaʿbān did. The epigraphic data that remains provides a tantalizing clue

as to the aspirations of what al-Ashraf Shaʿbān hoped to employ through waqf. The titular

inscriptions left on his mother’s endowed establishment have a remarkable similarity to that of

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his grandfather, Qalāwūn (See Table I). The embattled sultan probably strove to link his rule to

that of his illustrious grandfather. Like the reign of his uncle, al-Nāṣir Ḥassan, al-Ashraf Shaʿbān

was forced to contend with ambitious amirs. His endowed institutions no doubt were meant to

display his right to rule by displaying his royal descent to men of legacy, Qalāwūn and al-Nāṣir

Muḥammad. The inscription reads,

قاتلـ, سلطانـالإسلامـوـالمسلمينـ, بنـالمرحومـحسينـ شعبان الأشرف, المالكـالملكـ, السلطانـ, مولاناـ

سيدــالملوكـوـ, حوزةـالدينـ حامى, بالبراهينـــمظهرـالحقــ, محيىـالعدلـفىـالعالمينـ, الـكفرةـوـالمشركينـ

منصفـالمظلومينـ, كنزـالغزاـةـوـالمجاهدينـ, قاهرـالخوارجـوـالمتمردـينـ, قسيمـأميرـالمؤمنينـ, السلاطينـ

يةــوـالبلادـالشأميةــوـالحصونـالإسماعيليةــ, ذخرـالأراملـوـالمحتاجينـ, منـالظالمينـ صاحبـالديارـالمصر

يةــوـالقلاعـالساحليةــو يةــوـالثغورـالسكندر 189.الأقطارـالحجاز

Our Lord, the Sultan, the King of Kings, al-Ashraf Shaʿbān son of the late Husayn, Sultan of Islam

and the Muslims, the Killer of the Infidels and Polytheists, the Reviver of Justice in all Worlds,

the Supporter of the Truth with Evidence, the Defender of the Borders/Lands of the Religion,

the Master of Kings and Sultans, the Partner of the Prince of the Faithful, the Conqueror Over

the Outcasts and the Mutineers, the Treasure of the Poor and Needy, the One who obtains the

rights of the oppressed from the oppressors, the Asset of the Widows and the Needy, the Owner

of Egypt, Syria, the strongholds of al-Ismāʿīlīya, the ports of Alexandria, the citadels of al-

Sāḥiliya And the Hijāz region.

This inscription on the complex of Umm Sultan Shaʿbān follow the usual pattern for

Qalāwūnid sultans, borrowing titles from their predecessors with a few additions, with the

189 RCEA, XVII, n° 770 005

83

exception it was placed on the endowment of his mother.190 Sultan al-Ashraf Shaʿbān borrows

more than half of his titles from his forefather, Sultan Qalāwūn (See Table I). However, it

doesn’t follow the usual list of personal adjectives found in the inscriptions of Qalāwūn and al-

Nāṣir Muḥammad. This might be due to the fact that the endowed complex actually belonged to

his mother (according to the endowment deed for the complex). The complex he did endow

next to the citadel no longer exists. This complex supposedly shared had much in common with

al-Nāṣir Ḥassan’s complex nearby.

Sultan al-Ashraf Shaʿbān’s complex was in many ways very similar to that of his uncle al-

Nāṣir Ḥassan’s. He bought the palace of amir Sunqur al-Jamālī and destroyed in order to place

his complex close to the citadel.191 Ibn Taghrībirdī said it imitated the complex of al-Nāṣir

Ḥassan.192 It must have been a majestic building since both Ibn Taghrībirdī and al-Maqrīzī said it

was unlike any other building. 193 Its strategic location, which would have been used for

ceremonies to and from the Citadel by al-Ashraf Shaʿbān made it useful during pitched battles

between Mamluk factions. This might have been the reason was al-Nāṣir Faraj ordered it

190 Fernandes discusses how it was Sultan al-Ashraf Shaʿbān who built and paid for the construction of the complex, but it was the mother who was the legal endower of the complex. See: Leonor Fernandes, “The Madrasa of Umm al-Sulṭān Shaʿbān” (Master’s Thesis, American University in Cairo, 1976), 73-74. This complex and endowment deserves a separate study. 191Abū al-Maḥāsin Yūsuf Ibn Taghrībirdī, al-Nujūm al-Zahirah fī Mulūk Miṣr wa-al-Qahirah (Cairo: Maṭbaʿat Dār al-Kutub al-Miṣrīyah, 1929–1949), 6:67. Aḥmad ibn ʿAlī al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk li-Maʿrifat Duwal al-Mulūk, ed. Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Qādir ʿAṭā (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmīyah, 1997), 4:388. 192Ibid., 8:123. 193Ibn Taghrībirdī, al-Nujūm, 8:123.al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 6:294.

84

destroyed.194 However, his father simply closed the strategically located complex of Sultan al-

Nāṣir Ḥassan which caused the same problem. So perhaps al-Nāṣir Faraj destroyed the complex

to further dismantle the Qalāwūnid legacy with the excuse of it being a political nuisance.

Although he was able to gain the support of some judges, it is fairly amazing that he was able to

destroy it.195 The complex, which is now occupied by the ruins of Sultan al-Muʿayyad Shaykh’s

bīmaristan, was majestic and would have undoubtedly been employed in a similar manner to the

other Qalāwūnid foundations. 196

194 al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk, 6:294. 195 al-Maqrīzī, al-Khiṭaṭ, 2:408. 196 Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad Ibn Iyās, Badaʾiʿ al-Zuhūr fī Waqaʾiʿ al-Duhūr, ed. Muḥammad Muṣṭafá (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1960-1975), 1:2:813.

85

Barquq: The End of the Qalāwunid Dynasty

The two reigns of Barqūq (r. 784-791/1382-89 and 792-801/1390-99) marked the end

of the Qalāwūnid dynasty and was manifested in the construction of his own complex in Bayn

al-Qaṣrayn and his treatment of Qalāwūnid endowed establishments. Barqūq was not completely

successful at first removing the legitimacy of the Qalāwūnids since his reign was interrupted by

the return of Ḥājjī b. Shaʿbān in June of 791/1389. Although this interruption would only last

until the beginning of the next year, Barqūq would have felt it necessary to impose his claim

through various means against the long term legacy of the Qalāwūnid dynasty. Barquq would

employ the same mechanism that the Qalāwūnids had. Waqf.

The al-Barqūqiyya complex on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn lies at the end of the of the Qalāwūnid

complexes of Qalāwūn and al-Nāṣir Muḥammad as if to illustrate his ending of their regal line.

The complex did not begin construction until two years after Barqūq had put down the last

serious attempt to enthrone a Qalāwūnid sultan, Ḥājjī b. Shaʿbān. This follows the trend of the

later Qalāwūnids who would establish an endowment after gaining political control. His complex

would be, just like those endowed by the Qalāwūnids, a proclamation of his power and

legitimacy.

The inscriptions that adorn his complex on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn are just as important as his

choice to build on the royal avenue. Barqūq chose the regnal title “al-Malik al-Ẓāhir” harkening

back to the originator of the Mamluk state, al-Ẓāhir Baybars, and effectively bypassing the line of

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Qalāwūn.197 His titles follow a very similar pattern as al-Ẓāhir Baybars but there are many

similarities with the Qalāwūnids as well (See Table J). Even though Barqūq would have

attempted to remove the legacy of the one group that could challenge his claim to the throne, he

would still have had to compete with the Qalāwūnids claims through inscriptions. However, on

the wall of the complex he refers to himself as “al-Maqarr al-Sayfī Jarkis Amīr Akhūr al-Malik al-

Ẓahir”, referring to his title amīr akhūr kabīr which he held before becoming sultan in 1382.198

This title is missing on the cupola of the complex, where he refers to himself as “al-malik al-

mulk”.199 Why would he use this title is unknown, but it was probably meant to illustrate his

mamluk status unlike the non-mamluk status of the Qalāwūnid heirs. Barqūq would plaster his

name all over his endowment, just like Qalāwūn did in his, to remind all those who saw it of his

power.200

Barqūq would close the complex of al-Nāṣir Ḥassan and his son, al-Nāṣir Faraj, would

destroy the complex of al-Ashraf Shaʿbān, the last two Qalāwūnid sultans with effective power.201

As noted earlier, the complex of al-Nāṣir Ḥassan was closed since it provided a strategic fortified

position in opposition to the citadel. Closing of this complex, even if for military reasons alone,

would alter the formal processions of the city. The nearest religious establishments were all 197 Van Steenbergen, Out of Order, 172. None of the Qalāwūnids used the title al-Ẓāhir. 198 RCEA, XVIII, n° 788 040. 199 RCEA, XVIII, n° 788 042. 200 See the following inscriptions: RCEA, XVIII, n° 788 042; RCEA, XVIII, n° 788 040. 201 Van Steenbergen, Out of Order, 7. The term effective power is used by Van Steenbergen explain the complex political environment of the Mamlūk state. Although the Qalāwūnid sultans held “Legitimate power”, the amirs that ruled behind the throne and controlling the reigns of the state, held “Effective power.

87

created by the Qalāwūnids, which Barqūq would definitely have been aware of. Sultan al-Nāṣir

Ḥassan had reversed the traditional procession through al-Qāhira in 761/1360 by entering the

city through the southern gate of Bāb Zuwayla instead of the northern gate of Bāb al-Naṣr.202

This reversal probably was made to bring his own complex in to the formal procession to

highlight his power and legitimacy. Barqūq’s closure of al-Nāṣir Ḥassan’s complex would have

altered any procession to or from the citadel. It is also possible that the closing of this large

endowment would possibly provide financial resources needed to establish effective control over

the Mamluk state.

The Bahri Mamluk period witnessed a new phenomenon that affected the political, social,

economic and cultural spheres of the Mamluk Empire. The Mamluk elite, especially the

Qalāwūnid sultans, utilized the ubiquitous nature of endowments as a mechanism for political

dominance. They were able to accomplish this by placing monumental structures located in key

areas in Cairo, creating symbolic spaces that emphasized their status. This dynastic space was

originally located in Bayn al-Qaṣrayn but was later expanded to the Citadel area. This space was

used during ceremonies by the Qalāwūnid sultans to reinforce their image as the rightful rulers

of the Mamluk Empire. Certainly no other family could boast so many magnificent structures.

These structures made use of inscriptions to instill the viewer with a sense of the founder’s

grandeur and power. This tactic should not be underestimated as these inscriptions are still easily

read centuries later with the naked eye and made use of Islamic civilization’s most impressive art

202 Kahil, The Sultan Hasan Complex in Cairo, 33.

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form, the written word. Inscriptions in the capital of the Mamluk Empire also differed from

those on buildings located on the periphery of the Empire, suggesting that the Mamluks utilized

them in different manners for different objectives.203 Although Mamuk sultans would continue to

use pious endowments to help further their political power, the reign of Barqūq and al-Nāṣir

Faraj marked the end of Qalāwūnid political influence which had dominated the urban landscape

of Cairo for almost a century.

203 Howayda al-Harithy, “Writing on the Wall: Mamluk Monuments of Tripoli,” in Towards a Cultural History of the Mamluk Empire, ed. Mahmoud Haddad, Arnim Heinemann, John L.. Meloy and Souad Slim (Beirut: Orient-Institut Beirut - Ergon Verlag Würzburg, 2010), 83. Al-Harithy discovered that waqf isncriptions were more prominent in Tripoli, which was at the periphery of the Mamluk Empire, than in Cairo where “the emphasis is more on politically charged references.”

89

Chapter 4

Conclusion

The institution of endowments provided a flexible legal mechanism, which was outside of

the traditional duties and powers of the Mamluk power system, which allowed the Mamluk

military elite to obtain political goals. As the political system which centralized authority in the

sultan began to unravel at the death of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, endowments provided a fairly safe

and reliable legal mechanism for the Mamluk military elite to achieve their goals. The

Qalāwūnid sultans especially became adept at using this legal mechanism to help bolster their

family’s particular claim to pre-eminence within the Mamluk political sphere. In order to do this,

they employed various strategies through their endowments to create a lasting image of

legitimacy and a pool of financial resources.

Endowments have always been viewed as an economic strategy employed by waqifs,

endowers, even by Mamluk contemporaries. Many Mamluk contemporary scholars noted that

endowments created rich financial resources for the Mamluk elite, even employing the same

strategy themselves if possible. Looking at the evolution of endowments in the Bahri period,

several patterns begin to emerge. The Qalāwūnid created a massive financial resource through

royal endowments that initially began with dynasty’s founder, Sultan Qalāwūn. Several of the

Qalāwūnid sultans created royal endowments and each specified that their offspring should

benefit from its endowment as administrator. As the Qalāwūnid sultans became weaker due to

90

changing political conditions and a change in the empire’s economics, their endowments included

larger tracts of agricultural properties and larger incomes as seen in the endowment of Sultan

Ḥassan. This was probably done for several reasons. The first was to allow the sultan unfettered

access to resources due to ever growing financial needs of their office. As iqṭaʿat were the

economic lifeline of the Mamluk state, control over it gave one political power. This was the

purpose of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s cadastral survey and the same reason why later Qalāwūnids

began to endow large proportions of agricultural land in their endowments. Also the plague

which caused economic and demographic problems required the Mamluk elite to fund their

endowments with agricultural properties as the urban economy slumped. The second reason was

to help the chances of their offspring succeeding them in office by stipulating their children,

specifically male children as seen in the endowment of Sultan al-Nāṣir Ḥassan, succeed them as

administrator of their endowment. This adaption of endowments for financial gain by sultans

was imitated by high ranking Mamluk officials, who had a smaller scale version of the sultan’s

household, as well. Like the endowments of the Qalāwūnid sultans, the most powerful amirs of

the day funded endowments to help further their own ambitions.

The Qalāwūnid sultans were also to employ the institution of endowments in a more

abstract way to bolster their legitimacy. The royal endowments of the Qalāwūnid sultans were

medieval billboards and campaign signs for their claim to the throne. Their royal endowments

were expressions of their power and piety intended to convey the sultan’s majesty and reminded

onlookers of the sultan’s special place in the world. The Mamluk sultans were the protectors of

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Islam. Their armies protected the Muslim world from outside invaders and the Mamluk elite

built and sponsored the colleges that taught the Islamic sciences. If the size and bustle of the

endowments did not accomplish this, onlookers were reminded by inscriptions on almost every

viewable part of the building(s), as one enters the main entrance, or goes to prayer, enter their

dorm room at night, or along the walls of the exterior for those passing by. The heirs of al-Nāṣir

Muḥammad would use the edifices of their endowments to remind the public (and ambitious

amirs) of their descent from Qalāwūn and especially al-Nāṣir Muḥammad. The symbolic power

of these endowments did not solely rest on their size or their inscriptions but also on their

location within the city.

The geographic location of each endowment had just as much purpose as the inscriptions

on its edifice. The early Mamluk sultans who established the state, al-Ẓāhir Baybars and

Qalāwūn, purposely placed their endowments in the same location of the last Ayyubid sultan on

Bayn al-Qaṣrayn. This symbolic avenue in the most illustrious part of Cairo, which was also a

lucrative commercial area, was the preserve of reigning monarchs symbolizing a continuity of

rule since the Fatimid dynasty through visually stunning architecture. Bayn al-Qaṣrayn served as

the dynastic space for most of the Bahri Mamluk period with its symbolic and financial capital

employed by early Mamluk rulers who built religious establishments that were funded by nearby

urban rentals. Qalāwūn used his endowment to support the idea of not only his legitimacy

through his predecessors but also his superiority. His son, al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, confiscated the

early building foundations of his usurper al-ʿAdil Kitbughā and make it his own as a reminder of

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his right to rule through his special bloodline. As he established his own power, his other

endowments were placed in other parts of the city, creating his mark on the capital of the

Mamluk Empire. His successors, namely al-Nāṣir Ḥassan and al-Ashraf Shaʾbān, would build their

endowments in opposition to the Citadel which was both the central nerve of the empire but also

a prison for the Qalāwūnid s.

The institution of endowments has played a large part in the life of the Muslim world. Its

importance is proven by its longevity up till the twentieth century and its death at the supposed

“modernization” policies of nationalistic governments. The flexibility and adaption of this legal

mechanism is proven not through modern studies but by Mamluk contemporaries who

complained about the new usages by the Mamluk elite. It would not have been able to survive if

it had not been a useful mechanism that could adapt to the changing political, economic and

social climates of the region.

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Appendix

94

Table D: Changes in Land Tenure Patterns From Later Qalāwunids to the Reign of Barquq1

Person Region Village 777 Change by 800 Ref.

Sulṭān al-Ashraf Shaʿbān

al-Ushmūnain Rawwāḥa Waqf 1:130

al-Bahnasā Bisfā Milk 1:149

Safṭ Rashīn Milk 1:176

al-Gīza Abū Ruwaish

Gifted to a khanqah al-Ashraf Shaʿban in 770/1368-69

al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 1:208

Barnasht Milk 1:213 al-Fayyūm Bilāla Milk 1:251

al-Qāhira Damanhūr Shubrā Milk 2:317

Minyat Ṣurud Milk 2:321

Qalyūb Qalqashanda Milk 2:333

Qalyūb Milk 2:333 Qashshīsh Milk half for the waqf of

Barquq 2:334

al-Buḥaira Abū Ṣamāda Milk 2:402

Sunṭais Waqf 2:456 Tallibqā Milk 2:457

Fūwa Itfīna Waqf 2:466 al-Gharbīya Buṭaina Milk 2:487 al-Sharqīya Safṭ al-Ḥinnā Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 2:670

Sīdī ʿAlī (Son)

al-Ushmūnain Mallawī Milk 1:124 al-Bahnasā Sumusṭā Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 1:180

al-Gīza

Abū Ghālib Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 1:207

Dimnāwīya Milk waqf of Sultan Barquq’s two

sisters

1:216

Minyat ash-Shammās Milk 1:230 Tirsā Milk 1:239

al-Qāhira Khuṣūṣ ʿAin Shams Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 1:318

Maṭarīya Milk 1:320 Shubrā al-Khaima Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 1:322

Qalyūb

Marṣafā Milk 2:329 Ṭanān Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 2:338 Qalamā Milk 2:332 Ṣanāfīr Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 2:335

al-Buḥaira Bībān Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 2:410

95

al-Gharbīya Birmā Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 2:484

Nasahnā Milk 2:554 Quwaisinā Milk 2:562

al-Daqahlīya Ushmūm Ṭannāḥ Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 2:762 Sīdī Aḥmad

(Son) Ibyār Ḥiṣṣat ʿĀmir Milk 2:348

Sīdī Ḥassan (Son)

Qalyūb Nawā Milk 2:331 Ibyār Bishtāma Milk 2:343 Asyūṭ Ṭūkh Bakrīma Milk 1:98

al-Fayyūm Ḥammām Milk 1:258 al-Gharbīya Maḥallat al-Marḥūm Milk 2:523

Sīdī Qāsim (Son)

Qūs Fargūṭ Milk 1:68 al-Bahnasā Āba Milk 1:140 al-Qāhira Kōm Ishfīn Milk 2:318 Qalyūb Nāy Milk 2:331

al-Sharqīya Damāṣ Milk 2:620 Khalīl (Son) al-Gharbīya Ḥiṣṣat Ibyār Milk 2:508 Ismāʿīl (Son) al-Daqahlīya Minyat Badrān Milk 2:732

Sīdī Amīr Ḥājj,

later Sulṭān

Qūṣ Gharb Qamūla Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 1:69 al-Ushmūnain Tanda Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 1:136

al-Gīza Abū Ṣīr al-Sidr Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 1:208 al-Qāhira Minyat al-Umarāʿ Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 2:321

Minūf Barshans Milk 2:361

Manyal Lubaisha Milk 2:371 Subk al-ʿAbīd Milk 2:384

al-Gharbīya Minyat Ziftā Gawād Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 2:550

Abu Bakr (Son)

al-Ushmūnain Sanabū Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 1:132

al-Gīza Minyat ʿUqba Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad and for Rukn al-Din Baybars, Son of a sister of Barquq

1:231

al-Sharqīya Abgūg Milk 2:597

Banhā al-ʿAsal Milk 2:609

Muḥammad (Son)

Qūṣ Balyanā Milk 1:66 al-Ushmūnain Dalga Milk 1:113

al-Fayyŭm Fānū/Naqalīfa Milk 1:255 al-Buḥaira Absūm Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 2:399 al-Gharbīya Shanarā al-Baḥrīya Milk 2:571

96

Sulaimān (Son)

al-Gharbīya Manbūṭain Milk 2:527

Khawand Wālida

(mother)

al-Ushmūnain Ibshāda Milk 1:121 al-Gharbīya Safṭ Abī Turāb Waqf 2:567 al-Sharqīya Taqadūs Waqf 2:692

Ibrāhīm (brother)

Asyūṭ Shuṭb Milk 1:97 Ibyār Ikhshā Milk al-Dīwān al-Mufrad 2:349

al-Gharbīya Minyat Ḥuwai Milk 2:540

Ānuk (brother)

al-Bahnasā Dilhānis Milk 1:154

Ihwā Milk 1:160 Aṭfīḥ Ṣaff Milk 1:202 Minūf Shībīn al-Kōm Milk 2:382

al-Gharbīya Dabīq Milk 2:488

Dahtūra Milk 2:489 Mīmā Milk 2:530

1 Heinz Halm, Ägypten nach den mamlukischen Lehensregistern (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1979 & 1982). The column titled

“777” refers to the status of the property in that year (either milk or waqf property belonging to x person). The column titled “Ref.” is the volume and page number for each listed village. Halm tabulated information on land tenure based on several Mamluk period sources. For the list of sources he used see page 59.

97

Table E: Father-Son Succession During the Burji Period (1382-1517)

Sultan Father Reign

A.H. C.E.

al-Nāṣir Faraj al-Ẓāhir Barqūq 801-808, 808-815 1399-1405, 1405-1412 al-Manṣūr ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Ẓāhir Barqūq 808 1405

al-Muẓaffar Aḥmad al-Muʾayyad Shaykh 824 1421 al-Ṣāliḥ Muḥammad al-Ẓāhir Ṭaṭar 824-825 1421-1422

al-ʿAzīz Yūsuf al-Ashraf Barsbāy 841-842 1438 al-Manṣūr ʿUthmān al-Ẓāhir Jaqmaq 857 1453 al-Muʾayyad Aḥmad al-Ashraf Ināl 856 1461 al-Nāṣir Muḥammad al-Ashraf Qāytbāy 901-904 1496-1498

98

Table F: Regal Titles

Qalāwun1 al-Ẓāhir Baybars

2

al-Ṣāliḥ

Nejm al-Dīn3

Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn4 Nur al-Dīn

5

Pe

rso

nal

Ad

ject

ive

s

السيدــالـكبير السيدـ سيدـناOur Master the Master the High Master

مولانا

Our Lord

السلطان السلطان السلطانالأعظمthe Greatest Sultan the Sultan the Sultan

الملك الملكـالناصر الملك الملكـالظاهر الملكالمنصورal-Malik al-Manṣūr al-Malik al-Ẓahir al-Malik al-Malik al-Naṣir al-Malik

العالم the Knowledgeable

العادل the Just

يد ـالمؤ the Supporter

المظفـر the Supported

المجاهد the Warrior

المنصور

the Victorious

صلاحـالدنياـوـالدين ركنـالدنياـوـالدين سيفـالدنياـوـالدين

Sayf al-dunya wa al-dīn Rukn al-dunya wa

al-dīn

Ṣalaḥ al-dunya wa al-dīn

99

Titl

es

سلطانـالإسلامـوـالمسلمين

the Sultan of Islam and the Muslims

سيدــالملوكـوـالسلاطين

الملوكـوـالسلاطينتاجـ 6سيدـالأمم

the Master of Kings and Sultans the Master of

Nations

the Crown of Kings and Sultans

سلطانـالأرضـذاتـالطولـوـالعرضthe Sultan of the Earth so vast in its length and width

ملكـالبسيطةthe King of the Earth

ين سلطانـالعراقينـوـالمصر

the Sultan of the two Iraqs and the two Egypts

ين ينـوـالبحر ملكـالبرـthe King of the Shores and two Seas

وارثـالملك7

ارثـالملكـعنـآبائهـ الأكرمين

the Inheritor of the Kingdom the Inheritor of the Kingdom from His Respectable Fathers

ملكـملوكـالعربـوـالعجمسلطانـالعربـوـ

8العجم 9العربـوـالعجم ملك

the King of the Kings of the Arabs and non-Arabs the Kings of the

Arabs and Persians the Kings of the

Arabs and Persians

10 صاحبـالقبلتين

the One in Charge of the two Holy Sanctuaries

يفين خادمـالحرمينـالشر

the Servant of the Two Holy Sanctuaries

100

قسيمـأميرـالمؤمنين

the Partner of the Prince of the Faithful

يةـ أوحدـالملوكـالعصرthe One of His Kind of the Kings of the Time

ـ يةــصاحبـالديار المصر

the Owner of the lands of Egypt … الآملين … of the Hopeful كنزـالعفاةـوـالمنقطعين the Treasure of the Suffering and the Needy منصفـالمظلومينـمنـالظالمين the Obtainer of the Rights of the Oppressed from the Oppressors قاتلـالـكفرةـوـالمشركين

the Killer of the Infidels and Polytheists المتمردـينقاهرـ قاهرـالخوارجـوـالمتمردـين

the Conqueror Over the Outcasts and the Mutineers the Conqueror Over

the Mutineers ـ الصالحي

al-Ṣalihī 1 RCEA, XIII, n° 4852. English translations of his titles are from: Heba al-Toudy, “Inscriptions of Bahri Mamluk Sultans”, 138. 2 RCEA, XII, n° 4476. 3 Heba el-Toudy, “Inscriptions of Bahri Mamluk Sultans”, 87. 4 Ibid., 65. 5 Ibid., 75. 6 Ibid., 110 7 Ibid., 113.

101

8 Ibid., 113. 9 Ibid., 110. 10 RCEA, XII, n° 4564.

102

Table G: Royal Titles of Sultan Qalāwun and al-Ashraf Khalīl

al-Ashraf Khalīl1 Qalāwun

2

Pe

rso

nal

Ad

ject

ive

s

مولاناـوـسيدناـ Our Lord and Master

السلطان The Sultan

العالم the Knowledgeable

العادل the Just

المجاهد the Warriorـ

المرابط the One Stationed to Guard the Territories

المثاغر the Fighter at the borders

يد المؤ the Supported

المظفر the Triumphant

المنصور the Victorious

Titl

es

قاتلـالـكفرةـوـالمشركين Killer of the Infidels and the Polytheists

قاهرـالخوارجـوـالمتمردين Conqueror of the Outcasts and Mutineers

مبيدـالطغاةـوـالمارقين

Exterminator of the Despots/Oppressors and the Dissenters/Mutineers محييـالعدلـفيـالعالمين

Reviver of justice in all worlds منصفـالمظلومينـمنـالظالمين

the One who obtains the rights of the oppressed from the oppressors كنزـالفقراءـوـالمساكين

the Treasure of the Poor and Needy

103

خفـالضعفاءـوـالمنقضعين the Refuge of the Weak and the Needy

ناصرـالحقـبالبراهين

the Supporter of the Right/Truth with Evidence محييـملةـسيدـالمرسلين

Reviver of the Religion of the Master of the Prophets حاميـحوزةـالدين

the Defender of the Borders/Lands of the Religion

Matches 14 Out of 20

1 RCEA, XIII, n° 4895. 2 RCEA, XIII, n° 4852

104

Table H: Inscriptions of Mamluk Amirs

Patron Inscription Excerpts

Sayf al-Dīn Jāwhar1 ينـالناصرى الملـكىاللهــتعالىـصفـىـالدينـجوهر المباركـالعبدـالفقيرـإلىبسملةـأمرـبإنشاءـهذاـالمكانـ تقبلــاللهــعملهـوـبلغـهـفىـالدار

بعـعشرـوـسبعمائة آمالهـفى .مستهلـذىـالحجةــسنةـأر

Sunqur al-Saʿdī2

يدـــالمثاغرــالمرابطــالمجاهدــالمخدومــالمحترمــالـكبير ـالأجلــــالأميرــالمباركــالمكانــهذاــبإنشاءــأمرــبسمـاللهــالرحمنـالرحيم ــالمنصورــالمظفـرــالمؤــالأثيرىــــالأوحدىــالأخصىـــالأعزـىـالمتفضـلىــالمنعمىــالسيدـىــالعونىــالاسفهسلارى ـالمقدـمىــالسلاطينــاختيارــالملوكــعمدة

ينىــالزعيمى ـورعىالــالسندىــالمعينىــالـكفيلىــالظهيرى ـالأكملى ـالأمجدى ــالمقدـمىـمقدمــالهمامىــالغياثىــالزاهدىــالعاملىــالذخرىالعالمىــالز .سعادتهــاللهـــأدام الناصرى ـالمالـكىــالسعدىــسنقرــالدينــشمســالشمسىــالسلطانيةـــالمماليكــالأمراء

Alṭunbughā3 ــــتعالىــاللهـ ـإلىــالفقيرــالمبارك ـــالجامعــهذاــأنشأ…ـ ــذلكـوـــعنهــعفاـوـ<١>أعزــاللهــأنصارهـ الناصرى ـالطنبغا ـــالعلائىــالعالىــالأشرفـــالمقر

يةـــالهجرةــمنــسبعمائةـوـــعشرــثمانيةــسنةــشهورــفىـــــنصرهـــعزــــمحمدـــالناصرــالملكــالمالكــالسلطانــمولاناــدولة ـــأياـمــفى .للهـــالحمدـوـــالنبو

Almalik al-Jūkandār4 الراجىـعفواللهــتعالىـوـمغفرتهـبتأريخـسنةـتسعةـ الناصرى اللهــتعالىـالملكـالجوكندارـالعبدـالفقيرـإلى[ــبسملةـأنشأـهذاـالمسجدـالمباركـ]

يةــعلىـصاحبهاـالسلام .عشرـوـسبعمائةـللهجرةـالنبو

Tankiz5 ــ يمـالسيفىـتنكزـبسملةـأنسأـهذاالمكانـالمباركـراجياـثوابـاللهـوـعفوهـالمقر وـذلكـفىـشهورــعفاـاللهــعنهـوـأثابهـ]الناصرىالملـكىـ الـكر

ينـوـسبعمائةـ؟([ـ)ـ .ـسنةـتسعـوـعشر

Qawṣūn6 ـالسلطانـالملكـالناصرأياـمـمولاناـ فىـالناصرىالملكى أمرـبإنشاءـهذاـالجامعـالمباركـبكرمـاللهــتعالىـالعبدـالفقيرـإلىـاللهــقوصونـالساقى

.اللهــأنصارهـوـذلكـفىـسنةـثلاثينـوـسبعمائةـأعزــ

Mughalṭāy7 ـــمرـبإنشاءـهذهـالخانقاه… يلـعطائهـالمقر يمالعالىـالمولوىـالأميرىـالأجلىــالـكبيرىــالمباركةـالسعيدةـمنـفواضلـأنعامـاللهــوـجز الـكر

فىــوـكانـالفراغ الناصرى الملـكىالملوكـوـالسلاطينـمغلطاىـأستادـالعارـالعاليةـةـالمحترمىـالمخدومىـالاسفهسلارىـالعلائىـعمدبيع … شهرر

105

Sayf al-Dīn Kujkun8

ــعلىـابسمـاللهــالرحمنـالرحيمـهذاـماـأنشأهـوـأوقفهـوـحبسـهـ بةـالمباركةـالمقر العالىـالمولوىـالأميرىـالـكبيرىلمخدومىـالسيفىـكجكنــلتريةــجوارـالدارـيذكرـوـهوـجميعـالـكرمـببلدـالمعروفـبجنينةـالمسكىـقديماــأعزـهـاللهـجميعـما الناصرى الملـكىبنـعبدـاللهــ وـجميعـالقيسار

يطـ غربهاـجميعـالطبقةـالمباركةبدمشقـوـمن يحانيةــوـجميعـالحصـةـوـهىـسبعـقرار جوارـالدارـالمذكورةـوـمنـشرقهاـشمالىالمدرسةـالرينـوـسبعمائة بخانقصرـحجاـجـوقفاـ بدـاـوـذلكـفىـسنةـإثنتىـوـعشر .مؤ

Bahādar al-Badrī9 بة بهــالقديرـرجاءـلرحمةـاللهـوـرضوانهـمستشفعاـعندهـبج يرانةـبهادرــبسمـاللهــالرحمنـالرحيمـأنشأـهذهـالتر المباركةـالعبدـالفقيرـإلىـرحمةـر

بكالمحروستينـوـ الناصرىـالملـكىالبدرىـ ينـوــكانـالفراغنائبـالسلطنةـالمعظـمةـبالـكركـوـالشو منهـفىـثانىـذىـالحجةــعامـسبعةـوـعشر .سبعمائة

Aqsunqur10 ٨٤٧ــسنةــفىـــالفراغـوــــ٨٤٧ــسنةــرمضانــعشرــسادســابتداءهــكانـوــالنورــبجامعــالمعروفــالناصرى سنقر آقــالمرحومــقبرــهذا.

1 RCEA, XIV, n° 5337. 2 RCEA, XIV, n° 5355. 3 RCEA, XIV, n° 5403. 4 RCEA, XIV, n° 5408. 5 RCEA, XIV, n° 5572. 6 Max van BERCHEM, Matériaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum: Egypte (Cairo: del'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale du Caire, 1894-1903), XIX, 1-4, p. 177, n° 119. 7 RCEA, XIV, n° 5581. 8 RCEA, XIV, n° 5473. 9 RCEA, XIV, n° 5545 10 RCEA, XVI, n° 6045.

106

Table I: al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s Royal Progeny

Sultan Relation to al-Nāṣir Muḥammad Reign

Enthroned Dethroned

Abū Bakr Son 7 June 1341 21 Dhū al-ḥijja 741 5 August 1341 20 Ṣafar 742

Kujuk Son 6 August 1341 21 Ṣafar 742 9 January 1342 30 Rajab 742

Aḥmad Son 19 March 1342 10 Shawwāl 742 26 June 1342 21 Muḥarram 743

Ismāʿīl Son 27 June 1342 22 Muḥarram 743 4 August 1345 4 Rabīʿ II 746

Shaʿbān Son 4 August 1345 4 Rabīʿ II 746 19 September 1346 1 Jumādá II 747

Ḥājjī Son 19 September 1346 1 Jumādá II 747 16 December 1347 12 Ramaḍān 748

Ḥassan Son 18 December 1347 14 Ramaḍān 748 22 August 1351 28 Jumādá II 752

Ṣāliḥ Son 22 August 1351 28 Jumādá II 752 20 October 1354 2 Shawwāl 755

Ḥassan (2nd reign)

Son 20 October 1354 2 Shawwāl 755 17 March 1361 9 Jumādá I 762

Muḥammad Grandson through Ḥājjī 17 March 1361 9 Jumādá I 762 30 May 1363 15 Shaʿbān 764

Shaʿbān Grandson through Ḥusayn 30 May 1363 15 Shaʿbān 764 14 March 1377 3 Dhū al-Qaʿda 778

ʿAli Great grandson through Shaʿbān 14 March 1377 3 Dhū al-Qaʿda 778 19 May 1381 23 Ṣafar 783

Ḥājjī Great grandson through Shaʿbān 20 May 1381 24 Ṣafar 783 26 November 1382 19 Ramaḍān 784

Ḥājjī (2nd reign)

Great grandson through Shaʿbān 2 June 1389 6 Jumādá II 791 1 February 1390 14 Ṣafar 792

107

Table J: Royal Titles of Sultan Qalāwun and al-Ashraf Shaʿbān

al-Ashraf Shaʿbān1 Qalāwun

مولانا Our Lord

ـالسلطان السلطانالأعظمthe Sultan the Greatest Sultan

ـالملك المالك سيدــالملوكـوـالسلاطينthe King of Kings the Master of Kings and Sultans

سلطانـالإسلامـوـالمسلمين the Sultan of Islam and the Muslims

قاتلـالـكفرةـوـالمشركين The Killer of the Infidels and Polytheists

محيىـالعدلـفىـالعالمين The Reviver of Justice in All World

بالبراهينـمظهرـالحقــ

the Supporter of the Truth with Evidence حوزةـالدين حامى

the Defender of the Borders/Lands of the Religionـ

سيدــالملوكـوـالسلاطين the Master of Kings and Sultans

المؤمنينـقسيمـأمير the Partner of the Prince of the Faithful

قاهرـالخوارجـوـالمتمردـين The Conqueror Over the Outcasts and the Mutineers

كنزـالغزاـةـوـالمجاهدين the Treasure of the Poor and Needy

منصفـالمظلومينـمنـالظالمين the One who obtains the rights of the oppressed from the oppressors

ذخرـالأراملـوـالمحتاجين

the Asset of the Widows and the Needy

يةـ صاحبـالديارـالمصر the Owner of Egypt

108

وـالبلادـالشأميةـ And of Syria

ـوـالحصونـالإسماعيليةـ

And the strongholds of al-Ismaʿīlīya يةـ ـوـالثغورـالسكندر

And the ports of Alexandria

ـوـالقلاعـالساحليةـ

And the citadels of al-Saḥiliya يةـ ـوـالأقطارـالحجاز

And the Hijaz region

MATCHING 14 out of 20

1 RCEA, XVII, n° 770 005.

109

Table K: Comparison of Royal Titles (Sultan Baybars, the Qalāwunids & Barquq)

Barquq1 al-Ẓāhir Baybars

2 Qalāwun

3 al-Ashraf Shaʿbān

4

Pe

rso

nal

Ad

ject

ive

s

مولانا Our Lord

السلطان The Sultan

المالكـالملك

The King of Kings الملكـلظاهر

al-Malik al-Ẓahir

سيفـالدنياـوـالدين

Sayf al-Dunya wa-l-Dīn العالم

the Knowledgeable

العادل

the Just المجاهد

the Warrior

المرابط the One Stationed to Guard the

Territories يدـ المؤ

the Supported

الغازى

the Ghazī

Titl

es

الحاكمـبأمرـاللهــوـالتالىـلكتابـاللهـ

Ruler in the سلطانـالإسلامـوـالمسلمين

Sultan of Islam and the Muslims نصرةـالغزاةـوـالمجاهدين

Supporter of the Ghazis and Mujahideen

حامىـحوزةـالدين Defender of the Lands of the Religion

110

ذخرـالأيتامـوـالمساكين

ذخرـالأراملـوـالمحتاجين

Asset of Orphans and the Needy the Asset of the Widows and

the Needy يةــوـالبلادـالشأميةـ صاحبـالديارـالمصر

يةــصاحبـالديار المصر

Owner of the Lands of Egypt and Syria Owner of the Lands

of Egypt صاحبـالصدقاتـوـالمعروف

Master of Charity and …

كنزـالغزاـةـوـالمجاهدين Treasure of the Ghazis and the

Mujahideen 1 RCEA, XVIII, n° 788 040; RCEA, XVIII, n° 788 042; RCEA, XVIII, n° 788 050. 2 RCEA, XII, n° 4476. 3 RCEA, XIII, n° 4852. 4 RCEA, XVII, n° 770 005; RCEA, XVII, n° 770 008.

111

Figure C Madrasa of Sultan al-Ẓāhir Baybars1

Left picture: Side view of Sultan al-Ẓāhir Baybars’ madrasah on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn. Right Picture: Close up of the artistic work above the windows. Sultan al-Ẓāhir Baybars’ used panthers as a personal emblem. 1 Author’s own photo.

112

Figure D: Bayn al-Qaṣrayn in the Early Bahri Mamluk Period

Modified image from: http://tectonicablog.com/?p=25760

113

Figure E: Inscription on the Lintel above the Windows to the Right Side of Qalāwun’s Complex Entrance Portal1

قسيمـأمير الصالحى قلاون أمرـبإنشائهـسيدـناـوـمولاناـالسلطانـالأعظمـالملكـالمنصورـالعالمـالعادلـسيفـالدنياـوـالدين

بعـوـثمانينـوـستـمائةـشواـلـسنةـثلاثـوـثمانينـوـستـمائة اللهــأنصارهـوـكانـابتداءـعمارتهاـفىـ ـالمؤمنينـأعزــ 2 .وـانتهاءـعمارتهاـفىـصفرـسنةـأر“The construction was ordered by our master and lord, the Greatest Sultan, al-Malik al-Manṣūr, the Knowledgeable, the Just, sayf al-dunya wa al-dīn, Qalāwūn al-Ṣāliḥī, the Partner of the Prince of the Faithful. The building began in the month of Shawwāl of 683 A.H. and was completed in the month of Safar of 684 A.H.” 1 Author’s own photo.

2 RCEA, XIII, n° 4845.

114

Figure F: Inscription on Top of the Entrance Portal of Qalāwun’s Complex1

يفةللعظمةوـالمدرسةـالمعظـمةـوـالبيمارستانـالمباركـمولاناـالسلطانـالأعظمـالملكـالمنصورـ أمرـبإنشاءـهذهـالقبةــالشر

بيعـذلكـعمارةـابتداءـكانـوـالصالحى قلاون سيفـالدنياـوـالدين بعـسنةـالآخرـجمادىـمنهـالفراغـوـستـمائةـوـثمانينـوـثلاثـسنةـالآخرـر 2.ستـمائةـوـثمانينـوـأرThe Construction of this venerable tomb, greatest college, and blessed hospital was ordered by our lord, the Greatest Sultan, al-Malik al-Manṣūr, sayf al-dunya wa al-dīn, Qalāwūn al-Ṣāliḥī. Construction began in the month of Rabīʿ al-Akhar of 683 A.H. and completed in Jamādā al-Akhar of 684 A.H. 1 Author’s own photo. 2 RCEA, XIII, n° 4850.

115

Figure G: The Brass Door Knockers of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s Complex on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn1

The door knockers from the main entrance of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s complex. It clearly reads:

…كتبغاـالمنصوريـمولاناـالسلطانـالعادل…“… Kitbughā al-Manṣurī, Our Lord, the Sultan, the Just …” 1 Author’s own photo.

116

Figure H: The Entrance Portal to the Complex of Sultan al-Nāṣir Muḥammad1

The Gothic entrance portal to al-Nāṣir Muḥammad’s complex on Bayn al-Qaṣrayn which originally belonged to the Church of St. Agnes in Acre.

1 Author’s own photo.

117

Figure I: The Sabīl of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad at the Complex of Qalāwun1

The inscription on the sabīl once read: 2 “ …ـالصالحى قلاون ـالدينـوـــالدنياــسيفــالمنصورــالملكــالشهيدــالسلطانــمولاناــبنــمحمدـــالفتح ـأبىــالدينـوـــالدنياــناصرــالناصرــالملكــالشهيدــالسلطانـــمولانا…ــ”

“Our Lord, the Sultan, the Maytr, al-Malik al-Nāṣir, naṣr al-dunya wa al-dīn, Abū al-Fatḥ, Muḥammad the son of our Lord, the Sultan, the Maytr, al-Malik al-Manṣūr, sayf al-dunya wa al-dīn, Qalāwūn al-Ṣāliḥī…” 1 Author’s own photo.

2 RCEA, XV, n° 5821.

118

Figure J: Lintel Over the Entrance Portal to the Complex of Sultan al-Nāṣir Muḥammad1

يفةــالقبةـــهذهــبإنشاءــأمرـ”… ناصرــالناصرــالملكـــالأجلــــالسلطانــالمباركةــالمدرسةـوـــالشر

ـ…“الصالحى قلاون ـالدينــسيفــالمنصورــالملكــالسلطانــبنــمحمدـــالدينـوـــالدنياـ 2

“The construction of this venerable tomb and blessed college was ordered by the august sultan, al-Malik al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, sayf al-dunya wa al-dīn, Muḥammad son of the sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr, sayf al-dīn, Qalāwūn al-Ṣāliḥī…”ـ 1 Author’s own photo.

2 RCEA, XIII, n° 5059.

119

Bibliography

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Hujja Waqf Sultan Qalawūn, Dar al-Wathā’iq Qawmīyah 2/15

Hujja Waqf Sultan al-Ṇasir Muḥammad ibn Qalawūn, Dar al-Wathā’iq Qawmīyah 4/26

Hujja Waqf Sultan al-Ṇasir Muḥammad ibn Qalawūn, Dar al-Wathā’iq Qawmīyah 4/31

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