part 4: case studies: nov. 3-8: “sokoto caliphate” nov. 3

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Part 4: Case Studies: Nov. 3-8: “Sokoto Caliphate” Nov. 3 ‘The Caliphate in the 19 th C’

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Part 4: Case Studies: Nov. 3-8: “Sokoto Caliphate”

Nov. 3 ‘The Caliphate in the 19th C’

Sokoto late 18th- early19 Centuries

Robinson: jihad could only have unfolded as it did because Hausa thought themselves to be just as ‘Islamic’ as Fulbe:

- “Hausaland in 1800 could not have happened without 1500”- reference to process of becoming Muslim we studied earlier- worth remembering that there were different ‘paths’ followed (impact desert-edge cultural integration, development inter-regional, international trade, Songhay conquest)- also different ‘ethnic groups’ involved: ‘Saharan Berbers (later known as Tuareg), Hausa farmers, Fulbe pastoralists

Sokoto late 18th- early19 Centuries

Case of jihad Uthman dan Fodio (c. 1804 - 1830) returns us to issues facing ibn Yasin (Almoravids)

- what constitutes a ‘good muslim’?- when is physical war aimed at establishing a truly Islamic state justified?

Sokoto Caliphate (c. 1820)

. ... ..

Jihad

Key issue: urban vs rural

- Robinson: emphasizes degree to which Hausa older religious practices seen as ‘inferior’ by some- Bori, illegal taxation in particular characterized problem [see below]- associated with rural areas, ‘beyond the view of the Sultan and Palace’- notes some spirits were given Muslim names, showing how deeply rooted Islam had become- would argue that nuance here is Bori remained a cultural practice that was able to absorb aspects of Islam- but appeared ‘corrupt’ at the time- notes also role of ‘mallam’: ‘most venal and corrupt’

[Re-read section ‘Hidden in the Household’, Baba’s mallam husband discussed]

Jihad

Another way to interpret ‘rural vs. urban’ expressed in Last and Boyd [see ‘Agents Religeux’, Resources]:- they note the development of Hausa’s ‘town life’ in contrast with the Fulani (cattle) pastoralists- identify urban merchants and scholars as having lost sight of ‘real’Islamic values in eyes of conservative Fulani and Tuareg- in towns, women occupied public spaces- implication that prostitution developing- also noting that whereas in Fulbe society, women required to work, in Hausa towns women valued as child-bearers: serial marriage becoming the norm

Jihad

- in line with this difference, wealthy Hausa in towns practiced purdah (seclusion of women) [on this point, see discussion in McDougall, ‘Hidden in the Household’; also note how Baba of Karo defined ‘differences’with Fulani – article and ‘Baba of Karo’, in Add. Rdgs]- Fulbe, because of lifestyle, did not - Fulbe society, post-menopausal women took over duties as educators, teachers of children (Arabic and Qur’an)- also taught slaves and slave children

Two approaches suggest some differences in how late 18th , early 19th

century Hausaland understood by Fulani but can be reconciled.

Rise of Uthman dan Fodio

Uthman dan Fodio: born 1750s

- scholarly family

- outside mainstream: attracted to Qadirriya (most others Tidjaniyya)

- following major Saharan scholarly path (Sidi al-Moktar al-Kunti)

- sufi brotherhood, emphasis on ‘vision and charisma’, belief in miracles, out-of-body experiences

- dan Fodio distinguished from most other clerics at the time

Rise of Uthman dan Fodio

1787 – 1804: reputation as scholar/teacher grew enormously- influence grew- brother, son, daughter have major impact- pushing message about ‘Hausa corruption [illegal taxation] and paganism [Bori spirit cult]’- emir of Gobir, supportive of Bori, example of degree of ‘infidelity’ to Islam

- dan Fodio taught member Royal Family, in line for succession- hoped that this would bring ‘true Islam’ to the state- but former pupil feared competing ‘power’ of scholar/teacher- struggle over right to ‘control’ religious power led to tensions- 1804 led to conflict

Uthman dan Fodio’s Jihad

1804: beginning of jihad:- conscious imitation of Prophet Mohamed and ‘birth’ of Islam [compare with earlier discussion of Almoravids, especially Fisher’s article]- migrated to position outside of main settled areas: equivalent of hijra- declared war against ‘infidel’ state of Gobir- followed on extensive correspondence between dan Fodio and emir: latter not convinced that he was ‘bad muslim’ or that his state needed to accept ‘conversion’- dan Fodio argued otherwise (extensive reference to precedence etc)

Uthman dan Fodio’s Jihad

‘jihad’ long-term process:

- dan Fodio gradually spread ‘holy war’ by engaging commanders from outlying regions- investing them with ‘flags’ (literally)- Robinson does not develop question of ‘why’ these regions attracted to jihad- varied: some felt marginalized vis-à-vis central Hausa provinces- many felt exploited by excessive taxation- some attracted by dan Fodio’s charisma and genuine religious fervour

Muhamed Bello and Sokoto Caliphate

1817, dan Fodio died:

- Muhamed Bello (son) took over as ‘caliph’- nature of jihad changed fundamentally: became one of ‘the heart and mind’- ‘conquest’ only established fragile boundaries to state, did not create the Islamic regime envisaged by dan Fodio- left to his successors AND followers- new ‘Islamic state’ carved out of pre-existing Muslim society- needed full legitimization

Key ‘tool’ to shaping new society -- ‘educating people to understand the Revolution’ -- was education

Muhamed Bello and Sokoto Caliphate

Robinson draws attention to:- role of ‘ajami’- Nana Asam’u

As aspects of spreading, rooting ideology of Caliphate

Also notes challenges:- on level of ‘Islamic legitimacy’, Emir of Bornu- implicit lack of ‘buy in’, need to formalize parallelism with Mohamed the Prophet (dan Fodio the Caliph)

“Attributes of the Shaikh”

The Attributes of the Shaikh

In the name of God, the Beneficent, the Merciful; may God bless the noble Prophet.

I give thanks to God for the generosity he showed me, I give praise to Him, the Generous One.

I say “Peace be upon our Prophet.”Know that I have [obtained] many of his characteristics....

Know that he bore with the troubles of the people, Likewise am I known for this and for loving peace.

Indeed, he never angered anyone; For this too have people known me and for mercy.

After summoning people to the religion he made the hijra, When I made mine it cost me great effort.

“Attributes of the Shaikh”

At that place where the enemies came out As [they failed] against him so also against me did they fail.

By making the hijra he was indeed saved [from them], I did the same and the same has been repeated.

He made it at the beginning of the sixth decade [of his life], Of a truth, mine was indeed [made at] the same [time]....

No sooner had he made the hijra than he waged the jihad;

Likewise did I, keeping the pattern....

• [Robinson, pp. 145-6]

Nana Asma’u

Nana Asma’u (1793 – 1864):

- educated daughter of Uthman dan Fodio- fluent in Arabic, Fulfulbe, Hausa and Tamechek [Tuareg]- sister Mohamed Bello (succeeded dan fodio 1817-37)- assisted soldiers during years of jihad fighting- married leader who then became chief minister (vizier)- well-placed to exercise influence as ‘woman’ and ‘educator’

Nana Asma’u

Nana Asma’u (1793 – 1864):

- focus ‘community work’- established organization parallel to men’s tariqa: Yan-Taru- made up of women trained by her- most training, dissemination information: oral (songs, poems inverncular language)- translated many written Arabic texts into Fulfulbe and Hausa, ‘recited’ them to illiterate audiences [see ‘Nana Asma’u and the Scholarly Tradition’, Add’l Rdgs for examples of some of these]- Qadiriyya emphasizing role of spiritual rather than material: personal goodness makes one pious

Nana Asma’u

Nana Asma’u (1793 – 1864):

- many Hausa brought into Caliphate through capture: needed to beeducated in ‘reform’ Islam- ‘bori’ of central concern: recognized role in lives men and especially women- attempted to ‘Islamize’ it, as well as supplant it- Robinson gives example of substituting ‘Islamic medicine’ –recitation certain surat (‘chapters’ from Qur’an)

Nana Asma’u

• SURAT AL FATH (no. 48) It was related by one of the pious men [of old] that whoever reads it three times when he sees the crescentmoon on the first night of Ramadan will have God increase his income until the end of that year.

• SURAT AL-NAJM (no. 53) Whoever writes it on a clean piece of gazelle-leather and wears it will increase his power and will defeat anyone who disputes him....

• SURAT AL-WAQIAH (no. 56) . . . One of the pious men said: “If it is read for a dead person, he will be relieved of his sins; if read for a sick person, he will be made comfortable. If written and worn by a woman undergoing child-birth, she will deliver the child by the grace of God the Exalted One. It is effective on everything to which it is attached.”

Nana Asma’u

• SURAT AL JUMA (no. 62) It was reported by the Prophet: “Whoever reads Surat al-Jum‘a will be granted forgiveness for sins up to the number of those who attend the Friday congregational prayer. Anyone who persists in reading it shall be safe from the whispers of Satan....

• SURAT AL-HAQQA (no. 69) He said: “Whoever reads Surat al-Haqqa will be judged leniently by God. If it is worn by a pregnant woman, then she will be protected from all ailments.”

• SURAT AL-JINN (no. 72) It was related by the Prophet: “Whoever reads Surat al-Jinn and then frees a slave will be rewarded according to the number of jinns who believed Muhammad and the number of jinns who did not believe him....”

[Robinson, pp. 149-50]

Nana Asma’u

Nana Asma’u (1793 – 1864):overall significance in building new ‘Islamic society’:

“Concern for the material, psychological, and spiritual welfare of the community was incumbent upon every individual, and was the guiding principle of society. Attention to these issues was integrated with the advocation of the Sunna, the right mode of behavior, as the focus of the community. In short, there was much that a woman not only could do, but was obligated to do in the promotion of the good of the community, and for the good of her own soul. These are the principles that Asma’u and her students promoted in the community, and women’s roles were central to their promotion. By teaching women, Asma’u was by extension training whole families in orthodox Sufi practices that focused on following the Sunnaand the Qur’an, the two guiding lights of the Caliphate.”[see Nana Asma’u and the Scholarly Tradition, Add’l Rdg]

Nana Asma’u

Nana Asma’u (1793 – 1864):overall significance in building new ‘Islamic society’:

- following upon her and the Yan-Taru (and their successors:“Islam gradually ceased to be a religion whose rules and expression were limited to specialists learned in Arabic and became a faith in which popular piety could be based on an individual's own understanding”

[for more on both Nana Asma’u and her followers, see Boyd and Last “Agents Religeux”, Resources]

Nana Asma’u

Slavery in Sokoto Caliphate

Robinson doesn’t mention key aspect of Caliphate: slavery

- in addition to creation 1000s captives through process of war destined for trans-Saharan slave trade- many absorbed into growing plantation economy- growing foodstuffs, cotton and groundnuts (peanuts)- textile industry flourishing: weaving, dying of cotton cloth- most slave labour- households of wealthy landowners, merchants – domestic slave labour

Slavery in Sokoto Caliphate

But in terms of understanding intersection Islamic state, Muslim society and Slavery: Royal Slavery is key [see Stillwell ‘Ideology of Royal Slavery’]

- growth of Caliphate also saw growth of ‘state’- many ways, following Middle Eastern models while also absorbingearlier Hausa offices- widespread use of slaves to occupy:

1. palace positions of power and authority2. military roles (of equal power and authority)3. concubinage “the Emir’s Harem”

Slavery in Sokoto Caliphate

Stillwell’s argument:

- key to understanding role of Royal Slaves (administrative and military) is ‘honour’- slaves stand ‘outside’ code of honour of freed people- often difference of perception: how slaves see themselves, how others see them- comparisons with children, ‘less civilized’ etc.- within slave society, ‘own’ code of behaviour, ‘honour’ develops- looks at how BOTH understandings were cultivated during SokotoCaliphate (and continue to resonate)

Slavery in Sokoto Caliphate

Emir’s perspective:- slaves in most important positions assure loyalty and not competition- no possibility of passing on wealth: ‘goal’ is to acquire and enjoy what one can NOW- serves purposes of state well

- Stillwell article begins with adage:“One obedient slave is better than 300 sons, for the latter

desire their father’s death, the former his master’s glory’

Slavery in Sokoto Caliphate

Royal Slave’s Perspective:

- ability to combine lack of ‘social restrictions’ on behaviour with explicit power given via Emir’s authority (which was all governing) permitted exercise of real authority in society – as well as demanding real respect from ‘others’- as Emir’s representative able to extort (goods, taxes, services) from population- essentially, exercise violence in name of state

Generally understood:- this IS the state acting, slaves are ‘tools’- but because they are ‘slaves’ they cannot be held responsible or touched- and because the Emir himself is not directly implicated, he toocannot be criticized

Slavery in Sokoto Caliphate

Royal slaves in unique position:- legally ‘slaves’: in theory (Islamic law) ‘property’ with no rights, inferior to any free person, ‘dependent’ of good master- socially, politically superior: Stillwell points out royal slaves able to exercise authority over other ‘free’ administrators in court:“royal slaves did not have to treat other officials with deference, honour or respect” [p.404]- created powerful households, attracted other slaves: developed parallel structures to free-born- often their sisters, daughters, aunts who became the Emir’s ‘favourites’: with offspring, they then became genuinely related to royal family- in conjunction with local cultural customs, could lead to prince bowing to slave [see Stillwell’s discussion, referring to work of Nast]

Slavery in Sokoto Caliphate

Royal Concubinage and the Harem:

- notes that Emir could (and did) simply demand that young girl/woman be delivered to him- royal slaves sent to ‘take’ the favoured concubine- some became wives: most Emirs sons of concubines/slave wives- some given to Royal Slaves as wives- royal slavery differed from most ‘normal’ slavery in that royals were encouraged to marry, establish ‘royal families’ [affected both male and female ‘Royals’]- being taken into Royal Harem offered enormous possibility for influence, wealth power – over long term

Slavery in Sokoto Caliphate

Royal Concubinage and the Harem: Story of Hajiya Ma’daki[see Mack, “A royal Hausa Woman”, Resources]

- grand-daughter of a non-Muslim, Hausa [ “habe”] slave- daughter of Royal Concubine (Kano)- wife of Emir (Katsina)- lived through later years of Sokoto Caliphate and British Colonial rule- confidant and advisor to Husband (ruled 1907-44)- brother became Emir Kano (1926-53)- actively supported women’s education in north

[Beverly Mack herself interesting: conducted first research by Westerner within the Emir’s harem – Hajiya Ma’daki’s story based on numerous interviews]

Sokoto Caliphate and Colonial Conquest

On Eve of Colonial Conquest (1905):- Sokoto Caliphate had huge impact on society and economy Northern Nigeria- major ‘religious revolution’: terrain acquired by force, ‘Islamization’process of education- Nana Asma’u (and followers) critical part of entrenching jihad - slavery essential part of society: economic and political levels

Resistance never really stopped:- formal resistance ‘ideological’ terms- simple lack of acceptance- regions being turned into source of slaves