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Palestinian Arabs in Israel:educational expansion, social mobilityand political controlAndré Elias Mazawi aa Tel‐Aviv UniversityPublished online: 02 Aug 2006.

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Palestinian Arabs in Israel: educational expansion, socialmobility and political control

ANDRÉ ELIAS MAZAWI, Tel-Aviv University

Introduction

The Palestinian Arab community in Israel has witnessed an impressive expansion inschooling rates within the few decades after the establishment of the State of Israel [1].Yet, socially, politically and economically, this community has largely remained amarginalised national minority within the broader Israeli society [2]. State policiesconcerning Palestinian society are too often characterised by discrimination, whichcreates and maintains an unequal distribution of social resources and opportunities infavour of the Jewish majority [3].

Therefore, one may rightfully ask, what are the sociological consequences of theeducational expansion and the increasing credentialisation taking place within a broadercontext of marked social inequalities between Arabs and Jews in Israel? Is educationalexpansion a necessary prelude to future social equality between the two ethnic groups,or can it constitute, under specific circumstances, a means to further social dominationand political control?

A Brief Historical Sketch [4]

In 1947, at the very end of the British mandate over Palestine, the population of thecountry counted 1.97 million inhabitants, of which two-thirds were Arabs and one-thirdwere Jews [5]. Among the refugees [6], who were forced to leave Palestine due to theJewish-Arab hostilities surrounding the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, werepeople of the upper social strata, literati, the petty-bourgeoisie and land-labourers [7].

The 156,000 Palestinian Arabs who remained, in what was to become the State ofIsrael, consisted mainly of inhabitants of the lowest socio-economic strata. Within thisremaining group, illiteracy and economic deprivation were widespread. It was mainlythis group, labelled 'Israeli-Arabs' by the Israeli establishment, that formed the demo-graphic nucleus around which the present Palestinian population in Israel has evolvedduring the last four decades [8].

At the time of the abolition of the military government over Arab regions in Israelin 1966, the Arab population numbered some 312,500 inhabitants [9]. The Israelimilitary occupation of the Golan Heights, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and the Sinai

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278 A. E. Mazawi

peninsula, one year later (June 1967) enabled Palestinians living within pre-1967 Israel torenew their ties with their brethren from whom they had been separated since 1948 [10].

By the end of the 1980s, the Palestinian population in Israel within the Green Line(excluding East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights) numbered c. 640,000 constituting 15%of the total Israeli population. Socio-economically, some 55% of the Arabs in Israel areliving under the 'poverty line' [11], constituting, in fact, a politically and sociallymarginalised and alienated national minority [12].

The Expansion of the Arab Public School System in Israel [13]

During the decades following the establishment of the State of Israel, it is indeedpossible to point to a constant expansion of educational services towards broadersegments of Palestinian society in Israel [14]. Two major segments benefited from thisdevelopment: Arab girls and residents of rural localities. Since 1948, the Palestiniansociety in Israel witnessed a steady decrease in illiteracy rates and a parallel increase inthe mean years of schooling [15].

Within the Arab public system [16], the number of Arab pupils rose from about12,000 in 1948 to about 220,000 by 1990. These figures represent a 20-fold increase inthe number of Arab pupils, while the whole Palestinian population in Israel onlyquintupled during the same period. Palestinian pupils enrolled in Arab State schools nowconstitute about a quarter of the total Israeli school population [17].

The teaching profession, on the other hand, while remaining identified as a maleprofession [18], underwent a significant process of professionalisation and academisa-tion: the percentage of unaccredited teachers dropped from about 70% at the beginningof the 1950s to about 15% of the 9550 teachers in Arab government schools at the endof the 1980s [19] and to 8% in the school-year 1991-1992 [20].

In sum, since 1948 the expansion of the Arab public school system has been mostimpressive and systematic in terms of the absolute number of pupils enrolled.

The Social and Political Context of Educational Expansion

The above patterns of expansion in educational services are not to be viewed as solelythe result of formal state legislation. They reflect processes at the societal level as well.

On the collective level, the Palestinian society in Israel suffered from the ongoingexpropriation of Arab lands by successive Israeli governments [21]. As a result, Arabownership of agricultural lands decreased from about 94% in 1948 to less than 5% at theend of the 1980s [22]. Thus, traditional land ownership within Palestinian society lost aconsiderable part of its stratification power. The land expropriation policy motivatedPalestinians in Israel to consider education—and especially educational credentials—asa non-expropriatable resource and a central component of social promotion and mobility.Furthermore, education has come to be viewed as an active means of Sumud—i.e.safeguarding continuing collective Palestinian presence in the ancestral homeland,resisting any potential Zionist transfer policy [23].

The expansion of educational services to include new social segments withinPalestinian society, is closely linked to the gradual formation of new Arab middle andupper social classes [24]. Such a structural differentiation reflects dynamic intra-socialformations along economic lines. Palestinian elites in Israel increasingly draw theirstatus from their ability to supply highly professional services in various domains,making it less a function of traditional land ownership. Further, the expansion of

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Palestinian Arabs in Israel 279

educational services has led to a decrease in the significance of the correlation betweentraditional class affiliation and social mobility [25].

Yet, despite these educational opportunities, the general integration of Palestinianswithin the Israeli labour market, particularly among university graduates, remains highlyproblematic [26]. Many occupations and vocations remain largely inaccessible [27] onthe basis of non-academic criteria such as required completion of army service [28], ordue to the applicants' political background [29]. Under these circumstances, the teachingprofession remains the major job outlet for a considerable number of Palestiniangraduates [30]. Paradoxically, the Israeli Ministry of Education and Culture, a stateorgan, has become the major recruiter of Palestinian graduates, enrolling them as stateemployees within the Arab public schools. Ipso facto, job opportunities within the Arabeducational system constitute the major channel of co-optation of Palestinian literati. Thescarcity of opportunities in the broader (Jewish) labour market, further facilitates thisprocess.

In sum, the expansion of educational services within the Palestinian Arab society inIsrael, has been met with more pronounced patterns of inequality in occupationalopportunities between Arabs and Jews [31]. This, in turn, has lead to a significantincrease in the mismatch between education and occupation within the Palestinian Arabsociety itself [32].

The Arab Public School in Israel: sociological findings [33]

At the crossroads of these conflicting processes, the functioning of the Arab publicschool in Israel is considerably hindered at several major levels.

At the micro-institutional level, the low level of internal structural democratisationputs stresses on the formal relations between teacher and pupil and impedes positivechange [34]. Learning and teaching strategies rely generally on frontal teaching and rotememorisation [35].

At the macro-organisational level, state sponsored policies of discrimination impedeinfrastructural development and budgeting in the Arab public system [36]. Furthermore,the Arab public school, which suffers from inadequate resources, emphasises theacademic tracks. Vocational high schools enrol less than a quarter of the pupils [37] andare characterised by low-status and irrelevant specialisations [38].

Given these circumstances, the holding power of the Arab public schools in Israel isconsiderably lower than that of the Jewish public schools. Drop-out rates within theprimary grades, where education is compulsory, are significantly higher, for example,while such numbers are extremely insignificant in the Jewish primary public schools(Table 1). In the post-primary grades, only two-thirds of Arabs in the 14-17 age groupare enrolled in any educational framework [39]. Furthermore, only a third of Arab pupilsin the last high school grade (12th grade) are effectively studying, compared to some75% of their Jewish counterparts. In 1989 (the most recent year for which detailed dataare available), 43.8% of the 53,850 Jewish pupils passed their State Matriculation Exam(Bagrut), compared to 31.4% of their 7,494 Arab counterparts [40].

On the curricular level, in spite of significant changes during the 1970s and the1980s, curricula in Israeli public schools are still asymmetrically structured in terms ofeducational goals and weekly hours allocation for Arab versus Hebrew public schools.Educational goals in the Hebrew public schools explicitly seek to instil a Jewish nationalidentity in the Jewish pupils. The respective educational goals in the Arab public schoolsrefer on the other hand, more to the development of functional-technical skills, and only

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280 A. E. Mazawi

TABLE I. A Case Demonstration: drop-out rates of Jewish and Arab pupils from Grade 1to Grade 12 (data from the 1977/8-1988/9 cycle*)

1977-78: Grade 11983-84: Grade 71986-87: Grade 101988-89: Grade 12

BoysGirls

1988-89: Presented matric1988-89: Entitled to matric

1987-88: Entitled to matric1986-87: Entitled to matric

Jewish

PupilsX 103

65.066.460.553.124.828.337.523.7

22.320.4

sub-system

Percentage

100.0102.092.981.674.289.457.636.4

35.434.2

Arab

PupilsX103

18.516.910.68.44.04.46.02.4

2.52.4

sub-system

Percentage

100.091.557.445.442.548.532.512.7

13.813.6

*Source: STATE OF ISRAEL. MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND CULTURE (1992) The Educational

System in Numbers, p. 26 (Jerusalem, Ministry of Education and Culture).

extremely marginally to the Palestinian Arab national identity. Nor do educational goalsfor the Hebrew schools equally stress issues related to interethnic coexistence andco-operation in a shared homeland as is the case in the Arab Public schools. Statecurricula in Arab public schools are therefore still heavily imbued with Jewish contentsand less with culturally-specific Palestinian Arab contents [41]. As a matter of example,Palestinian Arab pupils devote much more time to the study of the Hebrew language,literature and Judaism than they do to the respective Arabic subjects. On the other hand,their Jewish counterparts, in the Hebrew public schools, are allocated an extremelymarginal percentage of hours for the study of Arabic history and civilisation, languageand Islam [42]. Further, although important changes did occur in the teaching of civicsat the high-school level [43], teachers usually refrain from dealing with controversialsocial and political issues during debates in the classrooms in order to avoid potentialcomplications with security services [44]. Some researchers suggest that the asymmetryin such a structuring of school curricula aims to eradicate the Palestinian Arab identityof the Arab students and to instil in them a submissive personality which facilitates theperpetuation of political and economic control on the part of the Jewish majority [45].

The extensive disparities in government and public investments between Jewish andArab education (to favour the former) have made it difficult for Arab municipalauthorities to treat effectively the various problems facing Arab education in variouslocalities [46]. As a result, there have been sporadic local Arab initiatives organised toform an autonomous non-governmental network of services responding to social needswhich are either not provided for or insufficiently so by the official state organs. Theseinitiatives are mainly voluntary and cover a wide range of social welfare, education andinfrastructure development projects [47]. However, internal social dissent on the onehand, and institutional discrimination on the other hand, strongly lead such voluntaryorganisations to pursue factionalist and particularistic goals [48]. Consequently, suchcommunity institutions have become an additional tool of political control, and manipu-lation, on the part of the Israeli establishment [49].

In sum, the disparities in educational opportunities between Arabs and Jews in Israel

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Palestinian Arabs in Israel 281

contribute to maintain broader inequalities in social and occupational opportunitiesbetween the two ethnic groups [50].

Discussion

Some writers have viewed the expansion of schooling opportunities as reflective ofqualitative changes which are gradually contributing to the improvement of educationalstandards in Arab public schools [51]. Yet others have stressed the interrelation betweenthe expansion of educational services within Palestinian society in Israel and thesurrounding socio-political context within which inter-ethnic relations evolve. For theselatter writers, beyond the impressive figures regarding educational expansion, lies a moresubtle and conflictual reality on the level of organisational objectives, infrastructuralinvestment and curricular content; a reality which institutionalises the politico-economicdependency of the Palestinian society in Israel, relative to the Jewish majority, anddilutes its cultural and national specificity [52].

Thus, it is possible to argue that Arab education in Israel plays a double-headed role.On the one hand, educational expansion constitutes a major catalyst in speeding socialmobility processes—and thereby class differentiation—within the Palestinian communityin Israel. On the other hand, differential educational standards and infrastructuralinvestments between Arab and Jewish Public schools contribute to the perpetuation, andeventual growth, of inequitable educational and social opportunities between Arabs andJews in Israel, furthering Arab economic dependency and Jewish political control.

In fact, the expansion of schooling, accompanied by mechanisms of control andselection imposed on job and mobility opportunities for Palestinian Arabs, enable thestate to further its social and political control over the Palestinian community in Israel.Consequently, educational expansion per se does not necessarily lead to equality insocial opportunities between Arabs and Jews in Israel. It is rather the broader socialstructure which determines the extent to which returns from education can have the sameconversion value for both ethnic groups.

The present conclusion raises serious questions about inter-ethnic relations in Israel.One of the major questions to be clarified in this regard is the extent to which theexisting political, legal, economic and civic structure in Israel will manage to contain thiscontradictory dynamic, and at the same time promote, and sustain, a truly democratic andpluralistic social structure.

Correspondence: André E. Mazawi, School of Education, Tel-Aviv University, Tel-Aviv-Jaffa 69978, Israel.

NOTES

The thesis elaborated in the present paper is based on two previous presentations by the present author. Thefirst published in Italian in (1992) Universitas, 44(2), pp. 44-48. The second published in (1993) Challenge(Israel), 4(2), pp. 18-19. The reader should be aware of the fact that this paper deals only with education withinthe Palestinian population in pre-1967 Israel. It does not refer therefore to the quite different, and not lessinteresting, case of Palestinian education in the Palestinian occupied territories of the West Bank and GazaStrip or to Druze education in the Israeli-annexed Syrian Golan Heights.

[1] AL-HAJ, MAJID (1991) Education and Social Change Among Arabs in Israel (Tel-Aviv, The InternationalCenter for Peace in the Middle East). SHAVIT, YOSSI (1989) Tracking and the educational spiral: Arab andJewish patterns of educational expansion, Comparative Education Review, 33, pp. 216-231.

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282 A. E. Mazawi-

[2] ZUREIK, ELIA (1988) Crime, justice and underdevelopment: the Palestinians under Israeli control, Inter-national Journal of Middle East Studies, 20, pp. 411-442.

[3] The literature on this issue is quite ample and detailed. Cf., e.g. SMOOHA, SAMI (1985) Existing andalternative policy towards the Arabs in Israel, in: E. KRAUZ, (Ed.) Politics and Society in Israel, Vol. 2,pp. 334-361 (New Brunswick, Transaction Books). STATE OF ISRAEL. STATE COMPTROLLER BUREAU (1992)

Annual Report 42 for 1991 and Receipts for Fiscal Year 1990, Part One (Jerusalem, Government PrintingPress) (in Hebrew).

[4] For a survey of the stratification features of the Palestinian society in mandatory Palestine refer to:MILLER, YILANA (1985) Government and Society in Rural Palestine 1920-1948 (Austin, Texas UniversityPress). KHALAF, ISSA (1991) Politics in Palestine: Arab Factionalism and Social Disintegration 1939-1948 (New York, State University of New York Press).

[5] KAMEN, CHARLES (1984) Arab population in Palestine and Israel, New Outlook, Oct-Nov, pp. 36-40.[6] Refugees were estimated between 700,000 and 846,000. Cf. MORRIS, BENNY (1987) The Birth of the

Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-1949 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press).[7] NAZZAL, NAFEZ (1978) The Palestinian Exodus from Galilee 1948 (Washington, DC, The Institute for

Palestine Studies). SANBAR, ELIAS (1984) Palestine 1948: L'Expulsion (Paris, Les Livres de la Revued'Etudes Palestiniennes). MORRIS, BENNY (1987) op cit.

[8] For a survey of the status of Palestinians in Israel, and of the Israeli government's policy in their regardsince 1948, Cf. (in Hebrew): BENZIMAN, UZI & ATTALAH, MANSOUR (1992) Subtenants (Jerusalem, KeterPublishing House) (in Hebrew).

[9] STATE OF ISRAEL. CENTRAL BUREAU OF STATISTICS (1988) Statistical Abstract, 39, p. 31 (Jerusalem,

Government Printing Press).[10] REKHESS, ELIE (1989) The Arabs in Israel and the Arabs in the territories, political relations and national

solidarity (1967-1988), Hamizrah Hehadash (The New East), 32, pp. 165-191 (in Hebrew). ZUREIK, ELIA& HAIDER, AZIZ (1991) The impact of the Intifadah on Palestinians in Israel, International Journal of theSociology of Law, 19, pp. 475—499.

[11] SA'DI, AHMAD (1990) Poverty in the Arab sector, Al-Jadeed, 39(2), pp. 39-52 (in Arabic).[12] SMOOHA, SAMI (1985) op cit.; ZUREIK, ELIA (1988) op cit.

[13] For a study of pre-1948 Arab education in Palestine refer to: TIBAWI, ABDUL-L,ATiF(1956)i4ra£> Educationin Mandatory Palestine: A Study in Three Decades of British Rule (London, Luzac & Co.).

[14] AL-HAJ, MAJID (1991) op cit.

[15] Ibid.[16] The Arab school system in Israel is administered by a special department in the Ministry of Education

and Culture which treats it as a sub-system. For this purpose, refer to (in Hebrew): SWIRSKY, SHLOMO(1990) Education in Israel: Schooling for Inequality (Tel-Aviv, Breirot Publishing House).

[17] STATE OF ISRAEL. MINISTRY OF EDUCATION A:>JD CULTURE (1992) The Educational System in Numbers

(Jerusalem, Ministry of Education and Culture) (in Hebrew).[18] In contrast with a marked feminisation process within the Jewish educational sub-system in Israel. Cf.

ADDI, AUDRY (1992) Changes in the Teacher s Status in the Last Twenty Years, Research Report No. 10(Tel-Aviv, Tel-Aviv University, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, The Institute for SocialResearch) (in Hebrew).

[19] STATE OF ISRAEL. MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AVD CULTURE (1990) The Educational System in Numbers

(Jerusalem, Ministry of Education and Culture) (in Hebrew).[20] STATE OF ISRAEL. MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND CULTURE (1992) op cit.

[21] ABU-KISHK, BAKIR (1981) Arab land and Israeli policy, Journal of Palestine Studies, 41, pp. 124-135.NAKKARA, HANNA (1985) Israeli land seizure under various Defense and Emergency Regulations, Journalof Palestine Studies, 54, pp. 13-34.

[22] GANADRI, SAMIH (1987) The Arab Masses in Israel: A Panorama of National Oppression and Discrimi-nation, p. 101 (Nazareth, May 30 Publishing House) (in Arabic).

[23] Cf., e.g. (in Arabic): AL-HAJ, MAJID (1989) Teaching and education are the cornerstone, Al-Jadeed,38(7-8), pp. 18-23.

[24] HAIDAR, AZIZ (1990) The Arab Population in the Israeli Economy (Tel-Aviv, The International Center forPeace in the Middle East).

[25] SHAVIT, YOSSI (1989) op. cit.; AL-HAJ, MAJID (1991) op. cit.; MAR-I, SAMI (1978) Arab Education in Israel,

pp. 44-45 (New York, Syracuse University I'ress).[26] AL-HAJ, MAJID (1988) Arab university graduates in Israel: characteristics, potential and employment

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Palestinian Arabs in Israel 283

situation, in: AL-HAJ, MAJID (Ed.) The Employment Stress Among Arab University Graduates in Israel,pp. 9-27 (Haifa, The University of Haifa, The Jewish-Arab Center) (in Hebrew).

[27] LEWIN-EPSTEIN, NOAH (1990) The Arab Economy in Israel: Growing Population-Jobs Mismatch, Dis-cussion Paper No. 14-90 (Tel-Aviv, Tel-Aviv University, The Sapir Center for Development).

[28] WOLKINSON, B. (1989) Equal Opportunities for Israel's Arab Citizens, Research Report No. 48 (Tel-Aviv,Tel-Aviv University & the General Federation of Labour, The Meir Institute for Social and LabourResearch).

[29] LUSTICK, IAN (1980) Arabs in a Jewish State: Israel's Control of a National Minority (Austin, Universityof Texas Press).

[30] AL-HAJ, MAJID (1988) op. cit., p. 14.

[31] LEWIN-EPSTEIN, NOAH (1989) Local Labor Markets. Ethnic segregation and income inequality (Tel-Aviv,Tel-Aviv University, The Department of Sociology & Anthropology, The Institute for Social Research).SEMYONOV, MOSHE & YUCHTMAN-YAAR, EFRAIM (1988) Ethnicity, Education, and the Occupational

Inequality: Jews and Arabs in Israel, Discussion Paper 16-88, (Tel-Aviv, Tel-Aviv University, The SapirCenter for Development).

[32] LEWIN-EPSTEIN, NOAH (1990) op. cit.

[33] This section deals only with government (i.e. public) Arab schools and does not refer to existing 'private'schools (i.e. Church and other non-government). Church schools are concentrated mainly in cities suchas Jaffa, Ramleh, Haifa, A'cca, Nazareth, but also in some villages in central and higher Galilee. Theseschools enrol about 6% of the total Arab pupils in Israel. For a historical discussion of these schools referto: MAZAWI, ANDRE (1989) Enrollment, drop-out and credentialization patterns in Saint-Joseph's Collegein Jaffa: A Case Study, unpublished MA thesis, (Tel-Aviv University, School of Education and theDepartment of Sociology and Anthropology) (Hebrew).

[34] AL-HAJ, MAJID (1989) Education for Democracy in the Arab School in Israel: issues and tasks (Giv'atHaviva, The Institute for Arab Studies) (in Hebrew).

[35] MAR-I, SAMI (1978) op. cit.; cf. also: BASHI, Y. et al. (1981) Educational Achievements in the PrimaryArab School in Israel (Jerusalem, The Hebrew University, School of Education) (in Hebrew).

[36] The detailed report of the State Comptroller for 1991 supplies ample evidence in this regard. Institution-alised discrimination of the Arab educational sub-system in terms of allocation of financial andeducational resources and per pupil expenditure were comprehensively documented and criticised. Cf.STATE OF ISRAEL. STATE COMPTROLLER BUREAU (1992) op. cit., pp. 390-429.

[37] Compared to more than half of the pupils in the Jewish educational sub-system. Cf. STATE OF ISRAEL.MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND CULTURE (1992) op. cit.

[38] HAIDAR, AZIZ (1985) Technical-Vocational Education in the Arab Sector in Israel (Tel-Aviv, TheInternational Center for Peace in the Middle East).

[39] STATE OF ISRAEL. MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND CULTURE (1988) The Ministry of Education and Culture, p.

24 (Jerusalem, Ministry of Education and Culture) (in Hebrew).[40] STATE OF ISRAEL. CENTRAL BUREAU OF STATISTICS & THE MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND CULTURE (1992)

Twelfth Grade Pupils, Examinees and Entitled to Matriculation Certificates in Localities 1988-89, SpecialSeries No. 907, pp. 19 & 79 (Jerusalem, Government Printing Press).

[41] AL-HAJ, MAJID (1991), op. cit., pp. 111-134. AL-HAJ, MAJID (1993) Education in Israel: Cultural Pluralismversus Ethnocentrism. Paper presented at the conference Israel: from a mobilised to a civic society, Oct.31-Nov. 2 (Jerusalem, Van Leer Institute) (in Hebrew).

[42] PERES, YOHANAN ET AL. (1970) National education of Arab youth in Israel, Race, 12(1). AL-HAJ, MAJID(1991) op. cit., pp. 111-134. MAR'I, SAMI (1978), op. cit., pp. 70-89.

[43] AL-HAJ, MAJID (1991) op. cit., pp. 132-134.

[44] MAR'I, SAMI (1985) Arab education in Israel: pupils as educators and educators as pupils, Politica, 4, pp.34-36 (in Hebrew).

[45] PERES, YOHANAN ET AL. (1970) op. cit.. AL-HAJ, MAJID (1991) op. cit., p. 152. AL-HAJ, MAJID (1993) op.

cit.[46] AL-HAJ, MAJID & ROSENFELD, HENRY (1988) Arab Local Government in Israel, pp. 112-140 (Tel-Aviv,

The International Center for Peace in the Middle East).[47] NAKHLEH, KHALIL (1991) Indigenous Organisations in Palestine: Towards a Purposeful Society Develop-

ment (Jerusalem, The Arab Thought Forum). Cf. as well: JAFFA RESEARCH CENTER (1990) Guide to ArabCommunity Associations and Institutions in Israel (Nazareth, Jaffa Research Center) (in Arabic).

[48] NAKHLEH, KHALIL (1991) op. cit., pp. 21-22.

[49] Ibid., pp. 18-19.

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[50] KRAUS, VERED & HODGES, ROBERT (1990) Promises in the Promised Land: mobility and inequality inIsrael, pp. 148-150 (New York & London, Greenwood Press).

[51] SARSUR, SAAD (1985) On the education of ;i minority in its state, in: W. AKERMAN, A. CARMON & D.ZUCKER (Eds.) Hinuch BeHevra Mithava (Education in a Society in Formation), pp. 473-526 (Jerusalem,The Van Leer Institute) (in Hebrew). FALAH, SALMAN (1989) Basic issues in Druze education, HamizrahHehadash (The New East), 32, pp. 115-128 (in Hebrew).

[52] PERES, YOHANAN ET AL. (1970), op. cit.. NAKHLEH, KHALIL (1979) Palestinian Dilemma: nationalistconsciousness and university education in Israel (Detroit, MI, The Association of Arab-AmericanUniversity Graduates). MAR'I, SAMI (1978) cp. cit.

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