o'sallivan satyr & image in aeschylus theoroi

8/13/2019 O'SALLIVAN Satyr & Image in Aeschylus Theoroi

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Satyr and Image in Aeschylus' Theoroi

Author(s): Patrick O'SullivanSource: The Classical Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 50, No. 2 (2000), pp. 353-366Published by: Cambridge University Presson behalf of The Classical AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1558894.Accessed: 14/04/2011 08:18

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ClassicalQuarterly0.2 353-366 2000)Printed n GreatBritain 353

SATYR AND IMAGE IN AESCHYLUS' THEOROIThe enduring fame of Aeschylus as the earliest of the 'three great tragedians' hasmade him in effect the first dramatist of the Westerntradition, in chronological termsat least. At the same time it is worth noting that among the ancients he also enjoyed areputation as a master of the satyr play, as Pausanias (2.13.6-7) and DiogenesLaertius (2.133) tell us. It is to this kind of drama, which comprised one-quarter ofhis output as tragedian, that I would like to turn, with particularfocus on his Theoroior Isthmiastai,' and its treatment of another visual medium, the plastic arts. Ourfragments of this play begin with a figure presenting a chorus of satyrs with artfullywrought images made in their likenesses which bring them a startled delight. In thesecond discernible scene of the fragment the chorus receives vEoxLpd..&;oppa-ra([c]col. ii 50), usually understood as athletic equipment, which the satyrs find rathermore unsettling.2 The following piece is primarily concerned with the first scene inwhich the coryphaeus urges his companions to dedicate the depictions as votives onPoseidon's temple, relishing the prospect of the comical, terrifyingeffect these imageswould have on his own mother and travellers,the latter probablyon their way to theIsthmian games. At least this much is clear from the papyrus (esp. lines 1-22).3 Thispart of the fragment has attracted a good deal of attention for the evident 'realism'of the images that excites the satyrs so much in the first place. To many, this featurehas suggested a referenceby Aeschylus to the rise of realism or portraiturein Greekart in the first half of the fifth century.4Here I wish to emphasize other importantfeatures in this part of the fragment. My focus will be on how Aeschylus presentsthese new-fangled images as potent, efficacious objects;this is clear from the openinggloss on the depictions and in the satyr-leader's response, which culminates in hisdecision to attach the images to the temple of Poseidon as apotropaic devices. Allthis, of course, comes with more than a hint of the irony one would expect from asatyr play.Some have claimed that the Theoroitells us something of Aeschylus'own tastes in

First published by E. Lobel, The OxyrhynchusPapyriXVIII(London, 1941)as P.Oxy.2162;seealso frr.78a-82RadtTrGF (G8ttingen,1985).The most recent dition s J.Diggle,TrGFS(Oxford1998),11-15,which s usedhere.2 For a usefuloverview,eetheAppendix yH. Lloyd-Joneso vol. II of the LoebeditionofAeschylusCambridge,MA,1956),541-56.SeealsoJ.C.Kamerbeek,Mnemosyne(1955),1-13;B.Snell,Hermes 4(1956),1-11. Morerecentdiscussions f the Theorointhecontextof satyricdramagenerallynclude:R. Seaford,Maia28(1976),209-21,andtheintroductiono his textandcommentary, uripides. yclopsOxford,1984),10-44,esp.33-9;R. Ussher,Phoenix31(1977),

287-99,esp.296-9;D. E Sutton,TheGreek atyrPlay(MeisenheimmGlan,1980), sp.29-33;id. GRBS22(1981),335-8.Cf.also M.Stieber,TAPhA 24 1994),85-93.' Lobel's iew n. 1),14,thatthepapyruss froma satyrplayhasgainedgeneral urrency.4 So Lloyd-Jonesn. 2), 543;G. Else,CPh 53 (1958),77-8;G. Lanata,PoeticaPre-Platonica(Florence, 1963), 139-40; H. Philipp, TektononDaidala. Der bildendeKiinstlerundsein Werk mvorplatonischenSchrifttum(Berlin, 1968), 28; C. Faraone, Talismansand TrojanHorses. GuardianStatues in AncientGreekMyth and Ritual (Oxford, 1992), 37-8; Stieber(n. 2), 85-93; F Zeitlin inS. Goldhill and R. Osborne (eds), Art and Text in Ancient Greek Culture(Cambridge, 1994),138-9. G. S6rbom, Mimesis andArt. Studies in the OriginandEarly Developmentof an AestheticVocabularyStockholm, 966),41-53arguedhatthefragment oes nottestify o theemergenceof realistic ortraiture,etconcededhat hesatyric esponses to an artthat s 'vividandfull of

life'(p.45).


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354 P. O'SULLIVANart, with not always convincing results.Apart from an unlikelybelief that the Theoroiis a tragedy, Untersteiner claimed that it dealt with an agon between Theseus andDionysus who each promoted the efficacy of sculptureand dance/poetry respectively,to conclude: 'Eschilo pone decisamente la superioritatdella poesia tragica di fronte aogni forma d' arte.'5 Such a finding, however interesting, lacks textual support andrelies on Untersteiner'sown conjectures to back up his claims.6Recently Stieber hasemphasized the role of realism in the images, and claims: '. .. the comic element, forthe audience, arises from their own familiarity with the "novelty"[sc. of realism inworks of art] and the dramatised ignorance of the characters on stage'.' This hassomething to recommend it and she raises some interesting points in her discussion,but her inference that the Theoroi mpliesAeschylean fondness for the 'realism' of lateArchaic art over Early Classical art is not warrantedby the evidence.8Nothing in theTheoroigives an indication of any such preference,and her appeal to Ag. 416-17-where we are told that Menelaus, in the absence of Helen, finds the X'dpL ofEV?Odpowv.. KOAoaacdvateful-likewise tells us nothing about Aeschylus' ownpredilections for one type of art over another. While the KOAooaaolmay refer to lateArchaic statues as Stieber and others claim,9 her assumption that Aeschylus here is'speaking in the person of Menelaus'10cannot be demonstrated, nor does it evenappearfrom Menelaus'point of view to be a favourablereference o such statuary; t isin fact the chorus who calls the statues E?4LopboL. imilarlyunconvincing is Stieber'suse of the late testimony of Porphyry n which Aeschylus compares his style of paeanto that of Tynnichus through an analogy with sculpture." As if to clarify Aeschylus'position, Porphyryrefers to an old belief that JdpXatadydA'paraappear to be moredivine than do the Katva.But such a view comes to us in a vaguely worded anecdote(Porph. De Abst. 2.18), and need not be construed as Aeschylus'own:12

a...ta... -ratvrasc.dpXatatdy'yAa'a)...K.l.rEp ihvOr 7TErTOL7fpLEVa,EavopL?EaOaL,-al e KaLvad,rEpLEPYwSCpYaaLe va Oavt.zEacOaLL te'v, OEcLov6 8'av 7rov EXEtV.... they say.. . thatthese(ancient tatues),.. . although implymade,areconsidered ivine,while henewones,althoughadmiredor theirskilfulworkmanship,ave essof anappearanceof thedivine.Even if we do ascribe such a view to Aeschylus, major uncertainties remain about hispreferences in styles of art, chiefly concerning the sheer vagueness of the termsapXaLaand KaLvd.The former could well refer to statues that pre-date the manu-facturing of late Archaic statues, while the lattermight even include them, especiallyif Aeschylus were a young man at the time of making this supposed pronouncement.We have no indication anyway of when Aeschylus, whose life is reckoned fromc. 525-456 (TrGF3, T B 3-5), may haveexpressed such an opinion.But if we cannot infer Aeschylus' personal tastes in art from the Theoroi (orelsewhere), we can still consider how the piece presents visual imagery at a timeof great artistic innovation and interest in this medium. Whatever their findings,Untersteiner and Stieber areat least right in seeing that ideas about art are importantin the Theoroi. It will be argued here that the satyrs' actions entail a comically

5 M. Untersteiner, ioniso14(1951),33. 6 Ibid., 31.7 Stiebern.2),91. B Ibid.,94-9.9 Stieber n. 2), 104-6,herefollowsE. Fraenkel,Aeschylus.AgamemnonOxford,1950),adloc.,but differs romhimbyseeing he statuesasportraits f Helen.toStieber(n. 2), 105. " Ibid.,97-9.12 As evidentntheuseof thepassivenfinitivevodtEeOaL, s Stiebern.2),98concedes.


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SATYRAND IMAGEIN AESCHYLUS'THEOROI 355overdeterminedesponse o theirpainteddepictions, nd invokea numberof ideasfound n Greek iteraturewhich mpute omeefficacy o visual magesandartworks.will suggestthat such use of widespreaddeasmakesthis scenetypicalof satyricdrama-a mediumwhich,as Seafordn particular asemphasized,nvolvesrequentcomic encounters between satyrs and aspects of civilized culture.'3Indeed, the anticsof Aeschylus' satyrs can be understood, as Lissarague has said of satyr plays ingeneral, as 'a means to explore human culture through a fun-house mirror'and theTheoroican be seen to contain an element that 'playswith culture firstby distancing itand then reconstructing t throughits anti-types,the satyrs'.14 This playingwith cultureand ideas, I intend to show,is felt in the differentaspectsof the image that come to thefore in its reception as an object of pleasure and terror, as a toy and as aquasi-apotropaic device. Significantly more than the rise of realism in art is thus atissue in our fragmentsof the Theoroi.

IThe early fifth century, during which the Theoroiwas produced, ushers in not onlymajor naturalistic innovations in the plastic arts, but also witnesses increased interestin the nature and effects of vision and visual imagery.15 ndeed, Aeschylus himselfwas associated with such trends in antiquity. Aristophanes' Frogs and the VitaAeschyli, or instance, ink the tragedian'stageeffectswithE'K7TAhrqS'16Vitruvius(Arch.7praef. 11-12) and Pliny (indices to books 34-5 of his HN) tell us of a numberof painters, sculptors, and architects from the sixth to fourth centuries who wroteabout their own works and media; and notable here is the painter Agatharchus who,Vitruvius tells us, designed a scaena for Aeschylus' dramas, and left a commentary

13 Forsatyrs sessentiallyustic, eeSeafordn. 2),212-13,andhis ntroductiono theCyclops(n. 2), 18, 21, 30-2, and F Lissaraguen J.Winklerand F Zeitlin(eds),Nothing o Do withDionysos?AthenianDraman ItsSocialContextPrinceton, 990),228-36,esp.235.14 Lissarrague(n. 13), 235.15Fascinationwith the powersof visualphenomenas evident n Homeric pic, especiallywhenglossedas a OaiCpt31. 5.725, 18.377,18.549;Od.6.305-7,7.44-5;cf. Od.19.226-31, tc.).Interestnvisionand/orvisualartworkssattestedwidely rom he latesixthcentury nwardsallreferences o Presocraticsand Sophistsare from the sixth edition of Die Fragmente erVorsokratiker,dd. H. DielsandW.Kranz Berlin,1951-2]), .g.HeraclitusB101a;EmpedoclesA86,A92, B23, B84,B86, B87, B89;Anaxagoras 21a;PolyclitusBl, B2;GorgiasB3.86-8, B4,B5,B26,B28,Hel. 15-19,MXG979all -980b21;LeucippusA29,30,31;DemocritusA135,B5h,28a;HippiasA2. Agatharchus'ommentaryn thescaenahedesigned orAeschyluss said tohave nfluencedAnaxagoras nd DemocritusVitr.7 praef.11).Euripidesncorporatedisualartworks nto someplays,e.g. the ecphrasesn Ion(184-218,1141-80),Electra 452-75),andPhoenissae1104-40); his ast s a suspected assage, utsee D. Mastronarde,hoenix 2(1978),

105-28andid., Euripides. hoenissaeCambridge,994),456-9 fordetaileddefences f it. Forthe prominencen Euripides' ramasof imageryand terms drawn romartisticsources, eeS. Barlow,The magery f EuripidesLondon,1971),57-60withnn.16 See VitaAeschyli,332, 333 OCT(ed. D. L. Page).At Frogs962-3 the K7Ar'tLS ofAeschylean tyle s impliedwhenEuripidesontrastshimself o theolderplaywright,n saying:

o08' '6rA"rrov ai'rois (sc. the audience).The referencehere is probably o Aeschyleandramaturgyather han his poetry; ee 0. Taplin,TheStagecraft f AeschylusOxford,1977),76-7, 422-3, and A. Sommerstein,Aristophanes.rogs(Warminster, 996), on Frogs963.Philostratus,VS 1.9.1parallelsAeschylus'heatricalityndGorgias'hetoricaltyle,alsonoted nantiquityor tscapacityo induce K7E~A7S (GorgiasAl, A4).Both heSuda s.v.Alax,Aos)andPhilostratus' ife of Apollonius.11(= TrGF , T 106)drawattentiono the dramatist'sisualinnovations nstage.


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356 P. O'SULLIVANabout it.17Evidence from Aeschylus' own writings similarly suggests his interest inideas on the efficacy of visual artifice.The pivotal scene of the Septem ContraThebas(375-719), for instance, is largely taken up with descriptions of warriors and theirarmour whose shield images are given special prominence.While many have dwelt onthe symbolic meaning of these images for the Septem,'8 Aeschylus continuallystresses their status as wrought artworks. We may note, for instance, the comment onthe style of the making of Eteoclus' shield (465), or the reference to the aurtzaroupyo'swho wrought Hippomedon's shield-image (491-2), and the occurrence of terms suchas KOdU/iOSnd ElKWV to describe the apparel of Tydeus (397) and shield image ofParthenopaeus (559). The opening of our Theoroifragment, then, may be taken asanother example of Aeschylean interest in visual imagery and artifice, borne outclearly in the extensive number of terms invoked for the images the satyrs receive:ELKWV,Ef3OAOV, KOpULOS,t0opq (bis), ip i7/La.The text of the scene which concerns us runs:

OpWVTESfLKO[LS] Ka-' aVOpC07roV07T77L8't veIj)]7LSqt3, rT aT (YOL7'rE fVU 7.aKOEn' as, iya8ElooEAE.o. 4arpepaoveos.j..[ iEawoAovvat TOUT'el77l LOPql 7TAfovrO dala8aAouv[).'t1qa" w.v.l~8ELtOdvov.TSL[El~f 8

op.][.].()p.[]XCPEL .dAa.- EVKTaiaKOU/LOvavT[a] WoL EWLf"PKaAAtlypa7rTrovvXaV. 12++ T7l fl77pl TrfT.79LrpayfLaT'v 7rapaaxeOoL"{-I} i8oaa ydp vw rvaabcJsTpVETOITv a 0aOLT058cog8OKOVaq'.L'EtvaL, 7VOV- 16CEOPEiEVOTWS4EP77S9 gO'S'eTV.Eta877(KO7riETecLzarOVTLou1O)LtXOo[vOSKITL7TaUaaev' aaTOST77SgK[a]A77S3po?sayyeAov, K'1pVK' [ii]vauSov, 4.,rrdpwv KWAvTrop[a, 20.[..r-oXiL'4LEAEVOOOVS~efvo[VS]O.[atp' avae, Xaip' H"76aUL8ov7TL`TpoO7O[sgj[

... seeingthe likenesses ot of human making].20nd whatever ou maydo, allyouractionsarepious."7Somehaveneedlessly uestionedhechronologyf Agatharchus,ivenhisconnectionswithAlcibiades[Andoc.]C Alcib.17;Dem.C Meidias147;Plut.Alc.16.4)aswellasAeschylus;ee:A. Rumpf, JHS 67 (1947), 13; J. J. Pollitt, Art and Experience in Classical Greece(Cambridge,1972),56,n. 15;cf.Taplin n. 16),457,n. 4;A. Brown,PCPhS30(1984),passim, sp.1-2. Thereis no evidence hatthepainter ouldnothavebeenactive rombefore 56 to the420s,which sallthat s requiredo bearout theliteraryestimonies.18 For instance, P. Vidal-Naquet in Annali del Seminario di Studi del Mondo Classico:Archeologica Storia AnticaI (1979),95-118(repr.as 'Lesboucliersdes h6ros', n Mytheettragddieen Grice ancienneII [Paris, 1986]).Both W.Thalmann, Dramatic Art in Aeschylus'SevenAgainst Thebes(New Haven and London, 1978), esp. ch. 5, and F Zeitlin, Underthe Sign of theShield. Semiotics and Aeschylus'Seven Against Thebes(Rome, 1982), passim, esp. 45, see howthe shield-sceneallegorizes he mainconflict,althoughapproachingt fromquitedifferentperspectives.'9 This is Page'semendation of the corrupt &ldc~doro, CR7 (1957), 191.20 The translations of Lloyd-Jones(n. 2), 553 '.. . wrought by superhumanskill', and that of


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SATYRAND IMAGEIN AESCHYLUS'THEOROI 357-I amgreatlyndebted o youforthesethings; oryouareverykind. Listennow,everyone esilent... look,say[?] .. thisimage s more[like]myownform, hisDaedalicrepresentation,tlacksonlya voice.These .. look[?] .. Comeon I'mbringinghesevotives,anornament,othegod as a beautifully-paintededication. t wouldgive mymothera hard ime.One look atthisand she'd urnawayand scream orsure, hinkingt'sme,the one sheraised; o like me isthisimage Hey Lookatthehouseof theEarth-Shaker,ulerof theSea Leteach of younailup [theimage?] f yourown beautiful ormas a messenger, voicelessherald,a warder-off ftravellers,... it will haltwayfarersn the road .. Hail, lord,hail,o Poseidon,protector.

The view that the images in the Theoroiare satyr-maskscontinues to gain ground.21Green sees here a play on dramatic illusion whereby actors wearing satyr-masksrespond as satyrs to reproductions of those masks.22Fraenkel'ssuggestion that theimages are made to function as painted antefixes on temple roofs is also plausible,notwithstanding Lloyd-Jones's objection that antefixes are not nailed to temples.23Satyr faces, correspondingat least in appearanceto masks, could function as antefixesin cities Aeschylus is known to have visited.24These possibilities suggest that theTheoroi nvolvesplay on the use of artefacts in more waysthan one. Beyond this, I wishto draw attention to how his fragment comically reworks rdTroLconcerning theresponses which artworksare perceivedto elicit:pleasure,deceit through illusion, andterror.All these play a role in how the satyrs exploit the efficacyof visual imagery,andare found in Homer, elsewhere in Aeschylus, and in other authors of the Classicalperiod. The idea of painting as deceptiveis found in Empedocles (B23.9), in the DissoiLogoi (3.10), and in Plato in Republic10 and the Sophist.25The ability of painting andsculpture o bringpleasure o the onlooker,with eroticovertones,s mentionedbyGorgias (Hel. 18) and Euripides (Alc 348-55; cf. Ion 231, 245-6); Xenophon (Mem.3.10.5, 8), and Alcidamas (Soph. 27) are among many others who reiterate thepleasure-inducing aspects of visual art.26The ability of visual artifice to induce fearrecursin Aeschylus' ecphrasesin the Septem (489-90; cf. 397-9) and Euripides'Electra(469-70).Moreover,other fifth-century exts, such as Cratinus fr. 75 K-A), Euripides'Eurystheusfr.372N) and PlatoComicusfr.204K-A)involve,iketheTheoroi,omicconfrontations with artworksso deceptivelyrealistic that they seem to walk and talk.27In chronological terms these referencesand the TheoroiundermineErnst Gombrich'sStiebern. 2), 88: '. .. not madebyhumanhands' eem o metenable, onfirmed ytheglossonthe image as T' AlaL6iAovpJ[1tvtpa.See section II below for fullerexplication of my readingofthefirst ine.

21 See: E. Fraenkel, PBA 28 (1942), 245; Snell (n. 2), 6; H. Mette, Der vorloreneAischylos(Berlin,1963),165;Ussher n. 2), 297;Sutton n. 2), 29;J.R. Green,Theatren AncientGreekSociety (London, 1994), 45. P.E. Easterlingin The CambridgeCompanion o GreekTragedy,ed.P E. EasterlingCambridge,997),49.As a parallelorthe self-referentialse of masks n stageaction,Metteand Usshercite Cratinus'eriphioir.205K (= Fr.218K-A).22 Green (n. 21), 45-6.23Fraenkeln. 21),245;cf.Lloyd-Jonesn. 2),543.24 LIMCVIII.2,s.v. Silenoi' ig. 167for a satyricmodelfromGela,datableo theearly ifthcentury;f.alsofigs166, 168,170.25 Oneof Plato'sbugbearsn hiscriticisms f painting:R. 10.598cl-599a4, 02c10-d4; oph.234b5-10,235d5-236c7. n the SophistPlatoconsignsvisualarts to the realmof misleadingappearances,or faVaaUTLUKq;for discussion see J.Pollitt, The Ancient Viewof GreekArt (NewHaven and London, 1974), 46-7. See A. Rouveret, Histoire et imaginairede la peintureancienne(Paris, 1989), 115-27 for fulleraccounts of Plato's views of aKLayptaa.26 Cf. also Democritus B194.27 SeeJ.C. Kamerbeekn. 2), 4, whocomparesPindar,0. 7.52withPlatoComicus, r.204K-A; and Sutton(n. 2), 62 for Euripides,r. 372,whichhe takesto be a satyrplayand the

addresseeo be Silenus.


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358 P. O'SULLIVANviews, famously put in his 'Reflections on the Greek Revolution', that 'the thrill andshock which the first illusionist images must have caused ... did not happen beforePlato's lifetime' and that Plato's 'outburst against the trickeries of painting was anoutburst against "modem art" .28Yet, although Gombrich does acknowledge that the'Greek revolution' in depicting illusionistic images begins around the middle of thesixth century, he neglects the Theoroialtogether.29 In any event, these other dramatictexts all mention (cognates of) Daedalus, whose handicraft is invoked to explain thestatue's abilities to move and speak or at least its startlingly lifelike qualities.30Suchparallelscast some light on Aeschylus'mentioning of r6 AdaLt8AovL[tlrp a (7) whichunderscores the 'realism'of the images that so excites the satyrs.But it is worth goingfurther to focus on how Aeschylus presents the perceivedeffects of such realism, andhow these are evident in the response of the satyrsin the Theoroi.

Typical features of satyrs onstage, as scholars have noted,31 are their comicencounters with a (semi-)divine invention (Eoipr~ta) or marvel (rE'pas) that becomesincorporated into human civilization, as is attested elsewherein the Theoroi([c] col. ii49-52). In another Aeschylean satyr play, PrometheusPyrkaeus (fr. 207), one satyr isabout to have his beard burnt when trying to embrace fire, on seeing it for the firsttime.32 n the Sophoclean Dionysiskos(frr. 171-2) satyrsbecome acquaintedwith wine,Dionysus' invention, with no doubt predictably disastrous results. Satyrs are alsopresentat the making of Pandorain Sophocles'Sphyrokopoi or Pandora= frr.482-6),the model from which the race of women is sprung, according to Hesiod (Th. 590).33The Ichneutae (frr. 314-18) involves a comic response to lyre-music played by itsinventor, the infant Hermes. Here the satyrs experience K7TA1r6trfr. 314.142-4), andSilenus runs off in terror when he hears it (205-9). But, through the god's nurse,Cyllene, Sophocles stresses the charm and pleasurethat Hermes derives from the music(325-7):

KaL rovto A6tr4[s] EoT' cLKEUrTPOV aLlTapabVK[T]77p[Lo+vKELVWLPOVOV, xa[LIPELS' &OVpwv KaL TL 7Ppoawv[cv3'Aosetqowvov C'a[LIpELyadp at'?r0v a'o'ALua iqs' A[t]Pas-.And this s hisonly remedy orgriefandcomfort o hissoul,and heenjoysamusinghimselfandvoicingsomesong.Fortheshifting one of thelyresimply ransports iminharmonywithit.This is consistent with the pleasure-giving effects of music found in Homer (esp. II.9.189, 18.526; Od. 1.347, 8.44-5, 8.536-43, etc.) and, appropriately enough, theHomeric Hymn to Hermes (esp.420-6, 455, 480-6).35Indeed, the qualities ascribed tomusic in the Ichneutae recur in the Classical period in views on the effects of poetry

28See E. Gombrich, Art andIllusion(London, 19722),ch. 4, 127.29 Ibid., 127;cf. 128-39.30 For usefuldiscussion f theseandotherpassageswherereferences madeto theapparent

abilityof Daedalus's tatuesto move,see S. Morris,Daidalosand the Originsof GreekArt(Princeton,1992),ch. 8, esp.221-37.As C. Collard,Euripides. ecuba Warminster,991),on836-40suggests,Hecubaapparentlyefers o Daedalus' peaking utomata,whichrecall hosemadeby HephaestusI1.18.376).3' For nstance, ee Snell n. 2), 8-9;Seafordn.2),212-13,216-17,andhisintroductiono E.Cyclops (n. 2), esp. 36-7; cf. Ussher (n. 2), esp. 291-3, and 297-8; E Lissarrague(n. 13), 235,whose views areaccepted by Easterling(n. 21), 41. Sutton (n. 2), 157,n. 455 is unduly skepticalofthis as a feature of satyr plays,but is well countered by Stieber(n. 2), 91, n. 12.32As the context of Plutarch'squotation makes clear (Mor. 2.86e).33 As Faraone (n. 4), 102 notes. 3 I printhere Diggle's OCT text.5 For more on the pleasurable,beguiling, and deceitful effects of music and song in Homer

and early epic, see W Schadewaldt, VonHomers Weltund Werk Stuttgart, 19593),81-5; Lanata


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SATYR AND IMAGE IN AESCHYLUS' THEOROI 359and rhetoric, such as EK7TA7rtLSnd /vXaywyla.36 Sophocles' comic treatment of theeffects of this new-fangled music is perhapsthe most telling parallelaffordedby othersatyric dramas to the Theoroi, where a similar confrontation takes place, this timeinvolving the effects of painted, skilfully wrought images of satyrs themselves.

1IThe fragment opens with an interlocutor addressing the satyrs and referring to thelikenesses as o' KaT' dvOpoTrrov9.. (1). Straightawaythis puts the depictions on adivine or superhuman level, like the other attributes of civilization traceable tovarious gods in satyiic drama, and some parodic overtones may be detected as well.Similar language on the divine provenance of great artworks was used, for instance,by Achilles who, on seeing and handling his newly made armour,delights in the giftsof the god (II. 19.18-19):

reprrTro ' EVXcLp'aPLvXWOVOv dyAadScpa.avrdp ITEL~bpfavLVJLaL rTEardpiro SaaSaAa Ae~aawov,Hetookdelightashe held n hishands hegloriousgiftsof thegod.Butwhenhe haddelightedhimself n his heart ookingat thecunninglywroughtworks ..Here Sat~aAaindicates the images on the shield, recallingwhat Hephaestus put on it(Ii. 18.479, 482), and which give Achilles rmpSr.It is true that Achilles experiencesXdAos when seeing his armour and the Myrmidones turn from it in fear (Ii.19.14-17); more will be said on these features below, but for the moment it is worthconsidering the aspect of pleasure in his response and how it might relate to thesatyric reaction in the Theoroi.Apart from experiencing pleasure, Achilles expresseshis appreciation of the divine artistrybehind the new armour (19.21-2):

'/Lr7epE/177,dv/tOv rAaEs ITdpvV'OT TLELKES'py' E/ItEV&avdrwov,Lpvq%poroVvSpa reAaaaL.''Motherof mine,a god hasgivenme theseweapons uchas arefitting o be theworksof thegods,whichno mortalman couldproduce.'In the Theoroi the satyr certainly responds enthusiastically to his gift, and, likeAchilles, rejoices on seeing the artwork by expressing his gratitude to the inter-locutor-KprT' kE0AW i-VvCO'aoTp' opdpOwvydp Et (3)-and seeing the gift as abeautifully painted offering: KaAAtypa7rrrovEvXV(12). Wesee, then, another form ofrEp S here. As well, both Achilles' mentioning of the skill of Hephaestus andHomer's reference to the god's works as SatSaAaare echoed in Aeschylus' phrase -r(n. 4), 6-13, 16-17, who also rightlylinks music'seffects in the Ichneutae 325-7) to what Gorgiasattributesto Ad'yo- Hel. 8), apropos of its joy-giving and grief-banishing capacities (p. 154);W J.Verdeniusin G. B. Kerferd(ed.), TheSophistsand theirLegacy (Wiesbaden, 1981), 121-3; G. B.Walsh, The Varieties of Enchantment (Chapel Hill and London, 1984), ch. 1; Z. Rito6k,Mnemosyne42 (1989), 333-42. C. Segal, in R. Lambertonand J.Kenney (edd.), Homer'sAncientReaders(Princeton, 1992), 3-9, 22-3, 29.

36 For IKTArlLS, see Thucydides on Pericles' rhetoric(2.65.9); CritiasB25.28;cf. Gorgias Pal. 4(bis). For Ivxaywyla, see Plato,Phdr.261a8,271c10;Isocrates,Evag.(9.10). Interestingly,Xenophon, Mem. 3.10.6 sees /vXaywyla as a feature of sculpture;and Aristotle applies it totragedy, nd, rathergrudgingly,o the visualdimension, r 50LS,of tragedyPo. 1450a33-bl,b16-17).


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360 P. O'SULLIVANAaLsdAovp[t'lp-Tpawhich the satyr uses to describe his gift (7).37 The meaning 'animagemadeby (someone ike)Daedalus' or 'theCunningOne')seemsmost likelyhere,dueto otherreferenceso Daedalicartworksn Greekdrama,notedabove, orinstance:Cratinusfr.75 K-A),Euripides' urystheusfr.372N) and PlatoComicus(fr.204K-A).Infact,someplausiblyee 'Daedalus' s anothernamebywhichHeph-aestuswasknown.38f this is correct, hen thiswouldstrengthenhe implication fthe divine provenance of the depictions in the phrase ot' KaT' vOp7Trrov .. . (1).Thesatyric warenessf thedepiction s a wrought bjectdoesnotprecludet fromexercising n illusionistic harm.Theimage,he says, s so lifelike hat it lacksonlyavoice:

.wv?- SE tovov (7). Formalist and illusionistic aspects of the image come tothe forehere,andcan be seento underscore ispleasure n viewing heimage.This,too, is akin to the Oaiv~3a hich Homer associateswith the depictionof farmersploughingon Achilles' hield.Therewe see that the tensionbetween he liveliness fthe imageson the shield and the knowledgethat they are made of gold makesHephaestus'worka Oat4za nthe firstplace.Homermakes hisclear nthedescriptionof a fieldbecomingblackafterbeingploughed 1. 18.548-9):

7qfLeAalvEr0'rrTLa8v,prlpo0LEVrlULWLKEL,XpuVerLqTEPEotoVa. IrTp, tat/a iUTETVKTO.It becameblackbehind theplough],and seemed ikea ploughed ield,even hough twasgold.Insucha waythe wonderwaswrought.Atthepointwherehe llusionismf the magesstressed,ttentions drawno itsformal ttributes:irstlyo thefactthat t is a likeness,ndsecondly,s somehavenoted, to the medium of its depiction.39Although Oav~tas not explicitly mentionedin our remnants f the Theoroi,heelementof pleasuren thesatyric esponseo thedepictionscan be seen to haveprecedentsn Homericepic, especiallywhen thepoetimpliesa certain pleasurethat goes along with the wonderinspired by artfullywrought mages.WemaynoteHephaestus' rediction11.18.466-7)of the Oa4lba obe experienced by anyone gazing on the shield, and the rpE'psr,mentioned above, inAchilles'response,whichseems o be one manifestation f thisOa4lpaII.19.18-19).As well, the ideaof amazement s pleasurable,mpliedby Homer, s attestedmoreexplicitly lsewherenGreek iterature.nthe HomericHymn oHermesApollofreelyadmits his wonder at his younger brother'senchanting music making: 'Oavldaw ...ds9pa-rv KLOapl'Elt' (455). Pindar speaks of Amphitryon'sOa44l0oswhich is both8vaoopos and rEprv6dson witnessing his infant son's strength (N. 1.55-6), and on anumberof occasionsAristotle ells us of thepleasant ffectsof Oa6~taPo. 1460a 7;Rh.1371a21-2,1371b5,1404b11-12).Theresponse f Aeschylus'atyrs sconsistentwith these notions;theirpleasureand amazementat the life-likequalitiesof theimagesis accompaniedby theirrecognitionof them as worksof artifice,as theyliterally ome face-to-facewithrepresentationsf themselvesor the firsttime.Afterthis initialdelight, hesatyrgoesonto focuson the'apotropaic' owersn theimages,as wellas theirrealisticeatures.Herea comicparadox mergeswherebyhe

"3 AaitdAov is mostlikelysubjective;f. Morris n. 30),218 forotherpossiblerenderings.tseems essplausiblehere o read8aLsdAovs 'artwork' nd henceas an objective enitive, venthough8aLs8Aovan beanHomericword orart-images1. 18.479, 82,etc).38 So Lloyd-Jonesn. 2), 547-8. ForDaedalusas Hephaestus'Doppelgdinger,ee R. Kassel,ZPE 51 (1983), 1-5.3 M.Edwards, he liad.A Commentary(Cambridge,991),on 18.548;A. Becker,AJPh111(1990),145.


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SATYR AND IMAGE IN AESCHYLUS' THEOROI 361depiction of himself that the satyr finds so handsome (KaAALypa7rrovElXdCV12] andVrg K[a]A7Gpop'jsg [19])also emergesas so terrifyingthateven his own mother wouldrun off in horroron seeing t, thinkingt herson(13-17):

rqL trpL T?7/71LTpady/Lar'iapacXEfOoL{-} LSo3aa ap v. .v aa WS,TpErOLT'QVacLoTor'9Wo

Andso,proudly launtinghis ownugliness,heurges he others 19-22):ayyEAov, -'pVK'a]vavSov,4tvrrdpwvoWAwrop[a,J[] EITLUQ)0eL KeAfV'OOV 7-ot; C'VO[VS]0.[Xaip' ava6, XaLp'W1I7UCLSOVITL'TPrPoIT]..[

Snellcompared hefunctionof thesatyr-imagesereto the severedheadsdisplayedbyOenomaus s a warningor threat )o hisdaughter'suitorsof thepriceof failure,and Faraone,who also mentions this possibility,suggeststhat the mother's earwould result rombelievingher son to havebeendecapitated.40hismayhavesometruth n it, and wemayseein thisgestureanother atyricparodyof heroicmyth.Forinstance,ScholiaBD on PindarJsthm.4.92a(= Sophocles, r.473a)sayOenomausputthe severedheadson Poseidon'semple.Thesamesource ells us thatPindarandBacchylideshave Antaeusand Evenusrespectively o the sameto their victims.IfSnell'sand Faraone'suggestedparallelwith Oenomaus' ecorative ouchholds,wewould see important eaturesof visualimageryat work-deceit and fear-inducingpowers-when the satyr magineshis mother's esponse. f sheseesit as the severedhead of her son whom, moreover, she reared (Trv 4'OpE~JEv), she will have beendeceivedntothinkinghe is deadandthereby riven o flight.Hermisguided eactionwouldbe thebuttof thehumour, t least as thesatyrsees t.Green,however,uggestsa different,but no lessplausible,parallel:Aristophanes(fr.130K-A),whereactors'masksarehung n thetempleof Dionysusaftera perfor-mance;such votivesare unlikely o be mistaken or severedheads.41Other comicelements, ather han a jokeon a mother'smistaken eaction,maythusbe at work nthe Theoroi.We shouldnote, firstly, hat the satyr imagineshis mother's eactionsimplywhenhe is lookingat theimage or the firsttime,beforehedecides o attach tto the temple.Someperceivedimilarity etween epresentationndprototype s allthat is requiredo elicit he mother's errifiedeaction,were heto seetheimageas theface of herson.In thisprocess here s assumed n illusionisticdeceit' ombinedwiththe abilitiesof the portrait o induce earthrough heaccuratedepictionof an uglyface.Aristophanes rovides swithanother ellingparallelhere.At Knights 30-2 weare told that the aKE07TOLOL' re too terrified to make a mask of the Paphlagon. Weneednotinfer he useof accurate ortraitmasks n OldComedyrom his,oreven hatCleon himself had ugly facialfeatures,whichmaybe impliedby Cratinus fr.228K-A).42But,trueto thespiritof adhominembuse nOldComedy,Aristophanes'ibe

40Snell n.2),7-8;Page n. 19),191makes hesame nference;ee Faraonen. 4), 37-8.4' Green n.21),182,n. 60.42 D. Welsh,CQ29 (1979),214-15,saw references ereto Cleon'sugly eyebrows; owever,S.D. Olson,CQ49 (1999),320-1,mostrecently laims hatCratinus'omment efers o Cleon's

menacing se of hiseyebrows.


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362 P.O'SULLIVANis thatCleon s sougly hatanythinghat ould epresentim sgoingo besohideousit will errifyventsmakers. over,ightly ejectingoliticalvertoneso themask-makers'ear,plausiblyuggestedhatthejokecouldmean hatevena completelyrevolting askwouldall hort f depictingleon ccuratelyecause e ssougly.43nanyevent,heAristophanicarb spredicatedn theperceivedbilitiesf depictionsof 'ugly' aces o induceear,andmuch hesame deacanalready e seen n theAeschyleanatyr's nticipationf hismother'sesponse. neat okeonthesatyr'sconventionalglinessndbuffooneryhus omesntoplayhere: ehasa facenotevena mother ould ove,yetheblithelyontinueso see hisdepictionsbeautiful,venwhenhe decides o useit as an apotropaiceviceon Poseidon'semple 18-21).Whateveray hesatyr'smothers to see theimage-asherson's everedeadorotherwise-shewould otsee t as a work f artifice,t istrue.But hesatyr oes ee tin these erms, ndAeschylusaspresentedt to theaudience s such.Thesatyr'santicipationf howhismotherwouldespond lays n thedeceptiveotentialitiesftheartworknd tscapacityo induceearonmore hanonecomic evel.Inimaginingismother'seaction,hesatyrmplicitlyransfersisownexperienceof its powers ntoothers,butwitha twist.Heis struck ythecloseresemblancebetween hedepictionandhimself,but whatdelightedhim on illusionistic roundsheexpects otonly oterrifyismother,utanyone homightookonit:-roVs'vo[vs](21).These6EvoLbviouslyaveno familialies with hesatyr,o theiranticipatedresponseassumesthe sheerfear-inducing owersof the imageper se, even if it isnot taken as a severedhead of a real satyr; f it is, deceitwill againbe involved.Interestingly,he6EvoLmaynot bejustanypassers-byutIsthmiastsomingo thegames.Thatthesatyrs hemselves avebeen raining s athletes ortheIsthmian amesis evident n the interlocutor'sords, specially[a]col.i 30-1, 34-5):

cosfETptfesg IaO/LtaaULK'V....]VKO1KL hlAqaag dAAfyvU-tva[ou Ka]Aatg.aL 8' laO0ltcLres KatTprrouVS Kat[vog 4]aOZc.paxi'O"v' a]UKE9s, xp zraLra OEt'pWv4Ldt

So,youhavebeentrainingorthe Isthmian ontest,not wasting ime,but havebeenexercisingspendidly.... You'replaying he Isthmian ompetitorand,now thatyou've earntnewways,you're raining ourarm,wastingmy money ..Thiscensure omes roma figure lausiblydentifiedsDionysus, hoseeshimselfslightedby the satyrs'new interests.44 he comic notion of satyrs'engaginginathletics seems confirmedif the second novelty presentedto them is correctlyinterpreteds athleticequipment[c]col. ii 50-3).45

-- ,;, [OEpW,otveOXoxd]....],opLaa- f-aK]opvo u KaI[OVqovos v]o'K4t-a.roU[TL %]prjnovp v l 7aot-+]+ 7raty[vL'CW]v- eLOt /LeV 0U(xtL- TWYtAcWV VEiLLOV Lv L.

43 K. J.Dover, Greekand the Greeks.CollectedPapers,vol. I: Language,Poetry,Drama(OxfordandNewYork,1987),273." Lloyd-Jonesn. 2), 545; Seaford n. 2), 34, 35. More than one interlocutorhas beenidentifiedntheTheoroi, utthe actual dentitydoes not affectmy approach.45Assuggested ySnell n. 2),8.


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364 P. O'SULLIVANof thepowersof auralmedia n itsability o instil ear ntoothers,and,as theparallelwith theSeptem uggests, mplicitly ives t mock-heroictatus.We may see furtherparodicnuances in Aeschylus'use of dtyyEov, KpVUK"[&]vav8overe,as it echoes variousrroi7o.Theognisspeaksof a fire-beaconas andyyEAos 00oyyoswhich TodA'povroAU8aKpVv'yE'pEt549).Thechorusmembersin Euripides'Orestes egister heirterrorat the sight of smokebillowing romthepalace which they say 'announces'-rrpoK taaELt-Orestes'murderousntentions(1541-2).49Moretellingly,Aeschylushimselfprovides pecificverbalparallelso theglosson theimagesnthe TheoroinhisSeptem 82)where hesightof thedustraisedby the Argivearmy nduces earin the chorusas avav8os aaNg)s&uorvos yEAos.Danausin Aeschylus'Supplices180)sees the dust churnedup by the armyon themovein similar erms: pWjKIVLV,avavSovclyyEAovrparoi. Theseirdrrolhave edone commentatoro consider uch anguage o be traditional,50utAeschylus' and-lingof the ideadeservesmorecomment.Fortherearefurther loseverbal onnectionsbetweenexpressionsn the Theoroi, eptem,andSupplices s appositional hrases.51Aeschylusnfact uses suchphraseologylsewheren theSeptemorcertainapotropaicimageson the warriors' hields.Forinstance,he moon on Tydeus' hield s glossedasrrpTaUltarovuarpwv, VKT0~ItN OaAtO's390);so too the depictionof TyphononHippomedon'shieldwhichbreathes ut blacksmoke,presented s:ALyvtbv'Aawvav,

o'AArvTVPrSaaLV 494).Wecan see anotherparallel o theSeptemn theopeninggloss on the satyr portraitsas o Ka7'dvOpd7ro . . . (1) whichmatchesthedescriptionof Capaneus'hreatsagainstThebes n the Septem:oi Kar' cvOpwITrov(425).The warrior eemsto be morethan mortal n his raging,rather ikeHomericwarriorswho aresometimes alled8alcfLOVLosrinmomentsof particular arlikeury(II.5.438, 16.705,786,etc.).It was noted how theopeningexpression f the Theoroiechoesan Homeric deaon the divineprovenancef Achilles' rmour, uttheparallelfromtheSeptem uggests hat thesatyrplayhere s comically nvoking ragicdictionandimplyinghat theimagesare somewhat larmingor therecipientshemselves. yincorporating uch grandiose anguage,paralleledespecially n his own tragedies,Aeschylus eregetsmorecomicmileagerom he'dramatizedgnorance' f thesatyrsandironicallylevates hesatyricportraitso aquasi-heroicevel.Our gnorance f thedate of the Theoroi revents s fromsaying hatit directlyparodiesheseAeschyleantragedies, etmuch nit canclearlybe seen o illustrateDemetrius'ft-quoted lossonsatyricdrama as rpaywLtS'a 7ratiovaa (Eloc. 169).Further picmotifsreceive omecomicreworkingn the Theoroi.Oneconsequenceof themock-apotropaiclementn thesesatyrs' mages s thatthey, ikeptopptoAvKE'a,arenow cast in the roleof an epic Gorgoneion,uch as on Agamemnon'shield(II.11.36-7):SL8'rt ZVopyo flAoaupj7rrSEf'aTreq~VwTo8ELVOvEpKo/tLv7),repteAeEtzose0/flosge.

And grim-facedGorgonwas embossedon it, glaring error; y hertoo wereboth HorrorandFear.49 Professor C. Collard drawsmy attention to Euripides,Hec. 1215 where the smoke of Troysignifies its destruction.50G. O. Hutchinson, Aeschylus.SevenAgainst Thebes(Oxford, 1985)on Septem81-2.5' H. FriisJohansen nd E. Whittle,Aeschylus. heSuppliantsCopenhagen,980,3 vols)onSuppl.180note the verbal imilarity etween hese hreepassages utneglect hesignificancef

Theoroi20)as anappositional hrase.


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SATYR AND IMAGE IN AESCHYLUS' THEOROI 365Similar to these figures are the monsters on Heracles' shield in the pseudo-HesiodicScutum, whose terrifying glares are emphasised (Sc. 144-5):

evticaawcot' d&S&Lavrog~ 06foo oi n qatEoSj,qLaAwvaaowoawrvptAaarohaTvowta 8EOpKC0"

In the middle,made of adamant,was Fear,utterlyunspeakable,laringbackwithfirein hisblazingeyes.Noteworthy also is Heracles' baldric (Odyssey 11.609-14.) whose violent, bloodyimages can be seen as projections of the hero's own aggressive power,and even terrifyOdysseus when he is describing it to the Phaeacians (esp. Od. 11.613-14). Thesespecific images clearlyfunction as statementsof heroicferocity,which is often evidentin the baleful glare of heroes themselves, both in Homeric epic (II. 3.342; Od. 11.608,etc.),52and Aeschylean tragedy,where the dramatist uses d3flov 3AE'rTwvto describethe terrifying glare of Hippomedon in the Septem (498; cf. 537). It is also worthnoting that Achilles' own Myrmidones were too terrifiedeven to look at his divinelycrafted weaponry (Il. 19.14-15), although their fear seems to result from the overallaspect of Achilles' armour, rather than any specific depiction on the shield. Thisbrings out an apotropaic element of that warrior's armour which can be seen toembody his own powers, as it fills him with heroic XdAos,while he also delights in thedivine imagery on his shield (II. 19.15-19). Parallels with apotropaic images fromHomer and the Scutum would be almost certainly strengthened if the final part ofline 21 of the Theoroisurvived, since it very likely specifies the role of 'dflosr,husextending the nature of the power which the satyr reads into his portrait.53In fact,certain late Archaic amphorae show satyrs on the shields of heroes, notably inExekias' celebrated depiction of Achilles and Ajax playing a board game, andEuthymides' portrayal of Hector arming watched by Priam.54Such visual parallelsstrengthen the idea that a satyric depiction might be apotropaic, and in the Theoroithis is further borne out in its imagined effect on the satyr'smother and intended onthe SevoL(13-17, 20-21). As far as the latter effect is concerned, Aeschylus adds amock heroic twist to the satyrs'belief in the efficacy of their depictions; for they nowgloss the images in the style sometimes used by epic, lyric, and tragedy to describeportents of war or a hero'sapotropaic armour.It has been observed that satyric drama is a 'comedy of incongruity', involving aludicrous juxtaposition of the heroic and comic, and the action even within theopening scene of our Theoroifragments bears this out.55The Aeschylean satyrs arecomically, rather than terrifyingly, ugly, yet they still somehow see their portraits asbeautiful. There is also something definitely misplaced about the satyr'sbelief in thepowers of his depiction. Satyrs are hardly the most terrifyingmonsters to roam theearth-unless you happen to be a nymph or maenad trying to escape their amorousadvances. Even then they seem pretty easy to fend off, as certain red-figure vasepaintings suggest.56Satyrsonstage are often in a state of fear and/or subjugation,57 s

52 As noted by Faraone (n. 4), 38, and 48, n. 13.3 See Diggle's and Radt'sapparatusfor such conjectures as b'dfov lAMowvnd others alongthesame ines.

54 LIMC vol. VIII.2, s.v. 'Silenoi',figs 187, 188;see also the catalogueof shield devicescompiled by G. Chase, HSCPh 13 (1902), 121.s5 Sutton (n. 2), 159.56 See T. H. Carpenter,Dionysian Imagery n Fifth CenturyAthens(Oxford, 1977), pl. 45b.57 On thisas a theme n satyricdrama, ee Sutton(n. 2), 147-8;Seaford,Euripides.Cyclops

(n. 2), 33-36.


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366 P. O'SULLIVANinEuripides'Cyclops,ndtheirperennialowardicearns hema stinging ebuke romSilenusn the Ichneutae145ff.),whoseown terrified esponsewhenhe hearsHermes'musiccomesas no surprise.n the Theoroi, oo, satyric ear is morethanhintedat([c]col. ii, 50-5). Thesefeatures dd a comic nuance o theparallelsAeschylusdrawsbetween hesatyrs'portraits ndwarlikemages n heroicmyththat arepresented sgenuinelyterrifying.The innate cowardiceand buffooneryof satyrsmake theirdepictionsmore ikeparodiesof apotropaic eroic magery, atherikePopPoAvKEda.Aristophanes'use of poppwUo parodythe Gorgon on Lamachus' hield in theAcharnians582ff.; f.Peace473-4)is a noteworthy arallelhere.Feigningerror thisrival's rmourand shieldapCa,Dicaeopolis educeswhat s supposed o be a psycho-logicalweaponof war to a comical,childish mage,undercutting nypretensionstmighthave o instilling enuine ear.Lamachus ppears blustering uffoon,moretobe laughedat than feared.Similarly,hebuffonerywhichunderlieshesatyrs'gameswith their portraitsputs the imageson a mock-heroic evel. Fifth-centuryvasepaintingsprovidecorroborative videnceof satyrsin mock-heroicpose; in thismedium atyrswill sometimes ppearn warrior uise,at othertimesthey parodynoless a figure hanHeracleshimself.58Although t is sometimesaidthatanalysis f humoursdestinedo take he fun outof its subject, hopeat least to haveclarified omesignificanteatures f Aeschylus'dramatic, ndeedcomic, techniquesn the Theoroi.Aeschylushere invokes -roVroconcerninghepowersof visualartificenearlyepicandtragedies-notablyhis own-whichhe thenpresentso his audiencethrough fun-housemirror' y incorporatingthem into the satyricantics onstage. This scene, then, producedwhen there iswidespreadocuson optics, hepsychology f perception,nd visualartifice n Greekintellectualulture,59estifies o Aeschylus'nterestn artsignificantly eyond he riseof realism.The reactionof the Aeschylean atyrsto the effectof theirportraits spredictablyilly,butis all themore nterestingor how t is groundedncontemporaryideason the abilitiesof visual mages o providepleasure, eceive he onlooker,andinduce ear n heroicand not-soheroic ontexts.Theseconceptsaredeftlywoven ntothis'playful ragedy' ytheplaywrightotonlyknown or hisinterestsn thepowerofvisualartifice,60utreckonedn antiquity s the finestexponentof satyricdrama.61Universityof Canterbury,New Zealand PATRICK O'[email protected]

"5For hesatyr-as-warrior,ee G.M. Hedreen, ilens nAtticBlack-figure asePaintingMythandPerformanceAnnArbor,MI, 1992),pl.36a; ee alsoLIMCVIII.2, .v. Silenoi'igs132,133,138.For theHeracles arody,eeT.Carpenter, rtandMyth nAncientGreeceLondon,1991),fig.212.'9 See aboven. 15foran outlineof the evidence orthisclaim.60 See above n. 16.6' I am gratefulto CQ'sanonymouseferee,Associate-ProfessorrahamZanker ndespeciallyrofessor .Collardorcommentsnearlierersionsf thispaper.

o'sallivan satyr & image in aeschylus theoroi

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