oru paper issue 232
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BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY
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bnrk;gh; 19 [dtup 08, 20154
pg
The global and regional powers
locked in a geopolitical gambling
have brought a contest between
Mahinda Rajapaksa and Maithiripala
Sirisena. Rajapaksa is backed by
China and West and possibly India
back Rajapaksa's former associate
Sirisena, said Gajendrakumar
Ponnambalam, the leader of Tamil
National Peoples Front (TNPF) on
Thursday. Declared that there is no
use for Tamil people by going behind
any of the two mainstream candidates
of the South in the upcoming Sri
Lankan presidential election, the
former Tamil parliamentarian, who
addressed the press on behalf of
the TNPF and the All Ceylon Tamil
Congress, urged the Tamil people to
refrain from backing any of the two
candidates. The TNPF leader blamed
the TNA for betraying the Tamil
people for the second time as it did
by backing Sarath Fonseka in 2010.
It is clear that the Tamil people
reject Mahinda Rajapaksa, who
instructed the brutal genocide of
the Tamil people, Mr Ponnambalam
observed.
However, there is a systematic
and intended confusion being caused
among the Tamils by the secretive
approach being adopted by the
Tamil National Alliance (TNA),
which seems to wait till the last
minute and urge the Tamils to back
Mahithirpala Sirisena, who is just
another Rajapaksa, the TNPF leader
said.
Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam
declared that there is no use of
bringing another Rajapaksa to power
in the South. This is not even a
regime change. It is only a matter of
changing the presidential person,
he said.
The powers will do whatever for
their greed and Tamil people should
not allow them being taken for
granted in the geopolitical gambling
of the powers, he said giving
a historical analysis of earlier Sri
Lankan presidential elections.
After 17 years of UNP rule,
Chandrika Kumaratunga came to
power in 1994 with an overwhelming
62% of votes. Kumaratunga, who
came to power with the promise of
peace in the elections later waged a
brutal war against Tamils claiming it
as a war for peace, he said. The only
leader at that time to warn the Tamils
of the danger of electing Kumaratunga
was Kumar Ponnambalam, he noted.
Ranil Wickramasinghe came to
power in 2001 with the promise
of ceasefire with Tamils and a
political solution at a time Tamils
had demonstrated their military and
political power and the international
community was pressing for a
peace deal in 2004 to contain the
situation. Ranil Wickramasinghe
later claimed ownership for causing
an international safety-net against the
Tamils and for causing the Karuna
defection.
The LTTE and the TNA urged
Tamils to boycott the SL presidential
elections in 2005. Even though many
seem to come with the false claim
that Tigers caused the victory of
Rajapaksa, it was the Tamil stand
of boycott that gave space for
Wickramasinghe to compete with
Rajapaksa and reach a narrow
margin of almost one lack votes,
Gajendrakumar said responding to a
question by a reporter. The TNA in
2010 committed a blunder by urging
Tamils to vote for Sarath Fonseka.
The powers will do
whatever for their
greed and Tamil people
should not allow them
being taken for granted
in the geopolitical
gambling of the
powers, he said giving
a historical analysis
of earlier Sri Lankan
presidential elections.
Fonseka, who was the one who
waged the genocidal war and seen
as a leader among the Sinhalese was
defeated by 18 lacks of votes. Mr
Sampanthan has later admitted the
blunder committed by the TNA.
If the TNA and the LTTE had urged
the Tamils vote for Wickramasinghe
in 2005 instead of calling for the
boycott, Wickramatunga would
have received far less votes from
the Sinhalese, Mr Ponnambalam
observed.
While Rajapaksa has proven
his track record of committing
genocide and the continuing
structural genocide, the main
opposition candidate Mahitiripala
Sirisena has denounced federalism
and is not prepared for even the
basic accountability in allowing for
investigations of the brutal crimes
committed against the Tamil people.
Sirisena is being backed by the
extremist Sinhala Buddhist JHU,
JVP and others aligned with him, Mr
Ponnambalam said.
Responding to another question
on why TNPF was reluctant to back
a third candidate, Mr Ponnambalam
said his party was pondering upon the
thought of backing a third candidate
for a while. But, as he witnessed
key members of such parties, despite
having their own candidates in the
presidential race, were calling on
their members to back the common
opposition candidate, the TNPF
concluded that a such call was not
worth the risk, he said.
Courtesy: TamilNet
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Tamil people should reject both Mahinda and Maithiripala
Gajendrakumar Ponambalam
-
5DECEMBER 19, 2014 - JANUARY 08, 2015
pg
O G . . .
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Name: ORU PAPER LtdBank: HSBCA/C: 02211556S/C: 40-07-04
P
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O
.
The ongoing presidential election
campaign in Sri Lanka seems to have
downgraded the Tamil community,
or to be precise, their main political
party the Tamil National Alliance
(TNA) to the status of an outcast.
Both major political formations,
the United Peoples Freedom
Alliance (UPFA) headed by President
Mahinda Rajapaksa and the National
Democratic Front (NDA) headed
by common opposition candidate
Maithripala Sirisena, are not
interested in a formal alliance with
the Tamil party, despite the fact that
Tamil votes are a crucial factor in the
electoral equation.
President Rajapaksa knows very
well that a majority of the Tamils
will not vote for him and the TNA
cannot formally endorse him. He
openly maintains the position that
the government will not seek an
alliance with the TNA. However,
he does not want to completely
give up on the Tamil votes. The
president understands that a small
number of votes could be salvaged.
In this election any number of votes,
however small they are, could be
of value. Therefore, the strategy is
to focus on the Sinhala votes, while
trying to maximize support within
the Tamil community. Rajapaksa is
investing heavily on the Sinhala-
Buddhist votes using nationalism as
the main mantra, while enticing the
Tamil votes through roads, buildings
and return of their gold jewellery.
This plan might work for him.
Opposition AllianceThe realities of the opposition
alliance are different. Sirisena
cannot win without substantial Tamil
votes. It would have been easy to
mobilize Tamil votes through an
understanding with the TNA, which
has the overwhelming endorsement
of the Tamil people. Hence, the
opposition alliance and Maithripala
Sirisena should have been very
serious about the Tamil votes and
they should have had a strategy in
place. Despite the opportunity to
earn Tamil votes, even the opposition
coalition was not interested in a
formal and open alliance with the
TNA. The TNA could be frustrated
and feel isolated and marginalized. It
wont be surprising if there is a nexus
between the present casual attitude of
the TNA towards the election and this
frustration.
Nevertheless, the question why
the NDA did not demonstrate any
enthusiasm for an agreement with
the TNA is important. There are three
specific reasons.
The TNA could
be frustrated and
feel isolated and
marginalized. It wont
be surprising if there
is a nexus between the
present casual attitude
of the TNA towards
the election and this
frustration.
First, strategists of the NDA and
its supporters are taking the Tamil
votes for granted and believe that
no matter what, the Tamils will vote
for Sirisena. They are relying too
much on the hostility between the
Tamil voter and the government. It
is argued that if the Tamils could
vote for Sarath Fonseka in 2010,
they could easily vote for Sirisena
and they have no dilemmas. Sinhala
analysts probably did not understand
the dilemma the Tamil community
faced in 2010. The decision to vote
for Fonseka was not easy. Now, for
the common opposition alliance, the
Tamil votes were perceived to be cast
in favour of Sirisena even before the
nominations were filed. Therefore,
they did not think that the TNA was
necessary and preferred not to openly
engage the party. They failed to take
into account the fact that 2015 is not
2010. Times have changed. One has
to wait and see if the Tamils will
vote en masse for Sirisena without a
formal endorsement from the TNA.
I doubt it.
Second, Sirisena campaign
strategists fear that a formal alliance
with the TNA will be used against
them as a political weapon by the
government. It is deemed that such an
alliance, as in the past, will be used to
question the opposition candidates
patriotism because the government
has successfully built a worldview
in which any collaboration with
the Tamil nationalist party amounts
to treachery. The essence of this
predicament is that any partnership
with the TNA will be seen by the
all-powerful Sinhala-Buddhist voter
as anti-national. The treachery
slogan worked effectively when the
government used ali-koti givisuma
(agreement between the United
National Party and the LTTE) against
Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2005. This
fear therefore, is not unfounded.
Third, supporters of Maithripala
Sirisena believe that Sarath Fonseka
lost in 2010 because of his alliance
with the TNA. The TNA formally
endorsed Sarath Fonseka, the
opposition presidential candidate in
the 2010 election and campaigned
for him following an understanding
between the two parties. Fonseka
obviously lost. The alliance with
the TNA is seen as a major reason
why Fonseka lost. This is one of the
primary reasons why the Sirisena
camp has not been keen to openly
engage the TNA. The notion that
an alliance with the TNA is a losing
formula should be reexamined
carefully because in 2010, President
Mahinda Rajapaksa was enormously
popular among the Sinhala and
Muslim voters solely due to the
crushing military victory over the
LTTE. Nobody could have defeated
him in 2010. Blaming it on the TNA
seems a little too simplistic.
Lack of Recognition?Interestingly, the pressure
is on the TNA to understand the
importance of the election and the
need to reinvigorate democracy and
campaign for the opposition alliance
without an official invitation, let
alone an agreement. This perhaps is
a little too idealistic given the nature
of Sri Lankan polity and politics.
Frontline TNA leaders so far have
remained silent on the matter except
for a few occasional statements.
One such statement said that the
party will announce its decision
in a months time, but by then the
election will most likely be over.
Chief Minister Wigneswaran and
Suresh Premachandran have stated
that they have no confidence in either
major candidate, which signalled the
TNA decision to a certain extent.
On December 14, 2014 the Sunday
Times (Sri Lanka) reported that
the TNA, has decided to tell its
supporters to exercise their franchise,
but stayed clear from saying which
candidate the party supports. If true,
this could amount to an informal and
partial boycott.
There are two elements in this
stance. One, it is a certain setback
for Sirisena because the party
cannot endorse President Rajapaksa.
In other words, the message was
to the opposition alliance; not the
government. Two, what signal does
it send to the Tamil voter? Not very
encouraging for the opposition
alliance because it creates doubts
in the minds of the Tamil voter.
The possible apathy among Tamil
voters created by the nature of the
Maithripala candidacy has already
been pointed out by this author. This
decision could add to the apathy.
As aforementioned, one has to wait
and see if the Tamils will vote for
Sirisena without the endorsement of
their principal political party.
There are two elements
in this stance. One, it
is a certain setback for
Sirisena because the
party cannot endorse
President Rajapaksa.
In other words, the
message was to the
opposition alliance; not
the government. Two,
what signal does it send
to the Tamil voter? Not
very encouraging for
the opposition alliance
because it creates
doubts in the minds of
the Tamil voter.
Meanwhile, the recent statement
could be a bargaining strategy of the
TNA as well. If that is the case the
opposition alliance still may have
some space to engage the party. In
the opinion of this author, the MOU
between Sirisena and the Jathika
Hela Urumaya (JHU) was handled
diplomatically. Contentious issues
were left out and attention was paid
primarily to good governance-related
issues.
In this election any
number of votes,
however small they
are, could be of value.
Therefore, the strategy
is to focus on the
Sinhala votes, while
trying to maximize
support within the
Tamil community.
The same formula could be adopted
vis--vis the TNA. Both parties
could come to an understanding on
democracy and good governance-
related issues leaving ethnic issues
for future negotiations. The onus
is on the opposition alliance to
convince the TNA that a working
democracy could benefit the minority
communities as well.
*Dr. S. I. Keethaponcalan is Chair of the Conflict Resolution Department, Salisbury University, Maryland
Presidential ElectionAnd The TNA
By S. I. Keethaponcalan
-
bnrk;gh; 19 [dtup 08, 20156
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Oru Paper is a bi-lingual paper published from London by Oru Paper Ltd. on the 1st and 3rd Fridays of each month The views expressed are those of the contributors and do not reflect the views of editors or its publishers. All information including advertisements are presented in good faith. However the general public is informed that the publisher accepts no responsibility for any loss or damage whatsoever caused by errors or omissions.
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13DECEMBER 19, 2014 - JANUARY 08, 2015
pg
As Sri Lanka gears up for a
presidential election five years after
the end a long separatist rebellion, the
country, especially the war-scarred
North, faces a raft of unresolved
chronic problems. Analysts regard
many of them as long-term drivers
of conflict.
The front-runners in the January
poll are incumbent President
Mahinda Rajapaksa, who is seeking
an unprecedented third term (thanks
to a constitutional amendment
passed by the ruling United Peoples
Freedom Alliance (UPFA), and his
former minister of health, Maithripala
Sirisena. Both are southerners.
Neither candidate has released his
campaign platform. In Sri Lankas
former war zone in the North, there
is widespread apprehension that post-
war issues are unlikely to take top-
billing.
It is an election dictated by two
personalities from the majority
community influenced by issues
current to the majority community.
So far we have not seen either of
them showing any signs that
they are sensitive to the issues of
the minorities, said Ponnadurai
Balasundarampillai, the former vice
chancellor of Jaffna University in
northern Jaffna.
Whoever wins in January, core
questions around national identity -
issues of devolution of power, of
accountability and reconciliation,
and of the equal status of Tamils
and Muslims in a Sinhala majority
state - will remain contentious.
They will require deft handling if
greater instability is not to result, the
International Crisis Group warned in
a recent report.
If any new president wants to bring
normalcy back to the North, then he
should be prepared to take decisions
that have been long overdue, said
Balasundarampillai.
He added that given the southern
background of the two leading
candidates, chances of such major
policy changes taking place soon
were slim.
For a Southern leader, these
decisions are not as simple or
straightforward as they appear in the
North, said Balasundarampillai,said
Balasundarampillai, who lived
through the 26-year war in northern
Jaffna and is one of the regions
most prominent political analysts. He
said Southern politicians historically
take a hardline stance against power
devolution in favour of a powerful
national government.
IRIN talked to a number of experts
to summarize leading concerns ahead
of the 8 January presidential poll.
The Norths economy - In the
three districts that bore the worst of
fighting, the poverty rate is more than
twice the national rate of 6.7 percent
(Mullaithivu 28 percent [a national
high], Kilinochchi 12.7 percent and
Mannar 20.1 percent). Unemployment
rates also remain similarly high.
One of the primary reasons for the
very limited improvements in the
livelihoods of the people in the North
and East is the severe limitations
imposed on the operations of NGOs
- local, national, and international - as
a result of the security phobia of the
state in the aftermath of the civil war,
said Muttukrishna Sarvananthan, who
heads the Point Pedro Institute of
Development in Jaffna.
Despite a new multi-billion dollar
rail link that restores service to the
former war zone, most of Northern
Province is cut off from economic
progress
National reconciliation - More than
five years after the end of the conflict,
a root cause for the bloodshed, the
demand for more regional power,
remains unaddressed. The victory of
Tamil National Alliance (TNA) at the
September 2013 Northern Provincial
Council election was seen by many
as an overwhelming endorsement
by the northern population of the
TNAs demand for more autonomy.
However, the Provincial Council and
Colombo remain at loggerheads on
almost everything, with a governor
(former high-ranking military official)
appointed by the president accused of
clipping the Councils powers.
Accounting for the missing -
Since the end of the war, the number
of those missing ranges from 16,000
to more than 40,000. However, there
has been no systematic mechanism
to trace. The International Committed
for the Red Cross has just begun a
nationwide survey of the families of
the missing.
Single female-headed families -
There are at least 40,000 families led
by war widows in Northern Province.
Few programmes have targeted these
women, and international assistance
is waning.
Religious/ethnic tensions -
Communal tensions have been rising
between hardline Buddhist groups
and Muslims in some parts of Sri
Lanka. In June this year, violence
in Dharga Town, about 60km south
of Colombo, resulted in two deaths
and at least 80 injured. Though the
North has been so far spared such
clashes, there is fear among civilians
that any aggressive campaigning for
more regional powers could result
in similar backlashes. The recent
communal riots did not in any way
do any good to whatever trust [there
was] on the government that remained
with northern civilian population,
said Ponnadurai Balasundarampillai,
former vice chancellor of Jaffna
University in northern Jaffna, heart of
the former conflict zone.
Permanent housing gap - In early
2014, officials said US$300 million
was needed to build 63,000 new
houses destroyed by the war out of a
total caseload of 138,651. There has
not been any large infusion of funding
for such projects this year.
Refugees in India - Over 100,000
Sri Lanka refugees are in India;
returns have been very slow since
the end of the war and are estimated
to number nearly 20,000. The new
government must decide whether
to bring them home or negotiate a
permanent solution with India.
Protracted IDPs - While the
government has declared there are
no more internally displaced persons
(IDPs) in Sri Lanka, informal
community estimates place the
number of those unable to return to
their previous homes and still living
with host families close to 80,000.
At an election in southeastern
Uva Province held in September
to elect the provincial council, the
ruling (UPFA) mustered 51 percent
of the vote, a sharp drop from the
72 percent it received in the same
province in 2009. In contrast, the
opposition United National Party won
40 percent of the vote versus its
earlier 22 percent.
The separatist conflict was
fought primarily along ethnic lines
that pitted the countrys Buddhist
Sinhala majority against an ethnic
Tamil minority. In recent years, the
rise of a small number of Buddhist
fundamentalist groups has placed
further strain on that historical divide.
And while examples of grassroots
reconciliation can be found nationwide
- NGO-sponsored home visits of
families across ethnic divides; Tamil
police officers holding language
training for their Sinhala-speaking
counterparts; seed exchanges taking
place between farmers from the
Tamil-dominated north and Sinhala-
dense south - calls to investigate
alleged war-time abuses, account for
the missing and act on a government-
appointed panels reconciliation
recommendations continue to mount.
Balasundarampillai said widespread
unemployment and poverty are likely
deciding factors in the upcoming
election. Of the countrys 14 million
registered voters last year, some
719,000 were in Northern Province.
The separatist conflict
was fought primarily
along ethnic lines that
pitted the countrys
Buddhist Sinhala
majority against an
ethnic Tamil minority.
In recent years, the rise
of a small number of
Buddhist fundamentalist
groups has placed
further strain on that
historical divide.
Economists have criticized the
governments nearly $3 billion
investment in physical infrastructure
in the north as failing to boost local
employment, especially among
youths and women.
In Sri Lankas former
war zone in the North,
there is widespread
apprehension that post-
war issues are unlikely
to take top-billing.
The economist Sarvananthans
research has concluded that whilst
the construction sub-sector expanded
by 56.6 percent in monetary value
between 2011 and 2012 in the North,
employment expanded by only 5.3
percent. In contrast, whilst the monetary
value of the construction sub-sector
expanded by nearly 40 percent between
2010 and 2012 in the Southern
Province, the employed population in
the same sub-sector in the same time
period grew by 37.1 percent.
Courtesy: irinnews.org
Burning issues facingSri Lanka ahead of January polls
IRIN
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Tel: 020 8313 0800
Merry Christmas and Best Wishes for a happy New Year...
-
DECEMBER 19, 2014 - JANUARY 08, 2015 14
pg
E M O
J 15 GI F 3 E M
Mob : 07404 487 348 F M
A JAO
(Former Sri Lankan President
Chandrika Kumarathunga is seen
active in canvassing for Maithiripala
Senaratne, the common opposition
candidate in the forthcoming
president election in Sri Lanka. In a
recent report on this election by the
International Crisis Group she has been
referred as a champion of devolution
and minority rights. For those who
have short memories, we reproduce
an article written by Natkunam in
1995. Courtesy: tamilnation.org)
"Far away from Eelam we live for
Eelam because Eelam lives in us"
Peace was the catch word that
brought her to power. Unlike her
predecessors, who were no less
vicious and violent with regard to the
Tamil question, Chandrika had her
war agenda neatly hidden behind her
paper-peace.
Her predecessors were truthful in
one sense, they admitted that they
would continue to engage in war
whether it is successful or not. They
violated the fundamental human
rights of all communities in Sri
Lanka, with the help of the nation's
armed forces which was described by
TIME magazine in 1983 as "the most
indisciplined army in the world".
All these violations, killing and
traumatisation of communities
by the state was done openly. It
is this transparency that permitted
such institutions as "Amnesty
International" to speak for Human
Rights without mincing words from
1983 to 1995.
It is an open secret that at the
cost of millions of dollars, Chandrika
has hired one of Great Britain's best
advertising agency whose power of
influence has brought under their
control all institutions that were known
to stand for truth.
All institutions, from
Amnesty International to Associated
Press, are gently enslaved by the
government of Sri Lanka. This goes
to prove the demonic use of national
wealth by Chandrika.
Chandrika came to power very
late in life. She did not climb the
steps of political careerism as her
predecessors did. Presidents who sat
on that kingdom of evil climbed to
that place by brutalising and killing.
But Chandrika sat on it in the name of
the dead. Beginning from her husband,
she pronounced the names of those who
were killed to gain votes. Exploiting the
dead is more diabolic than exploiting
the living.
Within her short term in office
she has created records that have
far out done the previous presidents.
It is during her time that the entire
population of the second largest city
in the nation became an impoverished
city of ruins and rubble. She created
the largest number of Tamil refugees.
She made more mothers weep in the
North and South. She killed more
youth from among the Tamils and
Sinhalese. There are more Tamils
languishing in Southern prisons now
than ever before, not to mention the
disappeared.
She brought about more stringent
press laws and made the freedom of
the press a clownish enterprise. She
spent more money on weapons than
all her predecessors put together. She
has certainly caused the greatest rift
between the Tamils and Sinhalese
which will continue beyond the time
of her grandchildren with greater
violence and bellicosity.
She did all this in the name of
peace. She promised the nation that
she would establish peace and
reconciliation. The Tamils of Sri Lanka
who normally enter into electoral
bargains in the post-election riddles of
government formation, this time
decided to vote for peace and
expressed their wish at the1994
August election. What is tragic in this
whole episode is that this peace promise
had a better sale in the Euro-American
world than in Sri Lanka.
According her own press
spokesman, one year after assuming
office as President, she celebrated the
triumph of her military's invasion of
Jaffna. It wouldn't be too long before
she realises that this was a Pyric
victory.
The Euro-American world which
knew everything but did nothing to
reduce even by an inch the immense
human misery of over four hundred
thousand Tamil refugees in the North
of Sri Lanka, never felt the urge to
respond to this human plight.
The President continues to justify
the war, which literally means
intensified destruction of Tamil
lives and properties, by claiming to
liberate the Tamils from the LTTE.
The free world never wanted to see
the deception behind these demonic
plans. It claimed neutrality in this
war. Neutrality certainly helps the
killers, not the victims.
Chandrika suddenly comes out
with exciting statements which she
knows are very palatable to simple-
minded Sinhalese as well as to some
Western journalists. Look at her
latest stunt - "amnesty to rebels and
welcome to civilians". While she was
addressing the nation on TV, a few
thousand Tamils were still in prison
most of them kept incommunicado as
are two elderly Catholic priests, who
were reportedly tortured for over a week.
Let her give amnesty to these innocent
persons, if she truly understands what
is meant by amnesty.
Just look at another glaring
paradox. Since 1990, the Sri
Lankan military had occupied such
productive agricultural and fishing
villages as Myliddy, Valalai, Urani,
Mathagal, Kadapulam, Vasavilan,
Kankesanthurai, Tellipallai, Ilavalai,
Pandaterruppu, Periya Vilan and
of course the seven islands. Over
150,000 people left everything and
ran for their safety into LTTE occupied
Jaffna areas. In the last five years how
many of these did return to their original
habitats. None. On the contrary nearly
fifty per cent of the children, the elderly
and handicapped who haplessly fell into
the army in these villages, slowly
liberated themselves and came to
Jaffna via Colombo.
It is not only the truthfulness but
the reality of Chandika's commitment
to peace and reconciliation that gets
clarified with all this belligerence
and bellicosity. If there is a time in
history in which the Eelam Tamils
stand completely alienated from the
people of their neighbouring nation
of Sri Lanka it is in November 1995.
Psychologically traumatised and
inhumanly battered it is in the month
of November 1995 that the conviction
has come to stay permanently that we
live for Eelam. Far away from Jaffna,
we live for Jaffna because Jaffna
lives in us. Far away from Eelam we
live for Eelam because Eelam lives in
us. Chandrika's peace ploy has been
certainly successful.
President Chandrika: Peace Dove with a War Medal
By Natkunam
-
Colouring - 232
K ..
KIDSKIDSKIDSKIDS
TEENSTEENS
Jathu Kulan Jusitha Sivachclram
aJFyd; Jeinla Clarian Das
Issue 231 Winner Jeinla Clarian Das
Daisy and her thirteen-year-old sister,
Mia, had been fighting a great deal
during the last year. This often can
happen when you combine a strong-
willed two-year-old, who is sure
she is always right, with a young
adolescent.
Daisy's parents, trying to take
advantage of her newfound interest in
Santa Claus, reminded the two-year-
old that Santa was watching and he
was unhappy when he saw children
argue and fight. This had little
impact on little Mia who really didn't
understand.
'I'll just have to tell Santa about your
misbehaviour,' the mother said as she
picked up the phone and dialed. Mia's
eyes grew big as her mother asked,
'Mrs. Claus?' [it was really Daisy and
Mia's aunt as Santa's real line was
busy] if she could put Santa on the
line.
Mia's mouth dropped even further
open her mother described to Santa
[Mia's uncle] how the two-year-old
was acting. When her mother told
Mia that Santa wanted to talk to her,
she reluctantly took the phone.
Santa, speaking in a deep voice,
explained to Mia how there would
be no presents Christmas morning
to children who fought with their
sisters. He would be watching, and
he expected things to be better from
now on.
Mia, now even more wide eyed,
solemnly nodded to each of Santa's
remarks and silently hung the phone
up when he was done. After a short
while, the sister's mother [trying hard
not to laugh at being so clever] asked
Mia, 'What did Santa say to you,
darling?'
In almost a whisper, Mia, sadly but
matter-of-factly stated, 'Mummy,
Santa said he won't be bringing any
toys to Daisy this year.'
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Christmas ........ !I'm a little Snowman..
I'm a little snowman short and fat,Here is my scarf and here is my hat.When I see the snowfall,Hear me shout"All you children please come out!"
The Day Before Christmas
We have been helping with the cake,And licking out the pan,And wrapping up our packages,As neatly as we can.We have hung our stockings up,Beside the open grate.And now there's nothing more to do,Except To Wait.
Once Their Was a Snowman
Once there was a snowman,Who stood outside the door,He wished that he could come inside,And run about the floor.He wished that he could warm himself,Beside the fire, so red,He wished that he could climbUpon the big white bed.
So he called to the North Wind,"Come and help me, pray,For I'm completely frozen,Standing here all day."So the North Wind came along,And blew him in the door,And now there nothing left,But a puddle on the floor!
Jingle Bells
Jingle bells, jingle bellsJingle all the way!O what fun it is to rideOn a one-horse open sleighOh! Jingle bells, jingle bellsJingle all the way!O what fun it is to rideOn a one-horse open sleigh
Dashing through the snowOn a one-horse open sleighOver fields we goLaughing all the wayBells on bob-tails ringKeeping spirits brightOh What fun it is to singA sleighing song tonight
A Chubby Snowman
A chubby little snowmanhad a carrot nose.Along came a bunny,and what do you suppose?
That hungry little bunny,looking for some lunch,Grabbed that snowman's nose,Nibble, nibble, crunch!
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-
16
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I M - A C ATamil Education Development Council United Kingdom TEDC U.K162 Franciscan Road, London SW17 8HH
Tel: 020 8432 6999 | Mob: 077 7175 3525 | E-Mail: [email protected]
CK FOH A CF C c K 5, 10, 15 J I CK, E J M I 2014 FF (1+ ) KO O I M M I M J
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bnrk;gh; 19, 2014 [dtup 08, 201518
pg
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