The Dirty and Calloused Hands of My People By: Cyrill N. Tan

My land of origin has made its mark onto the world as the country which citizens serve other nations. From the generations of the past

and the present we have been known to the world as nannies to their kids while our own children are left behind motherless; as

caregivers to strangers while our very own elders are left unattended; and as janitors to sweep the floors of a foreign land while our very

abode remains soiled with the solitude of a broken home.

Hard and trying times are faced by the world today. What with recession and threats of terrorism, even the world’s powerful nations have

been driven by fear and chaos; but in the very heart of the Orient where my nation is, the people quietly continue what they do best—

being in service to others. Indeed, we have been eyed. We have been mocked by the monarchs of the world sitting on their tall towers as

we continue harvesting what is to spare from their fields. We have been called the country of slaves. A country which citizens are slaves

to foreign people in distant lands, and even slaves to foreign people in their very own land! We are slaves born—and to die—with dirty

hands.

If this is their reason to ridicule us, then let it be. My hands are dirty, but this does not mean I am not wise. My hands are calloused, but

this does not mean I lack skills and talent. My hands are dirty, but this does not mean I am not rich in virtues that come rarely these days.

My hands are calloused because while the world sits and relaxes in the comfort of the present, I have toiled my way making sure the

future will not be easily shaken. I have toiled, yes, and too hard have I toiled.

I am proud of being a Filipino and to that extent being a Bulakenyo whose hands have been dirty from the very start. Why should I not be

proud? Even in the tall offices where Filipinos work, their hands are soiled, not with corruption, but with good and hard labor. Now, that the

world is on the brink of losing what it holds most dearly, everybody panics. Everyone who sat relaxing all these times had their seats

shaken hard that they may hit the ground only to find out when they get up that they, too, have been covered with dirt. Who knows how to

build a ship wrecked by strong winds better than the ordinary crew?

Is it OK then to be a slave? Well, the answer is yes and no. Yes, it is OK to be a slave only if you are doing so that you may set yourself

and the people you care for free from slavery! We belong to a noble race. I cannot deny myself being a Filipino to anyone… because it

shows. I am hospitable, admirably raised in every grace, patterned into that solid mold of bravery, generosity, industriousness and above

all, humility and all of these plus the fact that my hands are dirty easily point out that I am a Filipino. The fathers and mothers way before

us did well in being slaves that we may be free. We may not be known to the world as the America that flew to the moon, or Greece with

her brilliant thinkers, or even Japan with technologies to boast; but being nameless and faceless don’t mean we’re good for nothing.

My fellow men, we have not lost our dignity as Filipinos when we came of service to the foreign men; but we will lose it finally when we do

not free ourselves from the chains that we ourselves have bounded.

I challenge this generation to have the burden of giving back to the country what it deserves and bring back the glory and prestige of

being a Filipino. A cliché goes something like this, “In nature, there are neither rewards nor punishments, there are only consequences.”

True to the very last word, it is a rule that applies to each and every one of us. Do we not know that for every action there’s an equal and

opposite reaction? Have we been so blind as to call the destruction of nature progress? When did DENR transform itself to being the

Department of the Extermination of Natural Resources?

My fellow men, I am not jeopardizing our government. I have my hopes laid on their very shoulders. I would only just want to point out that

while we recognize the importance of developing multiple skills, we must also bear in mind that these skills must be useful to the

community we belong to. Our skills must lead us to progress. Our skills must make the future Filipinos a better Philippines. A friend once

told me, “Of all the apples that fell; only Newton asked why.” I hope that you recognize the courage it takes to talk about these things

when we have already “desensitivized” ourselves from what is going on around us.

My hands are dirty and calloused and I am not ashamed! These hands are soiled by the courage of Bonifacio, the wisdom of Rizal, the

faith of Corazon, the humility of Magsaysay, and the strength and dedication and sacrifice of the hundreds upon thousands of nameless

and faceless OFWs and the common citizens who always made sure that their voices are heard.

My hands are dirty! I shall not stop to toil until the tree I planted bear a fruit. I dream of a fruit of true progress and a better home for those

Filipinos who are yet to come. Join hands with me as we make this country a better nation for everyone.

 

ORATORICAL PIECEI am a Juan dela Cruz. I am a fighter by blood and a believer by heart. I l ive in a free country. Although I may have a small voice, I have a big dream—a dream to master the art of spear. To our distinguished members of the board of judges, to my equally competent contenders, to all our keen visitors, ladies and gentlemen, good morning. T o l i v e i n a m u l t i - f a c e t e d a n d v a s t w o r d o f g l o b a l l y c o m p e t e n t p e o p l e i s t o l e t a J u a n d e l a C r u z a b i d e b y t h e r u l e o f t h e j u n g l e t h a t i s t h e s u r v i v a l o f t h e f i t t e s t a n d t h e elimination of the unfit. I n   o r d e r t o   s u r v i v e , J u a n   m u s t   m a s t e r   t h e a r t   o f   s p e a r — t h e   s p e a r   t h a t   w i l l   m a k e   h i m invincible, the spear that will help him emerge as king, the spear that is known today as English Proficiency. But what is English Proficiency? What does it do  to help Juan in this crisis-laden world? L a d i e s a n d g e n t l e m e n , t h i s i s t h e s k i l l i n u s i n g t h e E n g l i s h l a n g u a g e .

T h i s w i l l b r i n g Juan closer to excellence—excellence in quenching his thirst for global competit iveness, excellence in responding his own hullabaloos and excellence in proving his worth. Furthermore, we might ask, why would Juan dream of this excellence? Let us not shut our e y e s   t o   t h e t r a g i c   r e a l i t y   t h a t   J u a n   d e l a   C r u z   i s   l e f t   b e h i n d ,   t h a t   J u a n   i s   a m i d s t p o l i t i c a l   f e u d s ,  r e l i g i o u s   w a r f a r e a n d   i l l i t e r a c y   b a t t l e   i n   u s i n g   t h e   l i n g u a   f r a n c e , English. This tragic reality is greatly manifested in the March 2006 Social Weather Survey showing5 % F i l i p i n o a d u l t s m a k i n g f u l l u s e o f t h e E n g l i s h L a n g u a g e ; 3 5 % m a k i n g f a i r u s e o f t h e said language; 27% making partial use of the language; 19% making almost no use of the language and 14% not being competent in any way when it comes to the said language. This shows that there had been a huge decline in all aspects of  English Proficiency among the Fil ipinos compared to December 1993 and September 2003 r e s u l t s .   A n o t h e r manifestation, ladies and gentlemen, in a recent study by the Call Center Association of t h e P h i l i p p i n e s w h e r e c a l l c e n t e r s h i r e l e s s t h a t 5 % o f 1 0 0 F i l i p i n o a p p l i c a n t s d u e t o their poor English skills. M o r e o v e r , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f E d u c a t i o n , o n l y 7 % o f g r a d u a t i n g h i g h s c h o o l students had mastered English and had scored at least 75% in nationwide tests. This then threw back the blame to the quality of instruction in schools and had been even proven w h e n   i t h a d   b e e n s a i d i n   t h e 2 0 0 0   P h i l i p p i n e H u m a n D e v e l o p m e n t   R e p o r t   o f   t h e U n i t e d N a t i o n s t h a t   w o u l d - b e - t e a c h e r s   h a v e p o o r   E n g l i s h   l a n g u a g e s k i l l s   a n d   s c o r e d   l o w e s t   i n English of all subjects in their licensure exam. F r i e n d s , i f   t h i s d e c l i n e   c o n t i n u e s ,   t o   w h a t   d i r e c t i o n   s h a l l   J u a n   m o v e ?   L e t   J u a n   b e e q u i p p e d w i t h t h e E n g l i s h s k i l l , l e t h i s v o i c e b e r a i s e d t o a h i g h e r d e c i b e l t h a t i t reaches out to others and from there, i t  wil l reverberate to constantly remind us that we are the main instruments in responding to our own struggle and efforts to eradicate all forms of discrimination. In doing so we must evidently speak our mind but in such a way t h a t f o r e i g n p e o p l e m a y u n d e r s t a n d u s a n d e v e n t u a l l y j o i n u s i n o u r b a t t l e . F r o m t h e r e c o m e s   t h e e d g e   o f   b e i n g e r u d i t e   i n   t h e   E n g l i s h   l a n g u a g e .   I f   o n l y   w e   c o u l d   b e a t   t h i s English Proficiency crisis, we could penetrate through foreign conversations and we could survive in the global market. Though English may be another language, it doesn’t mean that we are depriving Juan of his n a t i v e   t o n g u e   b u t   l e t t i n g   h i m s e e   t h e   p u r p o s e   o f   s p e a k i n g   s o , a s   L u i s   T e o d o r o ,   a newspaper columnist and journalism professor at the University of the Phil ippines, said learning another language is a specialized and voluntary process. It can’t be forced on people who don’t see any use of it in their daily lives.”

We should not let Juan paddle in the opposite direction when all other Asian people ride t h e T h i r d w a v e j u s t b e c a u s e o f t h e f e a r t h a t t h e w a v e w i l l e n g u l f h i m . M a n y p e o p l e m a y know the language but few are great. If Juan wil l be one of those few, it would be such a n i m m e n s e d e a l o f h o n o r a n d p r i d e . I f h e w o u l d p r o v e h i s w o r t h , h e s h a l l s e e h i m s e l f invincible and unconquerable. That even if he is in the middle of the jungle he shall be ready and brave to take on challenges – the mastering of the art of spear. I am a Juan de la Cruz. I am a fighter by blood and a believer by heart. I l ive in a free country. Although I may have a small voice, I have a big dream—a dream to master the art of spear. Good morning!

 

RIZAL ORATION PIECE

When I was young, I used to dream of wonderful things for the Philippines. I wanted to see tall skyscrapers reach as high as the clouds. I wanted to hear people sing

songs, holding each other¶s hands and laughing out loud as if there were no tomorrow. I dreamed to see the Philippine flag hoisted in each and every household

shouting, Viva las islas Filipinas!  and at the same time singing the Lupang Hinirang in a blaring voice. Ten years later, these dreams were shattered to the ground. I

don¶t see tall buildings but I see unfinished construction sites because of poor planning and development. I don¶t hear songs and laughter but I hear gunshots, cries

and remorse, witnessing how people kill each other on television screens because of self-centeredness and inequality. I don¶t see flags in people¶s households but I see

households broken, its members venturing to other parts of the globe because of scarcity of jobs and opportunities. This was not the Philippines I was dreaming of. Our

society needs an immediate reorientation and reinventing of values. We need a real president who can bring about real and tangible transformation. According to Rizal,

as Filipinos we should not exude the smell politicians, but should advocate the endeavors of ever-loyal nationalists.

³Politics when it blazes between tyrants and oppressed people, has no heart, no brains but fangs, poison and vengeance.́  

 As Filipinos we need not sensationalize our achievements and charity works. Rizal did not show off his achievements because people already know him as someone

great. He need not dance and sing in commercials because his works spoke for themselves. I Rizal were my president, I would gladly repeat that words of Padre

Florentino.

I do not mean to say that our freedom must be won at the point of the sword. No!  Absolutely not! The sword now counts very little in the destinies of our

time. But I do say that we must win our freedom by deserving it, by improving the mind and enhancing the dignity of the individual. Loving what is just, what is good,

what is great, even to the point of dying for it.

Rizal is exuding passion. He is generous in all his endeavors in various fields ± science, mathematics, literature and the arts, giving it his all, therefore

always emerging in excellence. The very person who should lead our country must be someone who has a heart for excellence. Rizal asserts: ³I want to awaken

my countrymen from their profound lethargy, and one who wished to do that does not use soft and gentle sounds but detonations, blows and deafeningbombs.´Rizal

has great dreams for the Filipinos, and he never, not even once under estimated them. I quote from his letter to the women of Malolos:

³Ignorant is he who subjects another tohis own will and dominates all. True piety is obedience to what is right.́  

With unwavering trust and conviction, Rizal believes in the abilities of the Filipino people and banks on them for the progress of the Philippines. My fellow young men and

women, if we want to establish a better Philippines, we need areal president who embodies the characteristics of Dr. Jose Rizal, the very person who died for his country.

We should try our best to epitomize the same selflessness and sacrifice that Rizal has embodied all his life. Let us always remember that authority without love and

sacrifice is definitely mSelf-serving .

That one should surrender himself to the power of love and not to the love of power. Today, I still continue to dream of a better Philippines. I still want to see

skyscrapers and hear people sing and laugh. I will still sing the Lupang Hinirang with so much passion, just like during that beautiful morning in Bagumbayan, 113 years

ago, in 1896 when he was there, standing alone, his eyes were closed but his heart was open, that the fires of Mt. Tabor were burning in his breast, the cup of sacrifice

came and was heard all over the world in the form of a gun shot, and there it was:

 Ang mamatay ng dahil sa µyo. To die for the sake of the Philippines, a trait every Filipino should strive for, yes, ladies and gentlemen, Rizal I my president.

Oratorical Piece: We Have Become Untrue to Ourselves!

By: Felix B. Bautista

With all the force and vigor at my command, I contend that we have relaxed our vigilance, that we have allowed ourselves to deteriorate. I

contend that we have lost our pride in the Philippines, that we no longer consider it a privilege and an honor to be born a Filipino.

To the Filipino youth, nothing Filipino is good enough anymore. Even their Filipino names no longer suit them. A boy named Juanito does

not care or unhappy to be called Juan. No, not Juan, he must be Johnny. A girl named Virginia would get sore if she was nicknamed

Viring or Binang. No, she must be Virgie or Ginny. Cristina in the early years, would be so proud to be called Tina or Tinay, but now she

has become Cris or Cristy. Roberto has become Robert or Bobbie; Maria, Mary or Marie. Before, Julita is Juling but now its Julie.

And because they have become so Americanized, because they look down on everything Filipino, they now regard with contempt all the

things that our fathers and our fathers’ fathers held dear. They frown on kissing the hands of their elders, saying that it is unsanitary. They

don’t care for the Angelus, saying that it is old-fashioned. They belittle the kundiman, because it is so drippingly sentimental.

They are what they are today because their elders – their parents and their teachers – have allowed them to be such. They are

incongruities because they cannot be anything else! And they cannot be anything else because their elders did not know enough, or did

not care enough to fashion them and to mold them into the Filipino pattern.

This easing of the barriers that would have protected our Filipinism, this has resulted in something more serious, much more serious. I

refer to the de-Filipinization of our economic life.

Let us face it. Economically speaking, we Filipinos have become strangers in our own country.

And so, today, we are witnesses to the spectacle of a Philippines inhabited by Filipinos who do not talk and act like Filipinos. We are

witnesses to the pathetic sight of a Philippines controlled and dominated and run by non-Filipinos.

We have become untrue to ourselves, we have become traitors to the brave Filipinos who fought and died so that liberty might live in the

Philippines. We have betrayed the trust that Rizal reposed on us, we are not true to the faith that energized Bonifacio, the faith that made

Gregorio del Pilar cheerfully lay down his life at Tirad Pass.

Indeed, we have become untrue to ourselves!

Mary Grace V. Fabillar ABCom 2 – 1

A CHANGE WITHIN by: Darcy Lagrimas de Asis

Half a century of oppression, tyranny, and cruelty had passed. Foreign battleships, artillery, and military left our land. Our flag raised in full

dignity and colours. An independent government formed and fortified by laws. A nation formed by people with its own rights, language,

and identity to be proud of. The Philippines is free at last, or is it? Corruption, poverty, dirty politics, and other national problems both

minor and major are present and imminent nowadays. Moral and character crisis is sweeping around the country. We are in need for a

change, a change that will not come from others but with you. We have to eradicate the image of a common Filipino which is still bound to

the old culture of being idle and going through the flow. We have to become a new Filipino bound with the new culture of being

disciplined, righteous, and persevering, a new Filipino which is honest and loyal, and a new Filipino full of patriotism for his country. The

Filipino youth is the answer and the fulfillment of this dream. We will be the future leaders and forth runners of this nation. The future of

our country is at our hands and it is on a hanging balance. If we fail to change, our country will continue to deteriorate. But if we succeed,

our country will shine again with its full glory.

So why is it that I¶m persuading you to change? What is the true dilemma of our society? The truth is corruption and other problems are

just contributors in the deterioration of our country. Our culture is the one to be blamed of. Many countries such as the Koreas were once

full of corrupt political leaders, but where are they now? They rose as the 13th largest economy in the world. The secret lies in their

culture of being hard working. We too have our own hard working people but what becomes imminent is the culture of consumerism. We

tend consume our gains faster than we produce. We don¶t think for the future but just think of today. Many say that immigrating and

Filipinos abroad must go back and work for their country instead. But what is the use of patriotism if their stomachs are empty. We have to

admit that our minimum wage is so low for a growing economy tied up with growing population trend that eats up our economic gains and

low job availability or jobs mismatch. Filipinos also tends to give importance to white collar jobs and ignore blue collar jobs like welding,

gardening, and etc. which are the basic jobs in a society. We also didn¶t pursue agrarian reform like what our Asian neighbours had done

like Japan and Taiwan to give importance and lift the current situation of our peasants and farmers. We also lack in implementation. Our

laws are nearly perfect but cannot be implemented and enforced properly. These are the problems of our society and do need an

immediate change.

The effects of these problems tend to amplify because of the culture of idleness. There was a time when I passed along the slums of

Catarman early morning and saw how the people there are just so idle, sitting, gambling, and even drinking alcoholic drinks early

morning. They are just wasting time and energy doing nothing instead of searching for opportunities. This culture is perpetuating and

sometimes we even take pride on it uttering the quote: ³Filipinos are lazy people´. These problems are also sometimes considered as the

norm. ³Because everyone does it I will do it´, a common idea of Filipinos. We are also great show-offs. We are always fond of extravagant

clothes, bags, and shoes with expensive product line. We are always saying that we love our country and we are proud of it but do

nothing to save it from its demise. These effects conjugate together and form an impassable barrier towards a better future. The enemy

and the one to be blamed for are our own selves. And we have the capacity and the decision to change and prosper. Reform in the

educational sector can be an answer to these problems. On a hundred kids only five will proceed to college and 2 will have decent jobs. If

we focused on education we can and we will purge the root cause of these problems. Social revolutions can also be done to induce

reform. Not the bloody one but a peaceful one. But I am not provoking a revolution to overthrow the government but a revolution inside

our selves. Educational reforms and social revolutions will not succeed if we ourselves will not change our attitude, values and

perspective in life. The sole solution to these problems is a change ³within´, a change that will start at us, a change that will create an

unbreakable chain of changes among others, and a change that will break that impassable barrier. We can become a new Filipino. And

when that day comes, I assure you the Philippines is free at last.

THE PHILIPPINE POLITICS

Written by: Cyril Tan a.k.a “greatpenmanship”

Let me reminisce on the things that happened some years ago that we should ponder on

thinking for the upcoming elections and into deciding the course of our country.

When I first heard Lozada say what he had to say for the Filipino people to hear, two things

entered my head instantaneously: that he might be the torch bearer of hope for political change or that

he could be the strongest medium to bring annihilation to what the country holds real for several

decades. As soon as Lozada brought out the "truth" he claimed, people reacted faster than antimatter

touching air.

Rallies sporadically appeared pro and against the government, with more support on the latter.

Freedom of speech is truly one thing our people in this blessed country enjoy. Democracy supports it

as it is the very foundation of our nation.

More than two decades ago, the rebirth of democracy in the Philippines happened . People, tired

of hiding away, marched onto the streets to drive the dictator out of the Palace and to prevent the

country from the rubbles of tyranny and corruption. It was a proud moment for most Filipinos, even the

proudest of moment for the Fatherland. Since then, nothing much has changed.

Rallies and street demonstrations happen as though it is a part of our daily lives. Political and

social groups from different sectors appeared from thin air, all longing for their voices to be heard.

Some groups want their rights to be expressed, others cry for the sake of crying to the world and even

some vowed to forever fight the incumbent government, throwing accusations every now and then.

Megaphones and banners seem to be the only way to get the government to listen. The streets seem

to be the only venue for justice and truth. They have lost their trust to the present government and more

likely to lose their trust on the succeeding ones.

The government has turned itself into a media circus, almost much concerned in kicking each

others butts than passing ordinances and resolutions. They are stricken by infinitive hatred with each

other that the country seemed to be stranded in the middle of a mass of leaders quietly killing the

country by way they act. They call on for unity but that is one thing they hate to do.

But then I ask myself, "Don’t these people have better things to do?". What about feeding the

starving 50 million Filipinos? Building more public schools in the provinces? Putting books in school

libraries? Saving the soul of that poor lad addicted to drugs? Showing that one-day old Filipino, that a

beacon of hope is hanging in the horizon, that the Philippines shall rebuild its walls and foundations

from the rubbles of lost hope, tyranny, injustice and corruption and stand firm with what is right.

We have not noticed that while we "save" the country from corrupt public officials who never-

endingly multiply, the world has been leaving us behind with no progress at hand.

I am not saying that to rally on the streets is against the law or that it is a bad practice of

Filipinos. I understand that healthy democracy allows people to run naked on the streets to show their

cause. I understand clearly, that without the voice from the citizens like Rizal, Bonifacio and Aquino,

freedom will never be achieved by the republic. Their courageous moves are heroic for our people. In

fact, their very blood runs on our very veins. I am not saying as well, that justice no longer wins in this

country. Nor, that there remains a small chance of getting up once we hit ground zero.

My argument is simple. When the people so willingly entrusted their right to suffrage to all the

wrong people, we let the country down. When the public officials swore oath in the Constitution to build

a "regime of truth, justice, freedom, love, equality, and peace", but went the opposite way, they

annihilated the truth passed on to us by our predecessors and shook the foundation where this country

stand. Both have faults. The government and people.

Lozada, may now be a living saint to most. And I must say that the poor guy has done his job

well on bringing out the truth.

But then, I must think ahead of time. After this war is won over by the people, yet again, what will

happen afterwards? What happened to Chavit Singson, after he exposed Estrada’s fraud? The

country was devastated overnight and Chavit’s cause to this day was a battle never won. The

rendezvous of our leaders seems to be an unending cycle that only God can put a stop on.

Indeed it is sad. I have nothing against Lozada, but I am afraid of the things he might suffer and

what this country has to suffer, and what my children will have to suffer after their fathers and mothers

committed the wrong move to save the country with all the wrong moves.

I am not teaching you to be coward and to tolerate corruption. But if we stand side by side,

fueled by the power of our indisputable love for our country, equipped with the fear of God, this nation

can be great again.

Tomorrow I hope the Filipino people has found itself.

Tomorrow I hope this nation is back on its feet running towards progress for the sake of today’s

80 million people and for those that are yet to come.

God be with us.

Shylock's Defense by William Shakespeare (from The Merchant of Venice Act III, Scene I, lines 43-61)

To bait fish withal: if it feed nothing else, it will feed my revenge. He hath disgraced me, and hindered me half a million, laughed at my

losses, mocked at my gains, scorned my nation, thwarted my bargains, cooled my friends, heated mine enemies; and what's his reason? I

am a Jew. Hath not a Jew eyes? hath not a Jew hands, organs, dimensions, senses, affections, passions? fed with the same food, hurt

with the same weapons, subject to the same diseases, healed by the same means, warmed and cooled by the same winter and summer,

as a Christian is? If you prick us, do we not bleed? if you tickle us, do we not laugh? if you poison us, do we not die? and if you wrong us,

shall we not revenge? If we are like you in the rest, we will resemble you in that. If a Jew wrong a Christian, what is his humility?

Revenge! If a Christian wrong a Jew, what should his sufferance be by Christian example? Why, revenge! The villainy you teach me I will

execute, and it shall go hard but I will better the instruction.

Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death by Patrick Henry

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the

past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify

those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our

petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask

yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our

land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that

force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last

arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can

gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this

accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to

bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry has been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we

try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have

held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication?

What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done

everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have

supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the

ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our

supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things,

may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to

preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble

struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our

contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next

week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we

gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and

hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper

use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in

such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight

our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us.

The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base

enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged!

Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next

gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we

here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of

chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

I Am a Filipino By Carlos P. Romulo

I am a Filipino - inheritor of a glorious past, hostage to the uncertain future. As such I must prove equal to a two-fold task- the task of

meeting my responsibility to the past, and the task of performing my obligation to the future. I sprung from a hardy race - child of many

generations removed of ancient Malayan pioneers. Across the centuries, the memory comes rushing back to me: of brown-skinned men

putting out to sea in ships that were as frail as their hearts were stout. Over the sea I see them come, borne upon the billowing wave and

the whistling wind, carried upon the mighty swell of hope- hope in the free abundance of new land that was to be their home and their

children's forever.

This is the land they sought and found. Every inch of shore that their eyes first set upon, every hill and mountain that beckoned to them

with a green and purple invitation, every mile of rolling plain that their view encompassed, every river and lake that promise a plentiful

living and the fruitfulness of commerce, is a hollowed spot to me.

By the strength of their hearts and hands, by every right of law, human and divine, this land and all the appurtenances thereof - the black

and fertile soil, the seas and lakes and rivers teeming with fish, the forests with their inexhaustible wealth in wild life and timber, the

mountains with their bowels swollen with minerals - the whole of this rich and happy land has been, for centuries without number, the land

of my fathers. This land I received in trust from them and in trust will pass it to my children, and so on until the world no more.

I am a Filipino. In my blood runs the immortal seed of heroes - seed that flowered down the centuries in deeds of courage and defiance.

In my veins yet pulses the same hot blood that sent Lapulapu to battle against the alien foe that drove Diego Silang and Dagohoy into

rebellion against the foreign oppressor.

That seed is immortal. It is the self-same seed that flowered in the heart of Jose Rizal that morning in Bagumbayan when a volley of shots

put an end to all that was mortal of him and made his spirit deathless forever; the same that flowered in the hearts of Bonifacio in

Balintawak, of Gergorio del Pilar at Tirad Pass, of Antonio Luna at Calumpit; that bloomed in flowers of frustration in the sad heart of

Emilio Aguinaldo at Palanan, and yet burst fourth royally again in the proud heart of Manuel L. Quezon when he stood at last on the

threshold of ancient Malacañang Palace, in the symbolic act of possession and racial vindication.

The seed I bear within me is an immortal seed. It is the mark of my manhood, the symbol of dignity as a human being. Like the seeds that

were once buried in the tomb of Tutankhamen many thousand years ago, it shall grow and flower and bear fruit again. It is the insigne of

my race, and my generation is but a stage in the unending search of my people for freedom and happiness.

I am a Filipino, child of the marriage of the East and the West. The East, with its languor and mysticism, its passivity and endurance, was

my mother, and my sire was the West that came thundering across the seas with the Cross and Sword and the Machine. I am of the East,

an eager participant in its struggles for liberation from the imperialist yoke. But I also know that the East must awake from its centuried

sleep, shape of the lethargy that has bound his limbs, and start moving where destiny awaits.

For, I, too, am of the West, and the vigorous peoples of the West have destroyed forever the peace and quiet that once were ours. I can

no longer live, being apart from those world now trembles to the roar of bomb and cannon shot. For no man and no nation is an island,

but a part of the main, there is no longer any East and West - only individuals and nations making those momentous choices that are

hinges upon which history resolves.

At the vanguard of progress in this part of the world I stand - a forlorn figure in the eyes of some, but not one defeated and lost. For

through the thick, interlacing branches of habit and custom above me I have seen the light of the sun, and I know that it is good. I have

seen the light of justice and equality and freedom and my heart has been lifted by the vision of democracy, and I shall not rest until my

land and my people shall have been blessed by these, beyond the power of any man or nation to subvert or destroy.

I am a Filipino, and this is my inheritance. What pledge shall I give that I may prove worthy of my inheritance? I shall give the pledge that

has come ringing down the corridors of the centuries, and it shall be compounded of the joyous cries of my Malayan forebears when they

first saw the contours of this land loom before their eyes, of the battle cries that have resounded in every field of combat from Mactan to

Tirad pass, of the voices of my people when they sing:

Land of the Morning,Child of the sun returning…Ne'er shall invaders trample thy sacred shore.

Out of the lush green of these seven thousand isles, out of the heartstrings of sixteen million people all vibrating to one song, I shall

weave the mighty fabric of my pledge. Out of the songs of the farmers at sunrise when they go to labor in the fields; out of the sweat of

the hard-bitten pioneers in Mal-ig and Koronadal; out of the silent endurance of stevedores at the piers and the ominous grumbling of

peasants Pampanga; out of the first cries of babies newly born and the lullabies that mothers sing; out of the crashing of gears and the

whine of turbines in the factories; out of the crunch of ploughs upturning the earth; out of the limitless patience of teachers in the

classrooms and doctors in the clinics; out of the tramp of soldiers marching, I shall make the pattern of my pledge:

"I am a Filipino born of freedom and I shall not rest until freedom shall have been added unto my inheritance - for myself and my

children's children - forever.

I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous

decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came

as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not

free.

One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One

hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years

later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.

So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When

the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a

promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.

This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious

today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred

obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe

that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have

also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to

take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of

racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the

quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This

sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.

Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will

have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is

granted his citizenship rights.

The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something

that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful

place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and

hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into

physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our

white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their

freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who

are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the

fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the

Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote

and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice

rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells.

Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the

winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is

redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern

cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my

friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American

dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that

all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former

slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert

state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that

my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I

have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and

nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and

white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted,

every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the

glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South.

With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the

jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together,

to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of

thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a

great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty

mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped

Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of

Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From

every mountainside, let freedom ring.

When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to

speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join

hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

Despair of Judas

I will rest here, awhile. His face! His face! Not comely now. There is no beauty in it. It is scarred into my heart. It is burned into my soul

and never will it lift from me until I die. Die? Will death quench the flames which consume me? Traitor, not endless years in hell can even

pay the crime of murdering the son of God.

And last night, he dealt with me so gently. He washed my feet. He bade me to put my hand into the cup with his, while in my purse there

jingled the coins which bought his blood. It was better for that man that he had never been born. Who? Who but I, who but I, I who

betrayed him!

"What you do, do it quickly." He knew, and kept my sin a secret.

"Friend, where unto have you come, Judas, Judas, do you betray the Son of God with a kiss?"

Friend! Friend! He called me his friend. The man I betrayed called me his friend. How hell must have laughed. Why did not the mountains

fall on me?

Why did not the earth gape and swallow me up? Why did not the sea overwhelm me? Friend. Ha! Ha! Friend. Ha! Ha! Ha! The world will

know Judas as the friend.

The world will point to Judas as a by word, and as a pledge of broken faith!

Do you think Judas you can hide from the father of your friend Jesus? Not even in hell can I escape. Not in the grave for the earth will

spurn my corpse. Not in the heavens for Jesus the friend is there.

What hope for Judas? What hope for Judas? Not even in hell can I escape for he called me devil, and devils cried out: torment us not,

Jesus, Judas, faithless friend, devil, one of whom it would have been better not to have been born. There is no hope for you, no hope, no

hope…

We Have Become Untrue to Ourselves! By Felix B. Bautista

With all the force and vigor at my command, I contend that we have relaxed our vigilance, that we have allowed ourselves to deteriorate. I

contend that we have lost our pride in the Philippines, that we no longer consider it a privilege and an honor to be born a Filipino.

To the Filipino youth, nothing Filipino is good enough anymore. Even their Filipino names no longer suit them. A boy named Juan does

not care to be called Juanito anymore. No, he must be Johnny. A girl named Virginia would get sore if she was nicknamed Viring or

Biñang. No, she must be Virgie or Ginny. Roberto has become Bobbie; Maria, Mary or Marie.

And because they have become so Americanized, because they look down on everything Filipino, they now regard with contempt all the

things that our fathers and our fathers' fathers held dear. They frown on kissing the hands of their elders, saying that it is unsanitary. They

don't care for the Angelus, saying that it is old-fashioned. They belittle the kundiman, because it is so drippingly sentinmental.

They are what they are today because their elders - their parents and their teachers - have allowed them to be such. They are

incongruities because they cannot be anything else! And they cannot be anything else because their elders did not know enough, or did

not care enough to fashion them and to mold them into the Filipino pattern.

This easing of the barriers that would have protected our Filipinism, this has resulted in something more serious, I refer to the de-

Filipinization of our economic life.

Let us face it. Economically speaking, we Filipinos have become strangers in our own country.

And so, today, we are witnesses to the spectacle of a Philippines inhabited by Filipinos who do not act and talk like Filipinos. We are

witnesses to the pathetic sight of a Philippines controlled and dominated and run by non-Filipinos.

We have become untrue to ourselves, we have become traitors to the brave Filipinos who fought and died so that liberty might live in the

Philippines. We have betrayed the trust that Rizal reposed on us, we are not true to the faith that energized Bonifacio, the faith that made

Gregorio del Pilar cheerfully lay down his life at Tirad Pass.

Dirty Hands by John P. Delaney S.J.

I'm proud of my dirty hands. Yes, they are dirty. And they are rough and knobby and calloused. And I'm proud of the dirt and the knobs

and the callouses. I didn't get them that way by playing bridge or drinking afternoon tea out of dainty cups, or playing the well-advertised

Good Samaritan at charity balls.

I got them that way by working with them, and I'm proud of the work and the dirt. Why shouldn't I feel proud od the work they do - these

dirty hands of mine?

My hands are the hands of plumbers, of truckdrivers and street cleaners; of carpenters; engineers, machinists and workers in steel. They

are not pretty hands, they are dirty and knobby and calloused. But they are strong hands, hands that make so much that the world must

have or die.

Someday, I think, the world should go down on its knees and kiss all the dirty hands of the working world, as in the days long past,

armored knights would kiss the hands of ladies fair. I'm proud of my dirty hands. The world has kissed such hands. The world will always

kiss such hands. Men and women put reverent lips to the hands of Him who held the hammer and the saw and the plane. His weren't

pretty hands either when they chopped trees, dragged rough lumber, and wielded carpenter's tools. They were workingman's hands -

strong, capable proud hands. And weren't pretty hands when the executioners got through them. They were torn right clean through by

ugly nails, and the blood was running from them, and the edges of the wounds were raw and dirty and swollen; and the joints were

crooked and the fingers were horribly bent in a mute appeal for love.

They weren't pretty hands then, but, O God, they were beautiful - those hands of the Savior. I'm proud of those dirty hands, hands of my

Savior, hands of God.

And I'm proud of my hands too, dirty hands, like the hands of my Savior, the Hands of my God!

Jewels of the Pauper by Horacio de la Costa, S.J.

There is a thought that comes to me sometimes as I sit by my window in the evening, listening to the young men's guitars, and watching

the shadows deepen on the longs hills, the hills of my native land.

You know, we are a remarkably poor people; poor not only in material goods, but even in the riches of the spirit. I doubt we can claim to

possess a truly national literature. No Shakespeare, no Cervantes has yet been born among us to touch with immortality that which is in

our landscape, in our customs, in our story, that which is most original, most ourselves. If we must give currency to our thoughts, we are

focused to mint them in the coinage of a foreign tongue; for we do not even have a common language.

But poor as we are, we yet have something. This pauper among the nations of the earth hides two jewels in her rages. One of them is our

music. We are sundered one from another by eighty-seven dialects; we are one people when we sing. The kundimans of Bulacan awaken

an answering chord of lutes of Leyte. Somewhere in the rugged north, a peasant woman croons her child to sleep; and the Visayan

listening remembers the crane fields of his childhood, and his mother singing the self-made song.

We are again one people when we pray. This is our other treasure; our Faith. It gives somehow, to our little uneventful days, a kind of

splendor; as though they had been touched by a king. And did you ever notice how they are always mingling, our religion and our music?

All the basic rite of human life - the harvest and the seedtime, the wedding, birth and death - are among us drenched with the fragrance

and the coolness of music.

These are the bonds that bind us together; these are the souls that make us one. And as long as there remains in these islands one

mother to sing Nena's lullaby, one boat to put out to sea with the immemorial rowing song, one priest to stand at the altar and offer God to

God, the nation may be conquered, trampled upon, enslaved, but it cannot perish. Like the sun that dies every evening it will rise again

from the dead.

The Two Standards by Horacio de la Costa, S.J.

Life is a Warfare: a warfare between two standards: the Standard of Christ and the Standard of Satan. It is a warfare older than the world,

for it began with the revolt of the angels. It is a warfare wide as the world; it rages in every nation, every city, in the heart of every man.

Satan desires all men to come under his Standard, and to this end lures them with riches, honors, power, all that ministers to the lust and

pride of man. Christ on the contrary, invites all to fight under His Standard. But He offers no worldly allurement; only Himself. Only Jesus;

only the Son of Man; born an outcast, raised in poverty, rejected as a teacher, betrayed by His friend, crucified as a criminal. And

therefore His followers shall not be confounded forever; they are certain of ultimate victory; against them, the gates of Hell cannot prevail.

The powers of darkness shall splinter before their splendid battalions. Battle-scarred but resplendent, they shall enter into glory with

Christ, their king. Two armies, two Standards, two generals… and to every man there comes the imperious cry of command: Choose!

Christ or Satan? Choose! Sanctity or Sin? Choose! Heaven or Hell? And in the choice he makes, is summed up the life of every man.

How to Achieve world peace

Atomic Bombs, Nuclear weapons, graft, and corruption, crimes thirst, blood Name it the world has it. Nations against Nations, State against church, government against the armed forces, military versus the fascists, innocent civilians in between.

Is there still a way out?

In an instant, our lives are threatened with uncertainty our children facing bleak future. Everything seems dark ahead, everything is vague. But still everybody gropes for soothing words to say. Everybody HOPES, but then hope we must not let this go out of our hands out of our differences not even our mistakes. But rather of our principles, so that we can finally resolve and come up. HOPEFULLY with a most taken for granted word Peace.

Yes, peace there is nothing so queer about this nothing so elusive. But only this is the most abused word its meaning drowned with the successive bang bang of guns. Our senses have become numb our consciousness refusing to believe its existence we often regard peace with its negatively charged counterparts war, fiction, contention. Yet, we never progressed. Can we not even just fo once secede from our mistakes. Learn from our past and come out spiritually uncoined?

Lets face it our principles are as rotten as our faith in God. We may not be aware of this but it is an established fact that more often than not our tendency is to seek refuge in worldly splendor. Unaware that we are only putting a limit to our chance of finding serenity. How many of those people out there have sold their principles one way or another, Just to be where they illogically think they belong? How many of them have preferred to get into demagoguery just to win power and get in towed to the most influential part of society? And How many of us has ever thought of peace as the most basal requirement for us to ever find happiness?

There are not much rules to follow in achieving world peace the fundamental step to this must come from every person who still believes that piece can exist and is willing to give it a chance. We can't forever maudin over our pecadillos we have to be cruel to ourselves sometimes in order to be kind to the entire humanity.

Next it must be considered that for so long as pride and prejudice exist peace shall never be within our reach. People will always try to have for themselves the best everything power, influence, money and stepping the rights of others in the process. They will try to outdo one another and then come out as the "morally sustained" heroes.

We have indeed an animal instinct in us to disregard peace deflate our principles and go on with he things that are arbitrary to our impulses. Yes everything is up to us everything must come from us and we are held responsible for whatever future that awaits us. It is time to wake up now. Man lifts man, man drags man down.

Indeed man is a rational being but he ceases to be one the moment casuistry steps in. We are living in a life wherein facts are much stranger than fiction but then we live in no dream land. We are given the gift of logic to think and reason out correctly but e are also given the prerogative to use this in such a way that it shall serve as a common purpose or a morally accepted ideology.

Life is a game they say these things are just the basic and elementary steps to the achievement of world peace. If we have failed ourselves God never will. Indeed the achievement of peace is just a matter of standardization of our morales and principles of our faith in ourselves and in him. Saint Aquinas once said "Pax opus justitia" Peace is the product of justice.

Is there still a way out?

No one can ever tell nobody can ever be sure but one thing is certain. Man will never know the essence of peace. Not unless he knows the real meaning of death.

For every generation, there is a destiny. For some, history decides. For this generation, the choice must be our own.Our destiny in the midst of change will rest on the changed character of our people and on their faith.In a land of great wealth, families must not live in hopeless poverty.In a land rich in harvest, children must not be hungry.In a land of healing miracles, neighbors must not suffer and die untended.In a great land of learning and scholars, young people must be taught to read and write.How incredible it is that in this fragile existence, we should hate and destroy one another. There are possibilities enough for all who will abandon mastery; others to pursue mastery over nature. There is world enough for all to seek their happiness in their own way.We have discovered that every child who learns, and every man who finds work, and every sick body that is made whole - like a candle added to an altar - brightens the hope of all the faithful.So let us reject any among us, who seek to reopen old wounds, and rekindle old hatreds. They stand in the way of a seeking nation.Let us join reason to faith and action to experience, to transform our unity of interest into a unity of purpose. To achieve change without hatred; not without difference of opinion but without the deep and abiding divisions which scar the union for generations.Under the covenant of justice, liberty and union, we have become a nation. And we have kept our freedom.It is the excitement of becoming - always becoming, trying, probing, resting, and trying again but always gaining.If we fail now, then we will have forgotten in abundance what we learned in hardship; that democracy rests on faith, that freedom asks more that it gives.If we succeeded, it will not be because of what we have, but it will be because of what we are; not because of what we own, but rather because of what we believe.For we are a nation of believers. Underneath the clamor of buildings and the rush of our day's pursuits, we are the believers in justice and liberty and union. And in our own union we believe that every man must some day be free. And we believe in ourselves.For this is what our country is all about. It is the uncrossed desert and the unclimbed bridge. It is the star that is not reached and the harvest that is sleeping in the unplowed ground.Is our world gone? We say farewell, is a new world coming? We welcome it - and we will bend it to the hopes of man.But you must look within your own hearts to the old promises and to the old dreams. They will lead you the best of all.

Child Labour (Speech) Good morning everyone. My objective today is to talk to you about child labour. 

Do you know that of every 100 children in the world today, 16 of them are child labourers, 12 of them are in its worst form, and many will never go to school? There are 246 million child labourers in the world today, most are in developing countries. Some of them are as young as 5, 186 million of them are under 15 and 170 million of them are doing hazardous work and operating dangerous tools or machineries. They are working on farms, plantations, mines, or even construction site, breathing in noxious fumes and exposed to harsh chemicals or dangers. Of every 100 children, more than half will never finish school, escape poverty or even have a decent job. Let me begin by clearly explaining the meaning of the term "child labour". Child labour is the employment of children under an age determined by law or custom. This practice is considered exploitative by many countries and international organizations. Child labour was utilized to varying extents through most of history, but entered public dispute with the beginning of universal schooling, with changes in working conditions during industrialization, and with the emergence of the concepts of workers' and children's rights. So, how can we stop child labour? We can solve these problems by improving child labour legislation and laws and also by increasing the quality, relevance and access to education. Many countries have national child labour laws that establish a minimum age for work and regulate working conditions. However legal protection for child labourers is not effective to the kinds of work children are most involved in, such as agriculture and domestic service. In addition, labour laws in many countries do not cover factories employing less than ten people. It is, therefore, important to extend protection so that laws cover the main places where children work. Education is also a key to ending the exploitation of children. If an education system is to attract and retain children, its quality and relevance must be improved as well.

Children who attend school are less likely to be involved in hazardous or exploitative work. They are also more likely to break out of cycles of poverty. The main obstacle to achieving universal primary education is only the inability and/or the unwillingness of governments to provide quality educational facilities for poor children in rural areas and in city shantytowns, because evidence from around the world has shown that poor families are willing to make sacrifices to send their children to school when it is economically and physically accessible. In conclusion, child labour should not happen as our greatest "natural resource" is the mind of the children. If child labour continues, the children will not be able to get a good education and our society cannot improve.So, let's put our hand together to stop child labour. Thank you.

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This is the hour of fulfillment of the supreme aspiration of our people for centuries. It is but fitting that we should, on this momentous occasion, dedicate a prayer of thanksgiving to those who paid the full price of blood and treasure for the freedom which we have now achieved. Rest at long last in your hallowed graves, immortal heroes of the Filipino race! The long night of the vigil is ended. You have not died in vain. The spirit of Mactan, of Balintawak, of Bagumbayan, of Malolos, and of Bataan lives again! 

The Republic which we are consecrating here today was born in the midst of a total war. Our countryside was transferred into a gory battlefield to become a historic landmark of that titanic conflict. From the crucible of a world in turmoil was unleashed the mighty force that was to spell the liberation of Asiatic people from foreign domination. Today, as we witness the triumphal realization of our national ideal, we would be sadly wanting in those magnanimous qualities which distinguish a noble and valiant race, if we did not forgive the wounds and havoc inflicted by that war, the immolation of our youth with their golden promise of the future, the untold sufferings and privations undergone by our innocent population. This is no time for indulging in unseemly recriminations or for ventilating our grievances. In all dignity and out of the fullness of our hearts we could do no less than acknowledge before the world our debt of honor to the August Virtue of His Majesty, the Emperor of Nippon, for ordaining the holy war and hastening the day of our national deliverance. 

The presence here of high diplomatic and official representatives of the Nipponese Empire and other nations of Greater East Asia testifies to the traditional friendship and mutual understanding between all Oriental peoples. In the name of the Filipino people, I wish to convey to the honored guests our sincere assurance of goodwill, and to ex press the fervent hope that the fraternal ties which unite our people with theirs will grow ever stronger and firmer in the years to come. I wish to take advantage of this opportunity also to make public our grateful appreciation of all the acts of kindness showered upon the Filipino people by the Commanders of the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy in the Philippines, past and present. I make special reference to General Shigenori Kuroda, Highest Commander of the Imperial Japanese Army in the Philippines, and to General Takazi Wachi, Director-General of the Japanese Military Administration, without whose sympathetic assistance and encouragement, the Preparatory Commission for Philippine Independence would not have been able to accomplish its work promptly and expeditiously. 

Our first and foremost duty as a free and independent nation is to maintain peace and order within our borders. No government worthy of the name will countenance public disorder or tolerate defiance of its authority. Unless we enjoy domestic tranquility, we cannot prosecute to a successful conclusion those labors essential to our daily existence and to our national survival. Without public security, our natural resources will remain undeveloped, our fields uncultivated, our industry and commerce paralyzed; instead of progress and prosperity, we shall wallow in misery and poverty and face starvation. 

In the ultimate analysis, all government is physical power and that government is doomed which is impotent to suppress anarchy and terrorism. The Constitution vests in the President's full authority to exercise the coercive powers of the State for its preservation. In order to make those powers effective, my administration shall be committed to the training, equipment and support of an enlarged Constabulary force strong enough to cope with any untoward situation which might arise. Certainly, everything must be done to forestall the indignity and humiliation of being obliged to invoke outside intervention to quell purely internal disturbances. 

With the attainment of independence and the consequent abolishment of the military administration, those of our citizens who have heretofore been engaged in guerrilla activities would prove untrue to the ideal for which they have forsaken their families, sacrificed the comforts of home and risked their lives, if they did not lay down their arms and, henceforth, tread the pathways of peace. I cannot believe that their sense of duty would dictate to them otherwise, than to come down from the mountains and other hiding places and participate in the coming enterprise of nation-building. If perchance recalcitrant elements would still persist in the sabotage of our program of reconstruction and threaten the very existence of the Republic, I shall have no other alternative than to consider them public enemies of our government and deal with them accordingly. 

Even during the artificially prosperous years of the Commonwealth regime, we had to import heavy quantities of rice and other foodstuffs; with the outbreak of the present war, and worse, in the brief phase of its incursion into our country, our agricultural

and industrial activities were thrown out of gear, our trade with other countries was disrupted, and the shortage of our food supply became more acute than ever. Without vast tracts of fertile and arable land, it would be indulging in mere platitude to assert that we can produce two times, not to say three times, what we actually need to feed our population. Whether the problem is expansion or intensification of our agriculture, the common denomination is hard work. 

We must till our idle lands, improve and diversify our crops, develop our fisheries, multiply our livestock, produce other necessities, such as clothing, fuel, building materials, medicinal preparations, articles of daily use; in short, the minimum requirements of civilized life. Then, we must turn our attention to the demands of heavy industry, explore the possibilities of our exporting to other members of that sphere those raw materials which we have abundance in exchange for goods which we cannot locally produce, adjust our internal economic structure in coordination with the regional economy of the Asiatic bloc, and thus contribute our share to the realization of the noble pure pose of common prosperity. This means that we have to rehabilitate and plan out our national economy; adopt a sound and stable currency, overhaul our credit and exchange system to insure the steady flow of capital; foster private initiative in business enterprise, stimulate scientific invention and research; create new industries; establish factories and manufacturing plants; improve our existing transportation and communication facilities; construct more roads in accordance with a well-devised general plan to promote mutual intercourse; build bottoms to accommodate our overseas and coastwise trade; and finally, adopt a more efficient machinery of price control to prevent hoarding and profiteering and insure a more equitable distribution of prime commodities consistent with our wartime economy. All these cannot be undertaken haphazardly but must be accomplished in accordance with a well-conceived economic planning if we expect to rise to the full stature of independent nationhood. Our political emancipation would be in vain and illusory if we did not at the same time work out our economic salvation. 

Hand in hand with national self-sufficiency, we should look after the individual welfare of the poorer elements that constitute the bulk of our population; assure decent living conditions of our laboring class by raising the level of the minimum wage; afford help to the needy and suffering, especially to war widows and orphans. Social legislation in this direction would be nothing more than social justice in action. In the prosecution of this humane policy it would be far better to err on the side of the benevolent paternalism than on the side of laissez-faire and rugged individualism. The slogan should no longer be "live and let live, but live and help live," so that the government may bring about the happiness and well-being, if not of all, at least the greatest number. 

Especially at this time, we should guard against the dominating passion for wealth. Unless economic equilibrium between all classes of society is achieved, we may not be able to forestall the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few, to the detriment of the suffering masses of our population. If necessary, we should take positive steps to attain the social mean by preventing the rich from getting richer and the poor from getting poorer. 

We are endowed with sufficient agricultural land to dole to those who produce our wealth with the sweat of their brawn and who constitute the real mainstay of our economic solvency. The Constitution has limited the size of public agricultural land, which private individuals may acquire by purchase or by homestead, so that there may be enough to go around and so that the poor may have a chance to obtain their just share of the public wealth without undue competition from those who already have more than what is necessary for their sustenance. We may even have to carry out this socialistic policy to its logical conclusion by invoking constitutional sanction authorizing the National Assembly to limit the maximum acreage of private agricultural land which individuals or corporations may hold or acquire. By encouraging and materially aiding landholding among the masses so that every citizen may become an independent freeholder, we shall have gone a long way towards the desideratum of social and economic stability. Love of country springs only from genuine attachment to the soil; it can receive no nourishment from the uprooted and artificial life of the homeless and the disinherited. 

There is a need of awakening the moral consciousness of our people so that they may be able to face their new responsibilities with added vigor and enthusiasm. We should evolve a new type of citizen who would be ready and willing to subordinate himself to the larger and more vital interests of the State. The Constitution guarantees to every man that modicum of personal liberty essential to his enjoyment of relative contentment and happiness. But of more transcendent importance than his privileges, are the duties which the individual owes to the State. The Constitution gives precedence to those obligations in consonance with the fundamental idea that man does not live for himself and his family alone but also for the State and humanity al large. The new citizen, therefore, is he who knows his rights as well as his duties, and knowing them, will discharge his duties even to the extent of sacrificing his rights. 

Loyalty to duty should be exemplified by our public officers and employees who receive compensation from the State. Simple honesty demands that they earn their pay by rendering the full measure of service that is expected of them. They should observe strict punctuality, maintain maximum efficiency, and devote all their official time to government business. Less than this measure of service is morally that amount to embezzlement of public funds. Public service, in order to be deserving of popular faith and confidence, must be infused with a new meaning and based on the highest considerations of morality. Government employment is neither a sinecure nor an instrument for self-enrichment, but a noble calling of service to the people. Dishonesty, bribery, and corruption have no place in the government and they shall be eradicated without quarter. Our

public functionaries shall be faithful servants of the people-tall, strong men and pure, self-sacrificing women who will safeguard the public interests like vestal fire. 

In the up-building of the national character, the school, no less than the home and the church, should play an important, if not dominating role. Our educational system must be renovated and due emphasis placed on the moral objective laid down in the Constitution. The other aims decreed in the fundamental law like the development of personal and collective discipline, civic conscience, vocational skill and social efficiency, should be subordinated to the cultivation of moral character as the handmaiden of an intransigent nationalism. Character formation shall be the mainspring of all educational enterprise born of a telling realization that scholarship destitute of character is worthless, that religion deprived of morality is mere fanaticism, that patriotism devoid of honor is only a posture. We can combat the virtue of excessive materialism which we inherited from the West only by a return to the spiritual ways of the East where we rightfully belong. 

Redefinition of purpose and reorientation of curricula would be futile if they were not brought to hear upon the great mass of our population. While the Constitution provides for citizenship training to adult citizens who should not be neglected by all means, more decisive results would be accomplished if we concentrate on the plastic minds of youth and revolutionize a whole generation. Elementary instruction must not only be free and public as required by the Constitution, but attendance at least in primary grades must eventually and as resources permit, be made compulsory for all children of school age. It is the constitutional duty of every citizen to render personal military and civil service as may be required by law, and the State has every right to expect that the person called upon to discharge this obligation be physically, mentally, and morally equipped for the task demanded. To insure this, the State may furnish the necessary preparatory training dovetailed to its requirements, and the individual is duty-bound to submit to the instruction so prescribed. 

All the students in our schools, colleges, and universities must be subjected to the rigid discipline of a well-regulated daily schedule. In general, and subject to such regulations as may be prescribed, they must wear a prescribed uniform not only to inculcate in them the habits of thrift but to permit closer supervision over their activities. In this way, our youth will be able to devote themselves conscientiously to their studies instead of wasting their time and substance in frivolity and dissipation. Only by strengthening the moral fiber of our youth and casting them into the heroic mold shall the soft metal of their minds harden into maturity, indelibly impressed with unswerving to the country that gave them birth. Thus will they grow into worthy descendants of our illustrious sires who once trod this very soil as freemen in dim ages past-brown, sun-kissed Filipinos, who love freedom dearer than life itself. 

The work of our schools should be correlated with and supplemented by wholesome and substantial home life, in order to afford the young a practical pattern of social behavior and a working demonstration of group cohesiveness. It is imperative that we forge and rivet the links of family solidarity. The family is the basic unit of society and the breakdown of the family can only result in the disintegration of society. The consolidation of authority of the paterfamilias, the cultivation of the Oriental virtues of filial piety and obedience, and the restoration of womanhood to its proper place in the home - this is the tripod which should hold fast and elevate the family under the Republic. 

We cannot listen to the fads of modernism which seek to f1attel our women by giving them more freedom for their own undoing, with-out undermining the institution of the family. Nor can we deprive them of the rights they now enjoy without turning back the clock to the days when they were shackled and were regarded as mere chattel. As we can neither advance nor retrocede, we have to maintain the rights which we have already conceded to our women without impairing in any way the authority lodged in the head of the family to which they belong. This is inevitable because the matriarchy of primitive times has long since ceased to exist. In every social unit there must always be a focal center to authority, and in the Filipino family that epicenter has always been the father as head of the first "barangay." 

The Filipino woman must incarnate the purity and tenderness of Maria Clara, the solicitude and self-sacrifice of Tandang Sora, the fecundity and motherly love of Teodora Alonzo. The home is her sovereign realm and motherhood is the highest position to which she should aspire. She should look forward to the rearing of children as the consummation of her noblest mission in life. The young generation must suckle from her breast not only the seeds of patriotism but also those rudiments of family discipline which will imbue them with respect for their elders and obedience to constituted authority. 

The home more than the school, should be the nursery of the mother tongue. The government will take the necessary steps for the development and propagation of the Tagalog language as ordained in the Constitution not only through the medium of the Institute of National Language and the encouragement of vernacular literature, but also by making its study compulsory in all schools and eventually prescribing its use in official correspondence, as well as in public ceremonies. But the home must do its share so that our children may learn from the cradle those folksongs and folklore transmitted by word of mouth from generation to generation and which form the repository of our common imperishable tradition. Man has by his science, conquered the inorganic and the animal world and harnessed their forces to minister to his needs and to suit his fancy. But he has neglected the science of man as a human being. It is a sad commentary on the present state of our civilization that we bear daily witness to the lowest depths of crime and human degradation, obtained in passing glimpse of

misfits and derelicts in human shape, and goes our different ways, paying little heed to these living indictments of our society. It is time that we frankly face the situation and remedy matters by going to the very source of the social cancer. It would be foolhardy for us to so much as attempt to check the natural growth of our population and, by a process of rigid selection, produce only supermen of which philosophers have dreamed of. The increase of birthrate, which is desirable for a young country like ours, is not incompatible with the improvement of the racial stock. Our heredity is something of which we have no control except in so far as we may prohibit the marriage of diseased individuals or prescribe the sterilization of imbeciles and lunatics. But we can and we should shape the forces of our environment and education so that the propagation of health and intelligence may outrun the reproduction of disease and ignorance. 

It shall be the concern of my administration to improve the individual quality of the masses by stressing medical attention for expectant mothers, correct method of prenatal care and infant care, proper nutrition for our children, a well-balanced diet for our adults, clean amusement and wholesome sport and recreation for both young and old, and other measures designed to conserve the health of the populace. For this purpose, all the resources of learning and science at our disposal will be mobilized. There absolutely no reason why we should devote more effort and attention to breeding super-stallions for our racing stables, milk cows to our fairs or prize hogs for our market", than to raising healthy, intelligent, and self-respecting human beings who will be a credit to our country and who will glorify the Filipino race. There is a dire need for the reappraisal of human values, for the perfection of human industry as an art and science, for the exaltation and signification of the human personality. During the infancy of the Republic, we should not expect the immediate accomplishment in a single stroke of the vast and vital projects that I have outlined to guide my administration. We should not forget that war is still raging with unabated intensity outside our borders and that we are handicapped with restricted means and still undeveloped resources. The least we can do for a' start is to undertake the preliminary steps of long-range planning to be carried into execution as much and as fast as our limited finances will permit. In the meantime, the popular mind will have to be fully prepared and rendered both receptive and responsive to the national new outlook. The orientation of the new government under the Republic is one of centralized control for service to the people, regardless of any obstacle. "The welfare of the people," in the fiery language of Andres Bonifacio, "is the supreme purpose of all governments on earth. The people are all; blood, life, wealth, and strength: all is the people." This is the guiding philosophy of the Constitution and the mandate of those called upon to assist in the establishment of the new government. The scientific method will be availed of to streamline the government machinery and effect simplicity, economy, and efficiency in its operation to ensure maximum attention to the welfare of the people and their needs. Red tape and official routine should be reduced to a minimum, duplication of work avoided and unnecessary service eliminated. But the active principle of social justice will have to be invoked to ameliorate the lot of the lowest paid employees and increase their compensation either directly or by some budgetary method in reasonable proportion to the present high cost of living. This must be pushed through even if we have to sacrifice further promotions in pay and, if necessary, slash the salaries of those in the higher brackets of our officialdom. 

Without political consolidation, we cannot hope to accomplish the desired integration of our political, economic, and social life. The abolition of political parties is a desirable feature of the military regime which we must conserve especially during the formative period of our Republic. Political parties have divided us in the past and we should avoid the recurrence of our sad experience. We must eradicate the baneful influence of factional strife and strike at the very roots of partisan spirit. I shall stand for no political party while I hold the rudder of the ship of State. We must serve, only one master-our country; we must follow one voice-the voice of the people. We must have only one party, the people's party, a party that would stand for peace, for reconstruction, for sound national economy, for social reform, for the elevation of the masses, for the creation of a new world order. 

At no time in our history is the demand for unity amongst our people more urgent or more compelling. Only by presenting a compact and undivided front to all vital issues of the day can we hope to erect the foundations of a strong and enduring Republic. I consider as rallying centers of our national unity: the Flag, the Constitution, the National Anthem, and the President of the Republic. The flag, because it symbolizes the sacrifices of our heroes and synthesizes our common imperishable tradition. The Constitution because it expresses our collective and sovereign will and embodies the sum of our political philosophy and experience. The National Anthem, because it epitomizes the trials and tribulations, and crystallizes the longings and aspirations of our race, The President, because he is the chosen leader of our people, the directing and coordinating center of our government, and the visible personification of the State. Four-square on these rallying points, the dynamic instinct of racial solidarity latent in the heart of each and every Filipino must be aroused from its lethargy and inflamed with the passions of faith in our common destiny as a people. 

Across the horizon, the Hand of Fate beckons us into the Promised Land, I am sure our people will rise as one man to meet the challenge. After all, the government we have established under the Constitution is our own government; it will be office red and manned by our people; the problems it will face will be our own problems. We shall encounter difficulties greater than any we have ever faced in our national history, we shall have to adapt ourselves to the strange stimuli of a new environment and undergo the travails of constraint adjustment and readjustment. God helping us, we shall march with steady, resolute steps forward, without doubts, vacillation, or fear. There shall be no tarrying on the way, no desertion from the ranks, no stragglers

left behind. Together we shall work, work hard, work still harder, and work with all our might and work as we have never worked before. Every drop, every trickle of individual effort shall be grooved into a single channel of common endeavor until they grow into a flowing stream, a rushing cataract, a roaring torrent, a raging flood, hurdling all difficulties and demolishing all barriers in the way of our single purpose and common determination to make our independence stable, lasting and real.  - JOSE P. LAUREL

Ito ang bayan ko: Pitong libong pulong kupkop ng Bathala, 

ngunit dinuhagi at sinamantala ng mga banyaga;

Lipi ng magiting na mapaghimagsik ang puso at diwa, Unang Republikang sa dulong silanga'y nagtamo ng laya; Ito ang bayan ko: sumilang sa dugo't nabuhay sa luha At pinagsawaan ng lahat ng biro't hampas ng tadhana!

Ito ang bayan ko: Dagatan, lupaing may sapat na lawak, bundok na mamina, 

Bukiring matanim at maisdang dagat…

Sa lahat ng itong alay ng Bathala ay nagging marapat at maituturing na lupang hinirang at lubhang mapalad… Ditto, ang ligaya sa lahat ng dako'y biyayang laganap, Ngunit kailangang dukali't hukayin ng sikhay at sipag.

Ito ang bayan ko: Pinanday sa dusa ng mga dantaon, hinampas ng bagyo, 

Nilunod ng baha, niyanig ng lindol;

Dinalaw ng salot, tinupok ng poot ng digmaang maapoy, Sinakop ng Prayle, inagaw ng Kano, dinahas ng Hapon; Ngunit patuloy ring ito ang bayan ko nakatindig ngayon, Sa bawat banyaga'y magiliw ang bating "Kayo po'y magtuloy."

Ito ang bayan ko: Puso ma'y sugatan ay bakal ang dibdib, 

Bawa't naraana'y isang karanasa't isang pagtitiis… Ito ang bayan ko

Taas-noo ngayon sa pakikiharap sa buong daigdig, sapagkat sa kanyang sikap na sarili ay nakatindig… Ito ang bayan ko: bunga ng nagdaang mga pagkaamis, matatag ang hakbang, patungo sa isang bukas na marikit.

Ito ang bayn ko; Ang bayan ko'y ito.