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Chapter IV

ORAON AND TEA ESTATE

In last chapter I discussed profile of Oraon in Barak valley. This

chapter deals with relationship between Oraon and tea estate.

A large number of Oraon migrated and settled in Barak valley to

work in tea gardens as wage labourer. After their arrival in the

region they confined in tea garden and engaged themselves to earn

their livelihood from tea industry. Tea industry is considered as

the largest organised agriculture based industry in India and Assam

is the leading state in respect of tea production.

Tea plantation in India is a kind initiation vi-a-vis gift of British

colonial administration. According to S.N. Singh, Amarendra

Narain and Purnendu Kumar first major tea venture was started in

upper Assam in 1839 by Assam Company and within two decades

many more companies with British capital made their debut in

different parts of Assam. Vast wild forest land was transformed

into beautiful smiling tea gardens, along Brahmaputra and Barak

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valley. Assam Tea is famous all over world for its flavour and

rejuvenating quality.

The discovery of tea and its commercial production changed

Assam's economy. In Cachar, first tea plantation started in 1855-

1856 by Williamson and Co. near Bursangun (near present Kathal

Bagan) and its success opened eyes of many planters and

entrepreneurs who applied for a grant of land in Cachar.1

Tea industry provided employment to a large number of labourers.

Various castes and tribes came from different parts of country and

settled in tea garden areas as ‘Tea Garden Labourer’.

RECRUITMENT OF TEA GARDEN LABOURERS

In early nineteenth century and during formative day in Assam tea

plantation a huge scarcity of tea garden labourers occurred which

became hindrance for expansion of tea plantation in the state.

1 S.N. Singh, Amarendra Narain and Purnendu Kumar, Socio-Economic and political Problems of Tea Garden workers, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2006, Pp. 2.

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R.K Kar says ‘at initial stage local people like Kachari, Matak,

Kuki, Naga etc employed with active assistance of chiefs of

respective groups. But that arrangement could not become

successful and sustainable. In course of time number of tea

plantations steadily increased and as such demand kept growing

for larger number of labourers. But need could not be fulfilled

from local labourers as they had gradually been showing

reluctance to work in tea plantation. Under this circumstance

planters started procuring labourers from other states of India.

Desperate poverty and land alienation at country side of those

areas vis-a-vis false promises of “less work and high wages” made

by planters probably pulled labourers to migrate towards Assam.

In view of growth of unemployment as well as shortage of food in

Assam, government of Assam in 1953 advised planters for gradual

curtailment in recruitment of labourers from other states. Initially

labourers were recruited on contract basis for three to four years

but they were forced by circumstances and other problems to settle

in gardens permanently. Kar is of the view that a major section of

these migrants after their contract periods were over decided to

make a permanent settlement in the new habitat which is far away

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from their native land’.2

ECONOMIC LIFE

R.K. Kar views ‘Assam use to contribute around 55% of country’s

total production of tea which considered as backbone of state’s

economy. 3 Despite of huge amount of revenue collection from tea

industry by the state as well as private owners, overall economic

condition of tea garden labourers along with Oraon in this valley is

very poor. Oraons are mostly depending on wages earned from

working in tea gardens. Even in present days wages are not quite

satisfactory to meet their daily expenses.

Further he says coercion, low wages and immigrant labourers are

three important components of tea plantation in Assam. These

three components ensure high profit for planters. As such planters

obstructed growth of a labour market and thereby deprived

workers from real market wage.4 All adult members of the family

both male and female are engaged in tea garden work to earn

2 Sarthak Sengupta, ed, Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 3-4. 3 Sarthak,Sangupta, ed, Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 3. 4 Ibid, Pp. 2.

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money. Despite of low wage they have to work in the garden. At

present some Oraons are going outside tea garden and getting

engaged in other activities to earn more money. But due to poverty

and illiteracy most of the Oraons do not dare to go outside tea

gardens in search of work. Oraon families somehow maintain their

family expenditure with the amount they earn from tea garden.

Moreover, Oraons spend a substantial amount of their earnings for

taking country liquor every day. Many members of younger

generation spend a major amount of their income for purchasing

non-traditional consumer goods.

On other hand, very few Oraons have realized value and necessity

of money and started regular savings with some saving

organisations. Because of their insufficient income and habit of

unnecessary expenditure it is observed that Oraons are suffering

from the problem of indebtedness. They are victim of exploitation

of money lenders. R.K Kar says that originally Kabuliwallas

controlled the business of money lending in tea gardens.5

5 Ibid, P. 8.

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At present, in tea gardens of Barak Valley this is controlled by

local people, traders and sometimes by relatively well-to-do people

from their own community.

SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE

During ancient time histrico and socio-cultural life of Oraon, as

already mentioned earlier, was rather within ambit of their tribal

value and identity. Initially they lived their life peacefully without

intervention of any force or institution.

Now Oraon in tea estates are found to be different. Their house,

settlement, socio-cultural institution, family kinship and marriage

are of different nature. In tea garden Oraon continuously interact

with non-Oraon or other people. Its rather very irony to note

hardly any community’s original identity including Oraon is seen

in tea garden.

S.N Singh, Amarendra Narain and Purnendu Kumar say that

labourers in tea garden of Barak valley mostly belong to tribal

belts of Chotanagpur, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Andhra

Pradesh. Along with them labourers came from some districts of

Bihar and Eastern U.P belong to Scheduled Castes and other

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backward class community.

Due to these communities poor economic condition most of them

were possibly exploited and harassed by zamindars and petty

landloards at their native land. Among tribal groups, Munda,

Oraon, Santal and Bhumij are found in large number, who came

from hill area while Kurmi, Goala, Koiri, Baroi, Kanu, Khar,

Akhura, Tanti, Bagdi and Mala backward and scheduled castes

from plain of Bihar and U.P. Some scheduled castes like Chamar,

Pasi, Dusadh, Mushar, Bhuian etc of some places also migrated

along with other castes.6

Socio-cultural activities of Oraons in tea garden had started getting

new form in due course of their settlement and life. Their

interaction with people living nearby their settlement or work place

made them to come in contact with non-Oraon people. Tea garden

labourers continuously mixed with Bengali labourers in Barak

valley. Entire tea community irrespective of their caste tribe

identity equally celebrated socio-cultural functions like marriage 6 S.N Singh, Amarendra Narain, and Purnendu Kumar, Socio-Economic and political Problems of Tea Garden workers, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2006, Pp. 43.

[122]

ceremony, death ritual, and child rearing practice and have equal

pattern of food and dress which show a mixed culture peculiar to

tea community of this Valley.

But traditional cultural aspects like nativity, caste, community,

religion, informal organisation, symbolic expression and status

determinant are not totally lost by each individual community.

Thus cultural aspects of Oraon society in tea garden are not totally

lost in new relation. During tea garden festival, Oraons perform

their traditional function.

Thus cultural aspects of Oraon labourers in Barak valley show

social interaction of language, ethnic and religious group. Progress

in assimilation of various group with varied cultural background

makes it possible for labourers to live together cohesively

adjusting with constraint. They have accustomed to all situations

with a healthy and moral aptitude.

FAMILY

Due to migration and working in plantation industry tea garden

labourers prefer to live in nuclear family (Bhadra). Plantation

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influences them to live in a small family because residential

quarters provided to labourers are found suitable for nuclear

family. Management of tea industry motivates labourers to live in

nuclear family.

Historically plantatation industrialists preferred to recruit both

husband and wife together as labourers. Facility are provided to

workers on family basis. This encouraged workers to live in

nuclear family. Employment to a person is given on household

basis. Fire-wood, raw materials for thatching etc. are given on

household basis but not on the basis of member in a household.

Therefore a large household and a small household gets equal

amount of all these facilities from management. If a father and a

married son work in a tea garden and live under same roof they are

entitled to get equal facilities of a single house hold.

Naturally tendency of workers is to live in a small house hold. In a

family though dominance of a male is prominent, role of female is

equally important. Parents do not have craze for a son as both son

and daughter are equally important. Both of them become earners

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from childhood. A daughter is not a barden to her parents but on

the other hand they can earn and help the family from very

childhood. Moreover, she brings bride price for parental family.

Status of a woman changes considerably as soon as she enters into

economic field. Plantation, as its policy, provides employment to

both husband and wife. Thus a woman has a definite position as an

earner and as a result she has a greater say over family matter.7

Family life has undergone a remarkable change in tea garden areas.

Traditionally their economy demanded joint and extended family

structure. Which are essentially required for organised endeavour

in economic field like agriculture, hunting etc. however, in

industrial setup of tea garden this family structure has changed

totally to nuclear family. Family authority is no longer solely

exercised by eldest male member.

Economic control remains in hand of earning members irrespective

of age and sex. On other hand equal job opportunity for all adult

members irrespective of sex has minimised parental control over

7 Thomas Pulloppillil, ed. Identity of Adivasis in Assam, Indian Publishers Distributors, Delhi, 1999, Pp. 70-71.

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youngsters. Quarter is also allotted to an earning member only. It

may be added here that children are also earning. Though they are

not allowed to possess authority but they have a say in some

economic transactions.8

Regarding family of tea garden workers Bishnu Prasad Sahu says

major characteristics of plantation labour and wage system

confirmed by available family budgets was that wage earning of an

individual worker was much below what was considered by even

garden management as normal or regular expenditure, not to speak

of what should have been viewed as ‘family wage’ by any

reasonable standard. Even a cursory look at available budget

figures show beyond doubt that wage earning of an individual

worker are so low that these met only a small fraction of

subsistence requirements of a family. Such low wage fixation

turned out as basic mechanism for forcing whole family including

children and women to participate in wage work in gardens or

outside the gardens9.

8 Sarthak,Sangupta, ed, The Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 8. 9 Bishnu Prasad Sahu, Human Resource Development for Industrial Workers, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2004, Pp. 126.

[126]

MARRIAGE

After settlement in tea garden of Assam, institution of marriages

among Oraons becomes more or less a personal affair and lost its

hold from family and community. They do have socially

recognized institution of marriage which prefers endogamy. Unlike

their traditional forms of marriage, intercommunity marriages are

taking place very frequently among them. Offenders are excused

by society by keeping some amount of money as fine. Divorce and

widow marriage is also not uncommon.

It may be said whole traditional norms regarding marriage has got

changed in oraons living in tea gardens of Barak Valley. It has

been observed that to some extent the loss of traditional control

result laxity in sex life and irregularity in marital union. Social

relation on the other hand also changing from a relatively closed in

kinship type to an open community sentiment. Some of kinship

terms are borrowed from neighbouring non-oraon communities

with whom they come in regular contact.

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RELIGIOUS LIFE

Traditionally their religion was based on warship, propitiation and

tackling of village god, deity, ancestor and evil spirit. Such

traditional belief and practice as a whole losing its appeal

particularly among young people. Rather they prefer to participate

in national as well as regional festivals like Durga Puja, Kali Puja,

Lakxmi Puja, Holi etc. some of these festivals are organised by

management where labourers are participating voluntarily. In such

occasion members of the workforce irrespective of ethnic and

religious identity assist and participate.

FOOD

Food habit in tea garden areas of Oraons and other labourers are

almost same. Food pattern consists of rice, flour, vegetables,

spices, fruits, pulses, eggs, fishes, meat etc. the workers in tea

garden are non-vegetarians. Besides these they also chew betel leaf

and tobacco. For cooking they use the home made Chulla dugged

inside with three tops (traditional Chulla) using firewood. Utensil

like aluminium bucket, steel plate, glass and aluminum vessel are

used. All labourers in tea garden mostly drowned in hariya (rice

beer) and country liquor.

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POLITICAL LIFE

Political life of Oraon along with other labourers in tea garden is

controlled by Bagan Panchayat. In case of any problem Bagan

panchayat try to resolve such problem.

Unlike traditional political organisation of different ethnic groups,

tea garden labourers do not have their respective institutionalised

bodies to control their political life. For smooth run of community

life, a group of persons including Chowkidar, Sardar or a leader of

workers, leaders of labour unions and some other influential

persons irrespective of their ethnic affiliation look after tea

labourer community as a whole. 10

Trade unions in tea gardens are dormant and do not take keen

interest in the welfare of the workers. Union leaders are hardly

seen in tea gardens. Workers do not get convinced or show interest

in union activities and many of them even fail to understand role of

union.

10 Sarthak,Sangupta, ed, , The Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 42.

[129]

Trade union in tea-industries is indifferent about activities related

to Human Resource Development done by each garden. They do

not bargain with authority betterment of labourers. Trade unions

and Bagan Panchayat thrive on political consideration rather than

on a contended, satisfied, self-dependent and accretive workforce

in the tea industries.11

Tea garden labourers, particularly women are members of union

not due to their ideological commitment but under the compulsion

of co-workers at the garden level. Politically, they are immature

and ignorant. Most of the office bearers of the union or Bagan

panchayat are male workers. Women workers remain always in

rear everywhere. They are ignored and cornered in the distribution

of elective posts even at the garden level.

Tea garden workers particularly women workers remain busy with

their daily routine works of the garden and whatever time they

save are consumed by their domestic works. After hard work they

become physically exhausted. Further, they live in the garden

11 Bishnu Prasad Sahu, Human Resource Development for Industrial Workers, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2004, Pp. 129-130.

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society which is cut off from main stream of national life. Their

level of political perception, degree of political consciousness and

political knowledge is limited and inadequate. This is mainly due

to their solitary garden life.

VOTING BEHAVIOUR

Tea garden workers are immigrant labourers who are the worst

victim of exploitation of management. They are exploited

specimen of human race. They were brought and engaged in work

by disgraceful and inhuman manner under British policy of ‘hire

and fire’. They suffered at every stage in past and even today they

are being mentally tortured day in and day out by planter’s

supervisory staff, field staff, local shop keeper and money lenders

etc. They are facing unfavourable social, economic and political

circumstances, but they are still alive under sub-human condition.

They are victims of ignorance, illiteracy, poverty and excessive

harassment by planters and other local merchants.

The Britishers treated them not as men but chattels. Social and

cultural distance was maintained by them and its legacy has

continued till today. Socially, they are cut off, economically they

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are bankrupt and politically dwarf, down and dull. In such

circumstances many of them choose their political representatives

on the advice of the tea garden managers, office staffs and bagan

panchayat leaders. Thus, it can be envisaged that in a democratic

country they do not choose their political representatives according

to their own will.

CONDITION OF ORAON IN TEA GARDEN

British tea planters bought labourers from different parts of India

by promising them to pay high wage for working in tea gardens.

But they could not keep their promise rather low wage and

coercion became the role of the day. Short work was subject to

severe physical and financial punishment. Management-worker

relationship in those days as if was worst form of serfdom.12

Such legacy is still being maintained by garden management in

different techniques. Facilities which are given to tea garden

labourers by authority like housing accommodation, drinking

water, recreational facilities, canteens, educational facilities for

12 Sarthak,Sangupta, ed, The Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 5.

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children, crèches for children of working mothers, umbrellas,

raincoats, blankets and other amenities for protecting against rain

and cold are not up to the mark. Tea garden authority engages

children in work in name of providing employment. Weekly

holyday for rest, holidays with pay, sickness allowances and

maternity benefits etc. are given recently as per state government

norms.

HOUSING FACILITY

R.K Kar comments during post- independence period, there has

been a substantial improvement in the housing condition of the tea

labourers in this region.13 But in reality the houses of Oraons

provided by tea garden authority is not quite satisfactory. Oraons

in tea garden of Barak Valley have been living in small huts. It is

observed that Condition of huts of Oraons are very poor to protect

themselves from rain and other natural calamities. Besides these

many of them are suffering from absence of electric facilities in

their houses.

13

Sarthak,Sangupta, ed, The Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 6.

[133]

MEDICAL AND HEALTH FACILITY

It is observed that in tea gardens Oraons are living in insanitary

condition and improper medical care. They suffer from various

diseases. Many of the garden hospitals do not have a full-time

physician. Most of these are under-staffed and lack of proper

infrastructural facilities and the required stock of medicines etc.

The medical facilities in fact have declined over years.

Sections 8 and 9 of PLA and Rules 7-20 of APLR contain

provisions for health and sanitation facilities like supply of

drinking water and construction and maintenance of drains etc.

Despite of all these provisions, Oraon in tea gardens suffer from

sanitation and health problems. They suffer from large number of

endemic diseases that include gastro-enteritis, anemia, dysentery

and diarrhea, worm infection, skin diseases, night blindness,

hypertension, tuberculosis, pneumonia and malaria etc.

Besides diseases of poverty and malnutrition, they suffer from a

number of avoidable diseases that result out of very poor

environmental sanitation, personal hygiene and unhealthy food and

drink habits.

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EDUCATIONAL FACILITY

Literacy level among Oraons is not at all encouraging. In many

gardens schools do not exist. These are merely for sake of legal

fulfillment and are characterised by poor infrastructural facilities as

well as maintenance provisions and lack of sufficient and qualified

teachers. Some tea garden schools do not have permanent teachers

and the management uses them as “spare wheels” by employing

them elsewhere besides teaching .As result children of Oraons

became illiterate.

From these observations it may be concluded that life of Oraons

are fully controlled and guided by tea garden authority. Their

occupation, accommodation, family life, marriage alliance, religion

etc are fully governed and influenced by tea garden. Tea industry

can be considered as stimulating factor for making the social

change among Oraon.

CONCLUSION

Oraon in Barak valley is fully controlled and determined by will of

tea garden authority. Though they try to retain their own way of

life but hegemonic and exploitative rules of tea garden compels

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them to identify themselves as a new community. Their original

Oraon identity is gradually getting replaced by new identity of tea

community in Barak Valley of Assam.