on the waterfront 8

8/7/2019 On the Waterfront 8

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On the Waterfront

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Introduction

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R U E I I H E R : J U E ( H I R / RE U RE R ) , I E E I J Z E R

( - H I R ) , R H E R ( E RE R Y ) , R E R I , I E E H - EY E R,

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is eighth issue ofOn the Waterfrontfeatures many of the Institutes new acquisitions. While in theprevious issue the contributions about Annie Adama van Scheltema - Kleefstra and Giangiacomo Feltrinellirelated the history of the Institute, a contribution about Boris Sapir serves the same purpose in this one. Inaddition to the summary of a lecture on the highly topical issue of modern Kurdish history, a presentationabout the changes in membership is included for the first time. On the one hand, it reveals how much growthpotential remains (and how much we need to grow). On the other hand, only now are we becoming awarehow much has already been achieved by so few. Just before the end of the year, we received a commitmentfor a wonderful donation from the United States. is addition, which arrived too late to be included in thefigures for 2003, will be covered in the next issue.

Members of the Friends of the IISH pay annual dues of one or five hundred euro or join with a lifetime dona-

tion of one thousand five hundred euro or more. In return, members are invited to semi-annual sessions featur-ing presentations of IISH acquisitions and guest speakers. ese guest speakers deliver lectures on their field of

research, which does not necessarily concern the IISH collection.e presentation and lecture are followed by a reception. In addition to these semi-annual gatherings, all

Friends receive a forty-percent discount on IISH publications. Friends paying dues of one thousand guilders ormore are also entitled to choose Institute publications from a broad selection offered at no charge.

e board consults the Friends about allocation of the revenues from the dues and delivers an annual financialreport in conjunction with the IISH administration.

e IISH was founded by master collector Nicolaas Posthumus (1880-1960) in the 1930s. For the past decade,two of the institutes established by this history entrepreneur have operated from the same premises: the NEHA

(Netherlands Economic History Archive) since 1914 and the International Institute of Social History (IISH),which is now over sixty-five years old. Both institutes are still collecting, although the subsidiary IISH has

grown far larger than the parent NEHA. (Detailed information about the IISH appears in: Maria Hunink

De papieren van de revolutie. Het Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis 1935-1947 (Amsterdam1986) and in: Jan Lucassen Tracing the past. Collections and research in social and economic history; e Inter-

national Institute of Social History, e Netherlands Economic History Archive and related institutions (Amster-dam 1989); in addition, Mies Campfens reviews archives in De Nederlandse archieven van het InternationaalInstituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis te Amsterdam (Amsterdam 1989), and Jaap Haag and Atie van der Horsthave compiled the Guide to the International Archives and Collections at the IISH, Amsterdam (Amsterdam

1999). For all information concerning the Friends, contact Mieke Ijzermans at the IISH (mij@iisg).

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In the second half of 2003 theInstitute acquired about 00 ar-chival collections, of which slightlyover half were accruals to collec-tions received previously. e li-brary, the image and sound depart-ment, and the were active aswell. Below are a few highlightsfrom this vast selection.

e Klein Pouderoyenslave plantation in Demerary

(Guyana), 824-83The obtained a very spe-cial document at a rather modestprice: the register of a Dutch slaveplantation. During these years ofreflection about the historical roleof the Dutch in slave ownershipand the slave trade (slavery wasabolished in the Dutch colonies inAmerica and Asia 40 years ago),one acquisition merits mention inaddition to all the other items the already has in this field.

Such books are rarely offeredfor sale. When they are, demandis high and the price commen-surate. This case was different.Despite persistent searches, theantiquarian offering the book hadbeen unable to situate the site ofthe Klein-Pouderoyen planta-tion (even though the name isobviously Dutch, as it is namedafter a village in Gelderland) inSuriname. No wonder: the plan-tation was located in Guyana

next-door! Dutch settlers arrivedthere in 625, over four decadesbefore they acquired Suriname.Until 796, the coastal region ofEssequibo, Demerary and Berbicewas a Dutch colony. e occupa-tion by the British that year (con-trol changed hands a few timessince, but the Dutch definitivelyacknowledged British sovereigntyin 84) ushered in the heyday ofslave ownership and trade thanksto easy supply of slaves and British

investments in the plantations.Under those circumstances,

many plantations were continued

by their Dutch owners, and by88 Klein Pouderoyen was one ofthe 69 plantations in British Guy-ana still under Dutch ownership.In 85 these Dutch citizens underBritish sovereignty were even au-thorized to ship their products tothe Netherlands on Dutch vessels.is privilege granted in 85 wasan exception to the Act of Naviga-tion still in effect at the time. Re-markably, the British continued

to use the guilder (divided intostivers and doits) until 839.As was the case on most plan-

tations in the area, the slaves onKlein Pouderoyen produced pri-

marily coffee at first and later sug-ar as well. After 85, sugar pricesplummeted. e British prohibi-tion of the slave trade in 807 (thismight explain the regular entriesin the register of slaves leased toother plantations, yielding totalrevenues of fl. 6,000 for 824-83) was followed by the majorslave uprising in Demerary in823 and is certain to have affect-ed Klein Pouderoyen as well! is

register covers the less prosperousyears between the revolt and theabolition of slavery in 834. e

Eighth Friends Day, 4 December 2003 RE E I H E Q U I I I

slaves had to remain on the plan-tations as apprentices until 840.Afterwards, they left these placesof misfortune en masse, and coo-lies were imported from BritishIndia. This register reflects theclose ties between the apparent-ly primarily Dutch plantationowners, with Klein Pouderoyenserving as a labour exchange forslaves.

Anton Pannekoek(873-960)In the previous issue ofOn theWaterfront(No. 7, 2003, pp. 9-0),we encountered the Amsterdam

group of friends, which includedPosthumus (who later founded theInternational Institute of SocialHistory), as well as Anton Panne-koek (873-960). Until recentlythe papers at the from thiswell-known theoretician at thefar left of social democracy (until94) and from the council com-munist movement (after 92) wereincomplete. Much of his archivewas burned during the Battle of

Arnhem (944). e recent accrualto the archive was obtained by theInstitute through mediation on

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the Swiss socialist and peace ac-tivist Margarethe Faas-Hardegger(882-963) from the years 908-90. During this period GustavLandauer established the Sozia-listische Bund to form a politicalorganization again.

e correspondence was longbelieved lost. Dr. Hanna Delf who helped publish the Landauerletters notified the aboutthis collection when it becameavailable at the Stargardt auctionhouse in Berlin. Dr. Delf helpedthe negotiate an excellentprice for the letters. The ,which manages most of Landau-ers papers (the remaining onesare at the Jewish National andUniversity Library in Jerusalem),

acquired a fascinating accrualthanks to this purchase.e letters reflect the ideas of

the Swiss Margarethe Faas-Hard-egger, who met Landauer in 908when she was the first secretaryfor women workers of the Sch-weizerischer Gewerkschaftsbundand as such published two wom-ens journals: Die Vorkmpferin(906-909) and LExploite(907-908).

Only 26 at the time, Marga-

rethe already had a very full andturbulent life dedicated primarilyto womens emancipation. As theonly daughter of a Swiss postalservices official and a midwife, shelong dreamed of studying medi-cine. Upon enrolling in law school,however, at the urging of her futurehusband the legal scholar AugustFaas she became increasingly fas-cinated with social issues. After herhusband left the family to becomean opera singer, she raised their two

daughters on her own.Her encounter with Landauer,

who at her invitation delivered lec-tures in Switzerland about subjectssuch as the twelve articles of theSozialistische Bund (), changedboth their lives. Between the firstpostcard to Herrn Mark Harda(Margarethe Hardeggers pseudo-nym) dated 5 August 908 and thefirst letter to Geliebte Margaretedated 25 August 908, a passionatelove affair bloomed alongside their

professional relationship.Both had high hopes for theirjoint political endeavours. Land-

auer hoped that this spiritedand clever woman would be theideal partner for the new editionofDer Sozialist; his ideas alsostrengthened Hardeggers desireto withdraw from the trade un-ion movement to live and work

more freely. At first this endeav-our appeared promising, thanksto the prospect offered by the. Hardegger wrote, edited, andorganized the distribution ofDerSozialistin Switzerland (a Swissedition appeared in Bern from909 onward) and opened a chap-ter of the Sozialistische Bund. Sheworked with members of ErichMhsams Munich group TAT onprojects involving residential andliving communes (a few members

founded the Ascona Commune).Ultimately, however, everydayproblems, including World WarI, led the group to disband. By94 Hardegger and Landauerwere no longer close, althoughHardegger continued to subscribeto his ideas.

Despite serious difficulties, inpart financial, she continued towork as a translator, struggled forresidential and living communes,and later founded the Comitato

Pestalozzi for children whose par-ents had fought in the SpanishCivil war. Alexander Salomon deLeeuw (899-942)These materials originate fromthe archive of the historian andphilosopher Ger Harmsen, whowrote numerous smaller and larg-er biographical studies on, amongothers, Alexander de Leeuw. Alex-ander de Leeuw (known as Alex)

was the theorist behind DutchMarxism-Leninism and a of-ficial between the two world wars.When the party split up in 926, deLeeuw sided with the Kominternand against David Wijnkoop, ac-cusing him of fighting with theweapons that came naturally tohim: making trouble, provoking,and scheming. In January 929the launched its theoreticaljournal De Communist, with deLeeuw as the executive editor.

After serious conflict within theparty, the consolidated in930 and adopted the Komintern

the part of relatives and is there-fore particularly impressive.Pannekoek loved taking walksdespite a mild handicap that re-mained from his bout with polioas a child. He loved to walk in themountains and knew trees, plants,and butterflies by their Latin and

Dutch names.

Gustav Landauer(870-99)This German writer, anarchistand editor ofDer Sozialistplayeda key role in Berlin anarchist cir-cles during the 890s. He with-drew from politics temporarilybut was murdered as a member(Volksbeauftragter fr Volksauf-klrung) of the Bavarian CouncilRepublic in 99.

The recently received amagnificent collection of lettersand postcards from Landauer to

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position. In addition to Paul deGroot as a novice, de Leeuw wasback in the dramatically alteredparty leadership again, which in-cluded more workers than in thepast. e mid 930s were his mostprolific time ever. He focused his

efforts on investigating and fight-ing fascism. During these years hismajor publications appeared: HetCommunisme(Amsterdam 936),Nederland in de Wereldpolitiek(Zeist 936), and Het Socialismeen de Natie(Amsterdam 939).Het Socialisme en de Natiewashis masterpiece. His idea that thenation was also significant for theleft led to his subsequent conflictwith the party leadership. He de-fended this position from 935

onward, when he stressed duringa discussion with Togliatti at theseventh Komintern congress thatthe small countries needed to fightfor national independence in theirstruggle against fascism.

He maintained his stand whenthe Komintern, after the Hitler-Stalin pact was signed in 939,labelled World War II as an im-perialist one and, abandoning thepolitics of the national-democrat-ic popular front, appealed once

again for proletarian revolution.Unlike others, he regarded theHitler-Stalin pact as a strategicrather than a principle measure: adelaying tactic. During the Nazioccupation of the Netherlands, deLeeuws difference of opinion withthe trio running the underground deepened, and he was ex-pelled on technical grounds. Afterhe stopped working for the party,de Leeuw took up literary studieslike his esteemed predecessor Saks.

Remarkably, de Leeuw also wrotean unpublished book about theyoung Dostoyevsky, a writer andthinker considered highly repre-hensible by most Stalinists. His lastpublished piece, De laatste reisvan Ulysses, was about Homer,Dante, and Tennyson.

Instead of remaining in hidingduring the Nazi occupation, hecontinued to frequent cafes andvisit friends. On 8 May 94 hewas arrested and sent to the camp

at Schoorl. De Leeuw read andstudied as much as he could whileimprisoned. In September 94 he

reached the camp in Amersfoortand was assigned to interpret for agroup of Kirghiz prisoners of war,who hardly spoke Russian andwere in miserable shape. De Leeuwdid his best to help them. Whenthe small group of Russians, who

had survived starvation and otherhardships, was executed by a fir-ing squad in April 942, de Leeuwsduties as an interpreter ended.

The few letters de Leeuw isknown to have written afterwardsreveal that his spirits were low.In July 942 he was deported toAuschwitz, where according to areport from the Red Cross he waskilled almost immediately afterhis arrival on 4 August 942.

Willem Drees, 886-988In the Netherlands the social dem-ocrats were long excluded fromthe coalition governments (until939). Once they got in, however,they achieved a long-lasting anddramatic impact on Dutch poli-tics. Dutch society may rightlybe considered a post-war experi-ment in social democracy. WillemDrees (886-988) ran this experi-ment longer than anybody else.He was 59 when the war ended.

Only then did he receive his firstappointment as a minister: heserved as deputy prime ministerand minister of Social Affairs inthe Schermerhorn (945-946)and Beel (946-948) administra-tions. On 7 August 948 Dreesbecame prime minister. He wasin charge of four councils of min-isters over the course of more thana decade.

e papers of this social demo-cratic leader are now at the Na-

tional Archives at The Hague.The recent gift from his grand-daughter Marijke Drees in Gro-ningen of three crates filled withthousands of photographs wasparticularly welcome. Most ofthe photographs were taken afterWorld War II.

They include photographsof the Round Table Conferencein The Hague on 2 November949, where Indonesia becameindependent, as well as a photo

album presented by the KLMconcerning his journey to SouthAfrica in October 953. During

his stopover in Kano, Nigeria,he met with the local authorities.e jewel in the crown is probablythe elegant album from his goodfriend Harry Truman, presentedupon the Visit of his excellencyWillem Drees prime minister ofthe Netherlands to the UnitedStates of America January 2 toJanuary 24 952.

Piet Nak (906-996)

During World War II the commu-nist Piet Nak organized the Feb-ruary strike with Willem Kraanin 94. is marked the protestof the Dutch people against thedeportation of 400 Jewish men bythe Nazi occupation forces. Afterthe war the niod investigated theorganization of the strike. Con-trary to the cpn, this researchinstitute determined that Kraanand Nak were the true organizersof the protest and not the cpn

itself.During the turbulent 960s Piet

Nak spoke out again. As chairman

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tests, and strikes organized in therun-up to the independence in973. Nelemans may not havebeen inspired exclusively by his

famous in-laws. e papers revealthat his father Lijnis Nelemansbelonged to the Arbeiders JeugdCentrale [Workers youth centre]() and was active in the Alge-mene Nederlandse Metaalbewer-kersbond [Dutch metalworkersunion], and that his mother BepBlom was a member of the .

Since the has remarkablylittle original archival materialabout the former Dutch colony of

of the Vietnam committee, Nakorganized demonstrations againstthe U.S. involvement in the Viet-nam War. During the 970s PietNak formed the Palestine commit-tee. is progressive organizationclearly sided with the Palestinians

in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.Piet Nak was equally well-known as a professional illusionist.He had always performed magictricks as a hobby and turned thisactivity into his occupation, whenhe became disabled in 943 as aresult of his arrests by the Nazis.His career as a magician was notalways successful, and he had sev-eral strokes of bad luck. In 96 atan international childrens festivalin Moscow, he discovered that the

doves he had brought along for hisact had died. He appeared on thetiktak shows [Translators note:popular theatre entertainmentsponsored by Tiktak coffee roast-ing company in the 950s and 60s]for a while. In 963 he stoppedperforming magic tricks.

Surinamee accrual to the Anton Panne-koek archive has been mentionedabove. Hanneke ten Houten, the

granddaughter of the Pannekoekfamily who donated the items,also gave us the papers that hadbelonged to her father ProfessorAnton ten Houten (a member ofthe Dutch youth league for naturestudy), as well as more impor-tantly the papers of her husbandBert Nelemans, who lived in Suri-name from the late 960s until thelate 970s. Nelemans participatedin the many demonstrations, pro-

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Suriname, this unexpected acqui-sition is particularly important.Bert Nelemans was a geographyand history teacher in Surinameand became a member of ,the Vereniging van Leraren bij hetKweekschool-, Middelbaar en

Voorbereidend Hoger Onderwijs[association of teachers for teachertraining, secondary, and highereducation preparatory schools]in Suriname. From 20 January to8 February 969, this professionalorganization staged a massivestrike, which Nelemans joined,as his diploma proves.

Komitee MarokkaanseArbeiders in Nederland ()In our previous issues, we discussed

the history of guest workers in theNetherlands (see On the Waterfront-2, p. 5; 3, pp. 0-2). e Insti-tute has by far the most documentsabout Turks, although in recentyears more material keeps arrivingfrom Moroccan sources. The ar-chive and documentation donatedby Ineke van der Valk coveringthe period since 973 is a wonder-ful addition. Ineke was very activeon the Komitee Marokkaanse Ar-beiders in Nederland [Commit-

tee of Moroccan workers in theNetherlands] (), a leftist op-positional Moroccan movementactive mainly in Amsterdam, Rot-terdam, and Utrecht. This com-mittee fought on several fronts: itresisted the sweeping influence ofthe reactionary monarchist regimeover its subjects working abroadand opposed reactionary religiousmovements in some cases relatedto this regime and exploitation ofguest workers in the Netherlands.

The Committee also had a pro-nounced international orientation.Accordingly, the collection com-prises a wealth of material aboutMoroccan organizations in Franceand Belgium. All items in the 0crates of archive materials donatedby Van der Valk (aside from a fewboxes of magazines) are exten-sively documented. ey includespecial documentation about theAmicales, the loyalist Moroccanorganizations abroad that appear

to have received their orders di-rectly from their embassy in eHague.

Solidarnoe has been collecting mate-rial about the Solidarno (Soli-darity) trade union in Poland andits actions ever since this organi-zation became active. e isnot alone in this effort. At first

the historical significance of thismovement was not fully recog-nized, and nobody expected itto instigate the course that ledthe Berlin Wall to come downten years later. Still, everybodyacknowledged its importance,including the authorities, whoresponded accordingly. e tradeunions archive is now in Poland(mostly in Gdansk, but also inWarsaw). Large collections ofdocumentation, in addition to the

ones in Amsterdam, are presentat the Hoover Institute Archivesand the Fondazione GiangiacomoFeltrinelle (which both publishedtheir catalogues), as well as atthe Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, thePolish Library in London and theSchweizerisches Sozialarchiv.

e Solidarno material at the is available at three sites: thelibrary, where it is registered underboth its own class mark (the collec-tion of ,776 books and pamphlets

of Marius Szyszko from 970-990) and a general one, as well asat the archive, where two metresof original documents, includingprinted matter, are stored.

e most important acquisi-tion we are featuring here is fromJan Minkiewicz, who opened theSolidarno information desk inthe Netherlands in early 982,soon after the organization was

banned on 3 December 98.

(e situation continued until theRound Table Conference with thegovernment on 7 April 989.) isacquisition consists of periodicalsand archive materials, includingcomputer print-outs listing thenames of activists imprisoned bythe Polish authorities.

Miners in Pakistane maintains a few offices

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gradually transforms poor butinitially free workers into unfreeworkers. Salim also established adetailed record of the hazardousworking conditions.

In addition to being a valuableresource for research (as the first

study that categorically examinesthe incidence of bonded labour inthe mining industry in Pakistan),the material that Salim has pro-vided will benefit researchers inthe future. A great many of thephotographs and audio tapes thatthe Institute has already receivedfrom Salim are available for re-search.

Anarchism in Turkeye recently received mate-

rial from the Anarchist Platformin Istanbul and from the first andbest-known Turkish anarchistpublisher via Zlfikar z-dogan at the Turkish Depart-ment. e is the only insti-tute in the world that regularlygathers material about Turkishanarchism.

e following are a few impres-sions from Zlfikars travel reportfrom 2003: I have never seenanything like this before. I know

Istanbul fairly well, since I livedthere for 4 years. I searched forthe anarchists for days withoutfinding them. They had simplydisappeared. e new residents attheir most recent address had noidea where they had moved. ephone was always busy, and unfor-tunately I had no mobile phone.e phone booths were perpetu-ally mobbed, as if a small demon-stration had just taken place. I was

about to give up, when I suddenlygot through. I arranged to meetthem immediately at the door-step of their new premises on theAsian side of Istanbul. ey hadrecently moved to less expensiveaccommodations because of the

economic downturn. e build-ing is very old and dark. I found6 people and 2 dogs in surround-ings reminiscent of the 960s.

I told them about the andour collections. They told meabout the background of the an-archist movement in Turkey andtheir activities. Eventually, theyhelped me gather useful mate-rial, such as pamphlets, leaflets,stickers, reports, and bulletins.My first encounter with the anar-

chists was very fruitful. e nextday I visited their office on theEuropean side of Istanbul. ere Ifound about 20 people, who toldme about the visit from staffmember Heiner Becker.

The publisher Kaos was mylast port of call. I received a verywarm welcome and was offeredlunch at the office: a traditionalTurkish lunch of bread, feta, ol-ives, and tomatoes. e meal re-minded me of my employment

at leftist papers in Istanbul aninexpensive, joint meal and tiedin nicely with our leftist ethics. Inthe course of our conversations,I explicitly requested audiovisualmaterial from the Anarchist Plat-form. ey have promised us pho-tographs of all demonstrations on, as well as material about theiractivities on 20 tapes.

Boris Moisejevitsj Sapir(902-989)

Boris Sapir, the son of a Jewishmerchant in Lodz, arrived in Mos-cow at the start of World War I. In97, he became entangled in thecommotion of the revolution. Hejoined the Mensheviks, who con-demned Lenins seizure of powerbut supported the Bolsheviks inthe civil war against the Whitegenerals. He served in the RedArmy and dedicated his energiesto trade unions in Moscow afterthe demobilization. He remained

a Menshevik, however, whose ac-tivities displeased the Bolsheviks.In 92 he was arrested and sent

abroad and has regular corre-spondents as well. Shariar Kabirfrom Bangla Desh has figured ina few of our previous issues (seeOn the Waterfront3, p. 0, and 4,p. 4). In this issue we are pleasedto introduce Ahmad Salim (b.

945) our correspondent in Paki-stan. is poet, publicist, scholar(he taught at the university ofKarachi), and journalist startedworking with the in the pastyear to gather documentation onprogressive movements in highlyrepressive Pakistan. His Dutchcontact for these operations isEmile Schwidder. Salim is nowemployed at the Sustainable De-velopment Policy Institute ()in Islamabad. In addition to col-

lecting journals, pamphlets andother documentation materialslike his colleagues, he is involvedin another very special activity.

In 200 and 2002, followingconsultation with Willem vanSchendel and with support fromthe , Salim visited mines inthe provinces of Sindh and Ba-lochistan, mainly coal mines anda few rock salt mines, to recordthe working conditions that pre-vailed there through interviews

and photographs. He is particu-larly interested in the continuallyrising indebtedness of the min-ers, which renders them totallydependent on the owners of themines. e process starts with apeshgi or advance, issued by therecruiter on behalf of the mineowner. is lures the migrant la-bourers at first. As the debt to theemployer rises, the arrangementturns into bonded labour and

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to Solovki (an archipelago in theWhite Sea north of Archangelsk),which was where the Sovietsopened their first concentrationcamp. After Solovki he was exiledto the Urals, from where he es-caped abroad in 925. In 933 he

fled again, this time from Hitlerin Germany.He reached the Netherlands via

Paris and found employment atthe newly established . erehe indulged in his second passion:the history of the Russian socialistmovement. He gathered archivesand edited a series of source pub-lications. During the Nazi occu-pation he fled for the third time,across France via Casablanca to arefugee camp near Havana. Two

years later he joined his fellowparty members, who had foundrefuge in New York. He got a jobthere and became an Americancitizen. Sapir attended the Men-shevist party meetings, whereheated debates took place aboutthe position adopted toward theBolshevist regime. He was unable,however, to influence the actualcourse of events. In 967, nearingretirement age, he returned defini-tively to the Netherlands and took

up the subject again at the .Boris continued working at the, until he turned 80. On therare occasions that he spoke abouthimself, he described himself as aprofessional refugee.

e has only a very tinyarchive from Boris Sapir. Most ofhis papers are at the BakhmeteffArchive (Columbia University,New York). Recently, however,the Institute received 800 booksfrom his estate. Rena Fuks-Mans-

felds cataloguing of his library(see On the Waterfront-2, pp.3-4 about her work; this con-tribution we also thank to her)yielded a wonderful surprise. eexcellent condition of the books,which were cherished and nicelybound in many cases, attests tothe care that the indefatigable re-searcher took to preserve his spir-itual legacy. Anybody familiar withhis life history will not be surprisedthat he owned many works by and

about the Russian writer FyodorDostoyevsky, who was the subjectof his German PhD thesis. Russian

literature always fascinated him.Sapir also remained interested

in the Mensheviks, their sad fateunder the Soviet regime, and inthe Russian periodical Vpered(Forward) (873-877). Whilemost of the over 800 volumes

in his collection are in Russian,several are in Yiddish, German,French, and English.

Biographical sketches of Sapirbriefly mention his heritage. Hewas born in Lodz in 902, partof tsarist Poland at the time, toan affluent merchant family. Noresearch is available thus far onhow growing up in the burgeon-ing industrial, where Jews wereby far the majority, affected him.Some of the books in his collec-

tion, however, suggest that he hadattended a Jewish school, was wellversed in Yiddish (the lingua fran-ca of the Polish Jews) and had areading knowledge of Hebrew.

Scholars have written exten-sively about Sapirs studies andrevolutionary activities in Russia,his meanderings as a Russian po-litical refugee after the Revolutionand his work for the beforeand after World War II. What hasbeen overlooked entirely, howev-

er, is his change of life ambitionduring his flight from the Nazis,his two years in Cuba from 942

to 944, and his residence in theUnited States from 944 to 967.In Cuba, he lived among the East

European Jewish immigrants inHavana, where he learned aboutthe slaughter of European Jewryorganized by the Nazis. He in-vested all his energies in organ-izing help for the refugees. Whilein Cuba, Sapir discovered his Jew-ish roots, rediscovered his mothertongue (Yiddish), and started topublish and lecture in that lan-guage. He wrote two studies inYiddish about Jewish history.Around this time, he also started

to add Yiddish historical works tohis library, of which he had ownednone prior to 940.

In the United States, Sapir metup again with his old Menshevikcomrades, with whom he contin-ued to publish SotsialisticheskiiVestnik (until 965) and wroteand lectured about the future ofRussia in his lectures and writings.His chief responsibility, however,was to aid the decimated Jewishcommunities. As head of the re-

search division of the AmericanJewish Joint Distribution Com-mittee (), he was painfullyaware of the consequences of theextermination of most of the Jewsin Europe.

Many extremely rare works inhis library reflect his work for the, such as reports about thesituation of the Jews in occupiedand liberated parts of Europe. Asmall selection from the Jewishpart of the Boris Sapir Collection

illustrates the importance of theperiod during and after WorldWar II in his life.

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Some observations about the Kurd-ish people appeared in a previous is-sue (seeOn the Waterfront 6, pp.12-15). We are therefore pleased tohave found a specialist to enlightenus about modern Kurdish history.

Martin van Bruinessen (1946) tooka degree in theoretical physics andmathematics at Utrecht Universityin 1971. He later studied social an-thropology, which had previouslybeen his minor subject. In 1974-76he spent two years conducting fieldresearch on social organization andsocial change among the Kurds inthe Kurdish areas of Iran, Iraq, Tur-key, and Syria. is field research,supplemented by archival inves-tigation, resulted in a PhD thesis

(Agha, Shaikh and State: On theSocial and Political Organizationof Kurdistan), which he defendedat Utrecht University (1978).

Between 1978 and 1981, he trav-elled extensively in Turkey, Iran (onwhich he published several articles),and Afghanistan (where he workedon a village development project).During this period (especially in1979 and 1980), he did research onOttoman history and publisheda single major source on Kurdish

society in the 17th century: Evliyaelebis Seyahatname (1988).

Since 1982 Bruinessen has con-centrated on Indonesia as a secondarea of research. Altogether, he hasspent nine years conducting researchand teaching there about various as-pects of Indonesian Islam. Betweenhis periods of residence in Indone-sia, he returned several times to theMiddle East on short research visits,focusing on Kurdish and Turkishpolitics and religious movements.

In his most recent research, he dealswith shifting ethnic and religiousidentities in Turkey and develop-

ments in the Kurdish movement.Bruinessen has taught Kurdish andTurkish studies at the Departmentof Arabic, Persian, and TurkishLanguages and Cultures at UtrechtUniversity since 1994.

In the early 970s, when I be-came interested in the Kurds,the Kurdish movement for au-

tonomy or independence was notregarded as one of the progressiveliberation movements worthy ofsolidarity and support from theEuropean left. Hardly known atall, it was perceived as a form oftribal resistance against moderniz-ing regimes, led by feudal or tribalelites exploiting poor peasants and

unwilling to surrender privilegesand therefore not really a socialmovement. In the late 950s, underthe populist regime of AbdulkarimQassem that supported such ac-tions, landless Kurdish peasants inIraq had briefly occupied the landof big Kurdish landlords. Oncefighting broke out between the Ira-qi military and Kurdish partisans(96), however, little was heard ofintra-Kurdish class conflict any-more, and some of the landlords

became prominent Kurdish na-tionalists. e official Iraqi viewof the emergence of Kurdish na-tionalism as a counter-revolution-ary reaction appeared convincing.Remarkably, however, anotherwell-known Kurdish landlordwhose land was invaded in a regioncontrolled by the government andnot by the Kurdish movement heldonto his land by joining the IraqiCommunist Party.

e did not hold any ma-

terials on the Kurds in those days,nor was much about the Kurdsto be found at any other library

or archive in Western Europe.A small solidarity committee inAmsterdam, the International So-ciety Kurdistan (), maintaineda newspaper clipping archive andlibrary and published a newslet-ter. Similar but even smaller (i.e.

one-person) committees existedin Paris and Berlin, and a Kurd-ish student union had a few doz-en members throughout variouscountries in Eastern and WesternEurope. None of these individu-als or groups belonged to the pro-gressive solidarity movements. efew political contacts tended to bewith conservative circles. Likewise,the Kurds of Iraq formed alliancesthat did not endear them to Eu-ropean progressives. The most

prominent leader of the IraqiKurds, Mulla Mustafa Barzani,relied heavily on the support ofthe Iranian Shah regime and from972 onward received covert CIAsupport in his struggle against theArab socialist Bath regime. InMarch 975, however, the Shahand Saddam Hussein reached anagreement, after which supportto the Kurds was suddenly termi-nated. e Iraqi army destroyedmuch of the Kurdish resistance,

and some 50,000 Iraqi Kurdsfled to Iran. Having turned intoan international humanitariancatastrophe, the Kurdish case be-gan to elicit sympathy. is wasreinforced when information wasdisclosed to the press about thecovert CIA operation and the waythe US failed to protect the Kurdsonce the Shah cut his profitabledeal with Iraq. Hundreds of edu-cated Iraqi Kurds only a smallfraction of all refugees in Iran

were granted political asylum inWestern European countries. eyworked hard to build a Kurd-ish lobby in Europe, establishingcontacts with journalists and poli-ticians and attempting to organizethe far greater numbers of Kurdishimmigrant workers from Turkey.

The archive, which hasbeen acquired by the , prima-rily documents the developmentsprior to 975 (though continu-ing up to 982) and remains an

important source for that period,despite giving the initial impres-sion that very little was published

Lecture byMartin van Bruinessene Kurdish movement:

issues, organization,mobilization


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on the Kurdish movement duringthat period, and that most of thereporting was rather superficial.Once the Kurdish Diaspora be-came more organized, writing onthe Kurds rose sharply, reflect-ing the increasing sophistication

and broadening support base ofthe various political movementsin Kurdistan itself. Here, how-ever, the collection comes toan end. Silvio van Rooy, founderand president of the , died in982 and had been somewhat al-ienated from his previous Kurdishcontacts since 975.

e Kurdish movement in Iraqof the 960s and early 970s wasadmittedly heavily dominated bythe traditional elites and tended

to be socially conservative. Butanti-establishment currents ex-isted within the same movementas well, as has been true for allKurdish associations and partiesthroughout the twentieth centu-ry. Until the 970s, the educatedstratum was very small in Kurd-ish society, and virtually all mem-bers belonged to families of tribalchieftains and religious leaders.Kurdish nationalist, populist, andsocialist intellectuals shared more

or less the same background, wereeducated in state institutions thatalso trained Arab, Turkish or Per-sian elites, and were in many casesemployed in the civil service orthe military. Such men (only inthe 980s did women start to be-come significant) were at least the-oretically opposed to the tribal andfeudal authority relations of tradi-tional Kurdish society but alwaysfaced the dilemma that they couldnot mobilize significant masses of

people, unless they had recourse toprecisely these relations.

In 923, soon after the TurkishRepublic was established, and itbecame obvious that this newstate was to be based on Turk-ish nationalism instead of on thecommon Muslim identity thathad united Turks and Kurds dur-ing the preceding years, radicalKurdish officers and intellectualsestablished a clandestine partywith a nationalist programme.

They initiated preparations foran uprising intended to lead toan independent state but soon

found that nationalist propa-ganda was not intrinsically suf-ficient to mobilize people. eytherefore sought the co-operationof the charismatic religious leaderShaykh Said, who in turn wonover many tribal chieftains. By

the time the uprising broke out(925), several of the planners hadbeen arrested, and the shaykh andthe chieftains were in control. euprising resembled a traditionaltribal rebellion (though muchbroader in scope) and was easilysuppressed by the Turkish army.

In the Iraqi Kurdish uprising of96-975, nationalist and leftistintellectuals faced the same di-lemma. Both the Iraqi Commu-nist Party () and the Kurdis-

tan Democratic Party () hada considerable following amongurban intellectuals, and the latterparty elaborated its ideology in thecourse of debates with the onissues such as self-determinationof the nation and class analysis.By the early 960s, the wasof a distinctly leftist persuasionand intent on breaking the holdof the tribal and feudal chieftainsover much of Kurdistan. To winthe support of the predominantly

tribal and peasant population,however, the leaders made thecharismatic Mulla Mustafa Bar-zani the partys president, intend-ing for this position to be purelysymbolic. Barzani himself had adifferent conception of his posi-tion. Once the actual fighting wasin progress, he and his tribal alliesgradually marginalized the urbanintellectuals. More surprising thanthe victory of tribal elements overthe educated urban stratum in

the course of armed confronta-tion with the central government,perhaps, is the fact that the Kurd-ish wing of the , which did nottake part in the Kurdish rebellion,consistently maintained more cor-dial relations with Barzani thanwith the ideologically closer intellectuals.

In Turkey, where approximatelyhalf of all Kurds lived, a modernKurdish movement emerged inthe mid 960s under the dual

influence of the Iraqi Kurdishmovement and, significantly, theemerging Turkish left. The La-

bour Party of Turkey (), thecountrys first Marxist party tocontest the elections, discoveredalmost to its surprise that it re-ceived many votes in some of theKurdish provinces, apparently dueto some Alevi Kurdish members

with strong tribal and sectarianbacking. e became the firstparty to openly discuss the prob-lems of what was euphemisticallycalled the East (i.e. the Kurdishprovinces). ese were defined asproblems of regional underde-velopment, caused in part by theinequalities inherent in capitalistdevelopment and, as the partyrecognized, compounded bydecades of deliberate neglect andwithholding of investment.

Kurdish students, intellectuals,and workers living in Istanbul andAnkara held a series of culturalsoires, where the first Kurdishdemands were publicly voiced.Speakers called for economic de-velopment and protested the op-pressive and violent control of theKurdish countryside by the Turk-ish military. e other demand,which rapidly became louder, wasfor recognition that the Kurds(who were even prohibited from

taking names from their culture)constituted a distinct people, withtheir own language. At the partycongress in 970, the adopteda resolution asserting the existenceof the Kurdish people in easternTurkey and calling for an end toeconomic discrimination and na-tional oppression. e next yeara military coup followed. e was banned because of this resolu-tion; numerous Kurdish activistsof various political persuasions

received lengthy prison sentences.Once civilian rule was restored,and new parties were established,the legal Turkish left remainedcautious and refrained fromadopting outspoken positions onthe Kurdish issue. Kurdish nation-alists organized in separate unionsand associations. By the end ofthe 970s, almost a dozen differ-ent Kurdish political associationsand parties existed, most combin-ing nationalism with some form

of Marxism. All derived their ma-jor support among the educatedurban stratum (which was rapidly


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expanding in those years), andseveral were gaining adherentsamong the rural population of theKurdish provinces as well.

During the 970s, the major de-mand shifted from recognition tonational self-determination, and

much of the debate between thevarious Kurdish formations (andwith the Turkish left) concernedhow to analyse Kurdistan in Marx-ist terms. Was the dominant modeof production feudal or capitalist?Which was the revolutionary classin Kurdistan? Did a proletariat ex-ist in Kurdistan, and who made upthis class? How should the relation-ship between the Kurdish peopleand the Turkish state be defined?Most of the Kurdish groups came

to describe Kurdistan as an inter-nal colony of the Turkish, Arab,and Persian bourgeois states. enational struggle was at the sametime declared a class struggle, asit juxtaposed the Kurdish radicalsagainst the Kurdish collabora-tors, who were associated withthe feudal or bourgeois stratum. Amajor dividing line separated pro-Soviet from Maoist groups, andadditional rifts emerged withinthe Maoist groups over Chinas

shifting policies and the ideas ofEnver Hoxha. Several groups be-gan to arm themselves and becameinvolved in the increasing politicalviolence of those days.

e most radical of these vari-ous Kurdish movements wasthe , which emerged in 974from a major Turkish leftist stu-dent movement (whose foundersincluded several non-Kurds). e proclaimed as its aim the lib-eration of all parts of Kurdistan

from colonial oppression and theestablishment of an independent,united, socialist Kurdish state.e movement initially sought torecruit a following mainly amongthe poorer (and relatively unedu-cated) sections of society and infact became the only Kurdish par-ty not dominated by members ofleading tribal families. (Abdullahcalan, the party chairman, prid-ed himself on his humble origins,being born into a non-tribal hum-

ble peasant family.) Calling foran anti-colonial struggle, the directed its violence against col-

laborators notables and chief-tains with a stake in the existingpolitical system and against rivalorganizations. Later, in the 980s,it also briefly targeted school-teachers and told young peopleto drop out of school to escape

ideological indoctrination.In 980, another military coupushered in an era of severe re-pression, leading to the virtualelimination of most Kurdish andleftist organizations, with theirleaders being killed, jailed, orforced into exile. The wasthe only organization that man-aged to survive and even grow inthese circumstances. Establishingan extensive cross-border network with guerrilla training by Pales-

tinian and Syrian instructors andbase camps in the mountains ofnorthern Iraq and western Iran it initiated a guerrilla offensivein 984 with a series of attacks onmilitary and police installations.Continuing its excessive violencetoward Kurdish collaborators,the gradually earned grudg-ing admiration from growingsections of the general Kurdishpopulation by boldly challengingthe feared Turkish army. By the

early 990s, the movement had setup its own parallel administrationin certain rural regions and urbanneighbourhoods and endorsed arange of civil society initiatives bypersons previously affiliated withother political currents. e meanwhile abandoned its pursuitof full independence and advo-cated a negotiated settlement ofthe conflict. After some promisingindirect contacts under Presidentzal, the Turkish military adopt-

ed a radically different approachfollowing zals sudden death.A dirty war, with death squadskilling several thousand commu-nity leaders and human rightsactivists and with massive villageevacuations upsetting the lives ofhundreds of thousands, isolatedthe from the civilian popu-lation and reduced it to guerrillabands moving from one hideoutin the mountains to another. Bythe end of the decade, increased

international pressure on Syria re-sulted in calans expulsion fromSyria and his ultimate capture and

surrender to Turkey.The events of the 980s the

war between Iraq and Iran and thecoup and guerrilla war in Turkey resulted in a flood of Kurdishrefugees to Europe and the risingpolitical awareness among the sec-

ond-generation labour migrantsalready there. By the mid-980s,the Kurdish Diaspora was fullymobilized and became increasinglyinvolved and influential in the pol-itics of the homeland. e Kurdsalso became an indelible presencein the European political landscape as is documented in the col-lection of Kurdish books, periodi-cals, and memorabilia.


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Report of the General

Meeting of members

2000 2001 2002 2003Dues-paying friends on 0-0 0 42 56 62Joined 42 22 3 5*Left 0 8** 7** **Dues-paying friends on 3-2 42 56 62 56Other friends**** 3 4 4 5Total friends 45 60 66 6 (70)#

* Five new friends registered this year,including one who has not paid yet.

** 200: 8 left, of whom one made a one-time payment of ,000 in 2000and is therefore attributed to otherfriends for the next three years, 2 oth-ers have officially withdrawn, and haspassed away. us 4 remained in ar-rears, with three later resuming theirdues payments.

- 2002: 7 left, of whom none officiallywithdrew, and 2 passed away. This

leaves 5 in arrears, of whom one laterresumed dues payments.

- 2003: a maximum of left, of whomnone has officially withdrawn, and 2have passed away. Altogether, 9 friendswill be sent reminders that they paidtheir dues in 2002 but not in 2003.Adding the new member who has notpaid yet and the friends who neglectedto pay both in 2003 and in previousyears (but did make at least one pay-ment) yields 3 reminders altogether.

*** Other Friends have made their contri-bution in kind, which generally meanscontributing or promising to contrib-ute to the collections.

# Assuming that 0 of the 3 remindedFriends pay their dues in the courseof this month, 70 Friends is a morerealistic figure than 6. Next year, wewill learn whether this assumption isjustified. e board is considering pro-ducing and distributing a leaflet andintends to consult professionals.

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The four-year researchproject Work, Incomeand the State conducted

by a group of Dutch and Rus-sian researchers based in Moscowhas entered its third year. In thisproject income-earning strategiesof the non-agrarian population intwentieth century Russia and theSoviet Union are examined basedon the household as the centralunit of analysis. How have house-holds used human capital, labour

and other available resources togenerate income, and how havehouseholds adapted to social,economic and political changes.Such research requires a perspec-tive that transcends the micro-level of the household for Rus-sia during this period even morewith similar studies about othertimes and places. e populationof twentieth-century Russia andthe Soviet-Union has probablysuffered more severely and more

frequently at the hands of thestate than the population in anyother country in Europe. On at

The following matterswere presented anddiscussed: changes in

the number of friends dur-ing the first four years, theRussian Research project,the contribution from theFriends of the and annualfigures.

Changes in the number ofFriends 2000-2003After four years of the

Friends, the time has come toreview membership fluctua-tions (see table). While theirnumber continues to rise, thepace of growth has slowed.

least two occasions, sharp reversalsof state economic policy have sentstandards of living plummeting,first during the nationalizationand forced industrialization of the

930s and second when the eco-nomic system established duringthose years was dismantled againin the course of the liberalizationand privatization of the 990s.State intervention thus figures asa major factor in determining therange of options within whichhouseholds shape their economicbehaviour and is consequently acentral focus in the project.Research started at the centralunit of analysis: the household.

As little has been written aboutthe history of the urban familyin the Soviet Union, publishedand unpublished census data onfamily size and composition havebeen compared over time to gaina general impression of the maintrends. We were especially inter-ested in variations in householdstructure, distinguishing betweennuclear families consisting of oneor two generations from three-generational extended or mul-

tiple households. Three-genera-tional households turned out toaccount for a remarkably stable

share of 5-20 per cent, suggestingthat three-generational householdswere the preferred living arrange-ment, whether because of culturalcustoms or out of practical consid-

erations (i.e. housing shortages).All the same, households werenot very large. Average family sizegradually decreased from 4.2 per-sons in 897 to 3.3 in 989. Evenmany extended households wererather small, despite consistingof three generations. e high ex-cess mortality among men duringthe many wars waged during thetwentieth century led to a surplusof women on the marriage market.As a result, substantial numbers of

single women and widows, par-ticularly among the older genera-tions, had little hope of remarry-ing following the divorce from orthe death of a spouse. ese singlegrannies, or babushkas, were piv-otal in the formation of extendedfamilies in twentieth-centuryurban society in Russia. Becausethey were single, they hoped tospend their twilight years withtheir children, and, also becausethey were single, their children

managed to accommodate themin the generally rather crampedliving conditions in the towns.


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agriculture. Men worked primari-ly in paid employment, achievingfull employment rates by the mid-930s. Until the mid-960s thefemale contribution to the fam-ily economy was therefore morediversified than that of the men,

with a larger share in kind ratherthan in cash. Household dutieswere performed overwhelminglyby women, even when they tookup paid employment.e major turnaround in employ-ment patterns of the mid-960s isattributable to a subtle balance offactors. First, it coincided withan increase in the number of ex-tended households, as the gen-eration of war widows aged andmoved in with their children.

Young women were free to takeup paid employment and leavetheir children with their mothersor mothers-in-law during the day.

At the same time, the state startedto make childcare facilities morewidely available, which yieldeda similar effect. From the early970s, labour participation rateswere fairly similar among menand women.

is trend did not, however, leadto a redistribution of householdduties between men and women.Household work remained a sol-idly female responsibility. As aconsequence, working womenfaced a double workload. Nowomens emancipation move-ment ever materialized in the So-viet Union. Although its absencewas primarily due to politicalfactors, our research suggests thatcertain social factors might have

come into play as well. e pres-ence of the babushka in extendedfamilies, who took over some ofthe household duties of workingwomen, for example, enabled themen to avoid doing any house-work at all and to live and eat wellall the same. Nor is the presenceof two generations of women inthe household likely to have beenconducive to male involvementin household duties, other thantraditionally male pursuits, such

as fishing, cutting firewood, andrepairing the car.The current research is focusedon household income. From theearly 930s until the demise ofthe Soviet Union, systematic dataon income and expenditure havebeen gathered for a sample of ur-ban and rural households. Withfew exceptions, the data gatheredthrough this effort were neverpublicly disclosed and remainedinaccessible to most historians

until a decade ago. Despite thedaunting nature of the task, utiliz-ing this unique source for study ofthe family economy in the twen-tieth century figures among theexpress aims of our project. Ashas been the case with the dataon household composition andstructure, the scope of this in-vestigation is expected to extendbeyond that of the household tocover key developments in twen-tieth-century social history Russia

and the Soviet Union.

Gijs Kessler

e second stage of the researchhas addressed work, employment,and division of labour within thehousehold. e areas investigatedinclude the income-generating ac-tivities pursued (whether in cashor in kind) and the measure of par-

ticipation by different members ofthe household in these activities,distinguishing mainly betweenpaid work and household choresand between men and women.Contrary to the widely held beliefthat all men and women workedin the Soviet Union, universalemployment came into beingonly in the 960s. Many womennever took up paid employmentbefore that point. Apart from per-forming household chores, their

contribution to the family budgetconsisted primarily of small-scalevegetable gardening and animalhusbandry, known as subsidiary

H E E E E E R U RE U E I [ E E R H RE E Y ] ( H ) ,

9 4 5 - 9 6 9 , E V E E R E ( E R , 9 3 )

I

n 990 the acquired the vast photo ar-chive of the . Processing the collectionrevealed that a considerable share of the ar-

chive consisting of the 4 x 5 sheet film acetatenegatives was rapidly deteriorating. is process isknown as the acetate syndrome. Many prints weremade since then, and in some cases the negativebecame useless within a few months. Not all thematerial was printed, however, since the processis extremely expensive. ese negatives were du-plicated on polyester 35 mm film. According tothe information presently available, this type offilm will last a few centuries, if stored at roomtemperature under normal humidity. BetweenApril and June 2003, the ,730 negatives presentwere inspected for signs of damage: 8,202 nega-

tives had suffered no damage at all, and 3,528 weredamaged in various ways, with most showing signsof tunnelling (see Image ). e 55 negatives thathad not been damaged at all at the end of June2003 but were affected by the acetate syndromebetween June 2003 and the actual duplicationin late December 2003 indicate the urgency ofthis duplication. Ultimately, 8,47 4 x 5 acetatenegatives were duplicated on the new stable carrierthanks to a contribution from the Friends.

. 4 X 5 E E E I VE I H U E I

2 . E - RE E 4 X 5 E E E I V E

3 . Y E E R U I E


15/16

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H E E R R 8 2 0 0 4

8-2-2002

2003

8-2-2003

2004

E I E -.1 -1. -1. ,.1

R E V E U E Dues ,. ,. ,1. ,.Donations earmarked for women ,. ,. ,. ,.Donations earmarked for Russia ,. ,. ,. ,.Grant from AD-Druk ,. ,. ,. ,.Advertising revenues . . . .Interest . . .

RE V E U E 164,713.91 165,034.27 164,686.64 166,026.00

E X E I U R E Publishing costsOn the Waterfront ,1. ... 1,. ,.On the Waterfront ,1. ... 1,. ,.

,. ,. ,. ,.

Grants issued, research on women ,. ,. ,. ,., research on Russia ,. ,. ,. ,., Kurdish material ,. ., Korean material 1,., to be determined for 2003 ,. ,. ,.

,. ,. ,. ,.

General administrative expensesPublic relations 1. .Bank fees and currency exchange differences 1.1 . .

. . . .

E X E I U R E 164,970.30 164,534.27 161,204.94 165,636.00

I E -55.54 -5.54 2,966.6

RE I E

Bank balance ,1. ,.Gift for members, yet to be paid -. .Outstanding 2003 -,.Outstanding publishing costs -,. -1,.Contributions to be received from Friends . 1,.Advertising revenues to be received . .Kurdish materials to be paid -,. .Korean materials to be paid -1,. -1,.

-1. ,.1

I I R E U R 2 0 0 3 U E R 2 0 0 4

On Contributions from Friends:e section Change in the number of Friendsindicates that contributions from Friends are

somewhat lower than expected, as the budgetreflects. The reason is clearly that contribu-tions from several Friends are still outstanding.If all deposit the same amount before the endof the year as on previous occasions, then wewill have received an additional 2,900 euros atthat point. Accordingly, the breakdown of theavailable balance for 2003 indicates at least anadditional ,000 euros. is estimate appearsrather conservative. We therefore feel justifiedin setting this item in the 2004 budget at thesame amount as the one for 2003. On Publishing costs:ese are lower primarily because we have omit-ted old reservations (from 2000-2002) for in-voices we still expected from the desk-top pub-lisher, the translator, and others. Inquiries haverevealed that no more invoices are outstanding.e actual costs have remained roughly the same

or have increased slightly. On the other hand,we have received an equal amount in kind fromthe printer (- has decided to continue

subsidizing us in 2004!). On Kurdish and Korean material:e collection we donated to the Institute lastyear proved more expensive (200 euros) thananticipated. We have yet to receive confirma-tion regarding the Korean collection and havetherefore continued to reserve ,000 euros. On IIHstill to decide 2003:The board proposes donating 3,500 euros tothe in connection with the restoration ofendangered sections of the Van Meerendonkcollection. Sinds 990 is het in bezit vanhet omvangrijke fotoarchief van het AlgemeenFotopersbureau (), 945-969 van Ben vanMeerendonk (Amsterdam, 93). Al bij de orden-ing bleek dat een aanzienlijk deel van het archief,namelijk de 4x5 vlakfilm acetaat negatieven,snel in kwaliteit achteruitging. Dit proces wordtaangeduid als het acetaatsyndroom. Veel mate-

riaal is sindsdien afgedrukt, waarna het negatiefsoms al na enkele maanden verder onbruikbaarwerd. Lang niet alles is echter afgedrukt aangez-

ien de kosten daarvan bijzonder hoog oplopen.Besloten werd om deze negatieven te duplicerenop polyester kleinbeeldfilm. Volgens de huidigeinzichten blijft dit soort film onder normale kli-matogische omstandigheden een paar eeuwengoed. In de maanden april-juni 2003 werdende aanwezige 730 negatieven geselecteerd opschade: 8202 negatieven waren schadevrij, 3528stuks vertoonden diversen vormen van schade,waaronder de meeste lijden aan tunneling(zie afbeelding ). Om de urgentie van deze du-plicering aan te geven: tussen juni 2003 en deuiteindelijke duplicering eind december 2003waren inmiddels 55 negatieven, die eind juni2003 dus nog schadevrij waren, aangetast doorhet acetaatsyndroom. Uiteindelijk konden 8474x5 acetaat negatieven dankzij een bijdragevan de vrienden worden gedupliceerd op denieuwe stabiele drager.

Notes regarding the annual figures:


16/16

Cruquiusweg 311019 AT Amsterdam

The NetherlandsT + 31 20 6685866F + 31 20 [email protected]

AntropologieEtnische studiesSociale en EconomischeGeschiedenisPolitieke theorieSociologieCommunicatiewetenschapVrouwenstudies

Verkrijgbaar in debetere boekhandelof rechtstreeks bijde uitgeverij

Marga Altena e.a (red.)Moordmeiden en schone slaapstersBeleving en verbeelding van vrouwen en de doodJAARBOEK VOOR VROUWENGESCHIEDENIS 24

(ISBN 90 5260 137 2, 224 PAGINAS, GELLUSTREERD, 17,50)

Was Magere Hein altijd al een man? In het nieuwe Jaarboek voor Vrouwengeschiedenis

staat de dood centraal. Vanuit verschillende disciplines onderzoekt een negental auteurs hoe

vrouwen zich in de loop van de tijd hebben verhouden tot de dood. Wat was de plaats van

vrouwen bij de belevenis en de praktijk van overlijden en rouw, van herdenking en verering?

Welk geslacht werd de dood door de eeuwen heen toegekend en waarom? Werd een vrou-

welijke (zelf)moordenaar op dezelfde manier beoordeeld als een mannelijke? In de bijdragen over moordenaressen wordthet gangbare patroon van de mannelijke dader en het vrouwelijke slachtoffer ter discussie gesteld. Ook in de kunsten,

zowel in prachtige miniaturen van gebedenboeken als in dramatische toneeluitvoeringen, blijkt in het verleden het bereik

van mannen en vrouwen tegenover de dood verrassend gevarieerd.

Barbara Kruijsen (red.)BarbieHistorische opstellen over een droomvrouw(ISBN 90 5260 142 9, 96 PAGINAS, FULL COLOUR GELLUSTREERD, 12,90)

Op 9 maart 2004 vierde Barbie haar 45e verjaardag. Ze werd op die datum in 1959 ge-

presenteerd op een speelgoedbeurs in New York. Vijf jaar later was ze voor het eerst ook

in Nederland te koop. De pop was een doorslaand succes. Er zijn in 40 jaar tijd miljoenen

barbiepoppen verkocht en veel meisjes hebben een deel van hun jeugd met het slankeplastic vrouwtje doorgebracht. Maar hoe bijzonder is Barbie eigenlijk? Dit boek laat zien dat

meisjes in de klassieke oudheid al speelden met poppen met beweegbare ledematen en

vrouwelijke lichaamsvormen. Zo nieuw was het concept van Mattel dus niet. Ook de typische roze kleur valt historisch

gezien niet samen met de introductie van Barbie. Lichtroze was in de 18e eeuw een typische mannenkleur. Verschillende

andere speelgoedfabrikanten brachten tienerpoppen voor meisjes op de markt. Maar geen enkele beleefde het succes

van Barbie. Met bijdragen van Annemarieke Willemsen, Irene Cieraad en Hlne Winkelman.

Arjan van RooijBuilding plantsMarkets for technology and internal capabilities in DSMsfertiliser business, 1925-1970(ISBN 90 5260 138 0, 282 PAGINAS, 25,00)

The Dutch firm DSM is now more than one hundred years old. Over its long history, DSM

developed from coal mining and coke production to a diversified, international chemical

company and became one of the leading Dutch multinationals. Industrial research played

an important role in this transformation. DSMs research laboratory was one of the largest in

the Netherlands. However, there were also other means to appropriate the technology that

was necessary to manufacture products. In some sectors of the chemical industry, there was a

market for technology in which companies bought and sold technologies in various forms and in various ways. This book

tries to analyse why and how DSM used this market and in which cases the company used its internal resources. It does

so by following the engineering and construction of new plants and the expansion of existing installations. In this way, it

becomes possible to analyse the market for technology as well as in-house capabilities. The book focuses on DSMs nitro-

gen fertiliser business between 1925 and 1970, a period in which fertilisers formed an important pillar of the company.

Jaap BarendregtOorlogseffectenRoof en rechtsherstel van joods effectenbezit(ISBN 90 5260 135 6, 128 PAGINAS, GELLUSTREERD, 6,95)

Eind jaren negentig van de vorige eeuw kwamen de door de Duitse bezetter tijdens de

Tweede Wereldoorlog geroofde joodse effecten, de rol van de beurshandel daarin, en het

rechtsherstel dat daar in Nederland na de bevrijding op was gevolgd, weer volop in de be-

langstelling te staan. Uit onderzoek bleek dat het naoorlogse rechtsherstel in Nederland niet

volledig was geweest en dat er kwalijke gebreken bij waren opgetreden, met name in het

effectenrechtsherstel. Uit het eindrapport van de Commissie Scholten dat in december 1999

uitkwam, bleek dat de belangrijkste toenmalige vertegenwoordiger van het beurswezen, de

Vereniging voor de Effectenhandel (VvdE), tijdens de Duitse bezetting en in de eerste jarendaarna in strijd had gehandeld met het rechtsgevoel. Naar aanleiding van het rapport van de Commissie Scholten zijn

de VvdE (inmiddels in liquidatie) en haar opvolger, Amsterdam Exchanges, samen met de Nederlandse Vereniging van

Banken in 2000 tot overeenstemming gekomen met vertegenwoordigers van joodse instellingen over een compensatie

ter afronding van het effectenrechtsherstel. Onderdeel van die overeenkomst was onder meer de uitgave van dit boek,

d b i ijd d b i i k j d ff d l di d li V dE d bij h f

on the waterfront 8

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