on the authenticity of black pentecostal worship as ......on the authenticity of black pentecostal...
TRANSCRIPT
On the authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship
as theology and cultural expression.
Neil J Barker
(uploaded to www.worshipenrich.co.uk on 23rd October 2013)
(originally submitted as an essay for the MA in Contemporary Worship course at King's College, London with the title: ‘Christian Worship should be authentic as theology and cultural expression.’ Discuss in relation to Black Pentecostal Worship.)
The authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as theology and cultural expression - Neil J Barker
INTRODUCTION
I find myself identifying with other non-blacks who have a ‘profound belief in the
ability of African-Americans to attain a deep, emotional, and […] inspiring worship through
(their) sacred music’.1 And yet I feel there are aspects that I am distanced from, perhaps
simply because I am not black, and probably because it is something that ‘must be lived
before it can be truly understood’2. Nevertheless I want to examine Black Pentecostal worship
more closely in order to understand it better and to see what authenticity means for a form of
worship outside that which I normally experience.
In order to explore the authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship we will look in
broad terms at the reasons for its formation as something distinct with a very recognizable
identity. We will summarize these as being, firstly; a reaction to what was perceived in the
nineteenth century as a religion without spiritual life and a longing to appropriate the
‘almighty power of God’3, and secondly; a reaction to racial oppression and a desire for Black
people to affirm their African-American identity. These elements can be seen today when
Black Pentecostalists say they feel ‘at home’4 in their authentic services full of music,
emotion, movement and ‘encounter with God’5 and, conversely, find it not easy to connect
with more reserved worship services of other traditions.
1 Gerardo Marti, Worship Across the Racial Divide: Religious Music and the Multiracial Congregation (Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 51 <http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392975.001.0001/acprof-9780195392975> [accessed 25 October 2012].2 James H. Cone, The Spirituals and the Blues: An Interpretation (Maryknoll, N.Y: Orbis Books, 1991), p. 3.3 Thomas F. Zimmerman, ‘The Reason for the Rise of the Pentecostal Movement’, in Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins, ed. by Vinson Synan (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1975), pp. 7–13 (pp. 8, 9).4 John Root, Encountering Westindian Pentecostalism: Its Ministry Andworship, Grove Booklet on Ministry and Worship, no.66 (Bramcote: Grove Books, 1979), p. 7.5 Daniel Tomberlin, Pentecostal Sacraments: Encountering God at the Altar (Cleveland: Center for Pentecostal Leadership & Care, 2010), p. 7.
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The authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as theology and cultural expression - Neil J Barker
My starting point for examining corporate Black Pentecostal Worship will be by
proposing that a typical service can be divided into three main parts or ‘rites’, namely:
‘worship and praise’, ‘pastoral message’ and ‘altar response’. Different defining beliefs and
practices that are expressed in each of these ‘rites’ will be explored and we will examine how
these can be seen to authentically flow from both a synthesis of aspects of Black culture
(primarily using African-American sources) and from theological convictions (for example,
about the Holy Spirit and also emphases from the nineteenth century ‘holiness movement’).
Different writers seem to indicate that one part of the service is more important or
significant than another, but we shall argue that the three different parts of the service each
contribute important authentic theological and cultural elements which make up a rich
worship ‘liturgy’, which as a whole is authentic.
The question of authenticity and Christian worship will then be discussed further with
reference to our findings with regard to Black Pentecostal worship and we will maintain that
Black Pentecostal worship is both authentic theologically (being clearly identified with, for
example, Pentecostal beliefs) and culturally (having been clearly forged with reference to
Black culture) and it will be argued that this is what gives its strength and distinctive appeal.
Furthermore, we will suggest that the downside of being so distinctively authentic is a
tendency towards separation from other Christian groups and, in addition, a tendency towards
fossilization where, despite changes in culture outside the church, the church remains static
and thereby risks, for example, alienating the young people in the church. Therefore we will
be concluding, in response to this essay’s title statement, that Christian Worship should aim to
be culturally and theologically authentic but that through intentional dialogue there should be
an awareness and appreciation of the strengths of other Christian traditions and, also, an
awareness of developments of the culture in which the church has its roots and that, therefore,
there should be an ongoing review of worship practices in the light of these conversations.
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The authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as theology and cultural expression - Neil J Barker
REASONS FOR BLACK PENTECOSTALISM’S DISTINCTIVENESS
One of the notable features of its distinctiveness is that common characteristics can be
identified in congregations geographically far apart, namely, in America, the Caribbean and
the United Kingdom. We might expect there to be common root causes for this measure of
identification with a particular authentic expression.
From a historical religious perspective, Black Pentecostalism can be seen as
developing from an embracing of the Holiness movement in the nineteenth century with its
call for the church to seek the ‘fire’ of the Holy Spirit’s empowering in order to pursue again
high personal moral standards, loving service and prayerfulness.6 They also embraced the
teaching developed by a white Pentecostal that the initial sign that someone had been
‘baptized in the Holy Spirit’ was to speak in tongues.7 Although the part played by Blacks in
early Pentecostalism is ‘much neglected and often misunderstood’8, it can be argued that
Black Pentecostalism, with its Black music,9 was a ‘central contributor to historic
Pentecostalism’10.11 12 Not least this is because of a wide acceptance that the congregation in
Azuza Street led by an African-American William Seymour was made up substantially of
blacks and that from here in 1906 spread the Pentecostal movement across America and, and
that ‘within twenty years, no part of the American landscape and very little of the world
remained untouched by the revival that emerged from Azuza Street’13.14
6 Afro-Pentecostalism: Black Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in History and Culture, ed. by Amos Yong and Estrelda Alexander, Religion, Race, and Ethnicity Series (New York; London: New York University Press, 2011), p. 2.7 Yong and Alexander, p. 4.8 Lovett, Leonard, ‘Black Origins of the Pentecostal Movement’, in Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins, ed. by Vinson Synan (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1975), pp. 123–141 (p. 123).9 Keith Warrington, Pentecostal Theology: A Theology of Encounter (London: T & T Clark International, 2008), p. 223.10 Yong and Alexander, p. 1.11 Stanley A. Steward, Where Sin Abounds: A Religious History of Las Vegas (Eugene, Or: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2012), p. 25.12 Iain MacRobert, The Black Roots and White Racism of Early Pentecostalism in the USA (Basingstoke, Hampshire: The Macmillan Press Ltd, 1988), p. 78.13 Yong and Alexander, p. 2,3.14 Lovett, Leonard, p. 136.
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The authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as theology and cultural expression - Neil J Barker
But, perhaps even more importantly, it will be argued, this distinctiveness flows from
the African-American identity which was forged in the crucible of institutional and state-
sanctioned racial oppression and abuse and as they sought to resist assimilation.15
Descendants of African-Americans would have been African slaves brought forcibly, and
under terrible conditions, to America as part of the infamous slave trade. This led to an
authentic finding of identity and meaning by keeping a hold, even if re-interpreted, on aspects
of the culture which came from their African roots (for example, dance and rhythm) and a
development of a religion associated with the singing of ‘spirituals’.16 One of the striking
things in early Black Pentecostalism was the frequency of church attendance. In Las Vegas
this was sometimes daily and was due to the church being the place where slaves could be
free from their masters to participate in, among other things, ‘African styled worship’.17
Raboteau explains how slaves would meet together in the evenings clandestinely to worship
God, pour out ‘their pains and suffering to each other and to God, and provide occasions to
form their own self-image’.18 Their ‘spirituals’ had roots in their African traditions, and also
were a remarkable incorporation of their slave owner’s Christianity,19 but also acted as a
positive expression of resistance to the racial oppression.20 Cone maintains that ‘the slaves
were obliged to create their own religion out of the remnants that were available and useful,
both African and Christian.’21
We have considered the development of distinctiveness by reference to the experience
of African-Americans but Black Pentecostal Afro-Caribbeans, who would have shared a
similar history of oppression by white slave owners, were introduced to Pentecostalism
15 MacRobert, pp. 9–11.16 MacRobert, pp. 11–15.17 Steward, p. 57.18 Albert J. Raboteau referenced in Edward P. Wimberly, ‘The Dynamics of Black Worship: a Psychosocial Exploration of the Impulses That Lie at the Roots of Black Worship.’, Journal of the Interdenominational Theological Center, 14 (1987), 195–207 (p. 195).19 John Duncan, ‘Negro Spirituals Once More’, Negro History Bulletin, 10:4 (1947), 80–82, 95 (p. 80, 81).20 Cone, p. 13.21 Cone, p. 28.
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through African-American missionaries.22 And then some of these emigrated to the United
Kingdom to help form the Black Pentecostal movement there. 23 24 So we will assume all these
are reasons why there is a similarity of Black Pentecostal worship regardless of denomination
or location. In addition Alexander and Yong suggest that it is due to the widespread influence
of ‘Pentecostal spirituality’ on the ‘Black Church’.25
WORSHIP SERVICE ANAYLSIS
We will use some of Daniel Albrecht’s approaches to analyze how authenticity is
expressed in the worship services. In studying four different pentecostal/charismatic churches
Albrecht develops a ‘ritual approach’ which can be used to help identify and discern what is
going on in a corporate worship service.26 Even though he agrees with James White that in
Pentecostal worship liturgy there is ‘a fair amount of meandering that takes place’ he
contends that there are patterns that can be perceived which identify a structure in the worship
service.27 Root also contends that, even though it may look even chaotic at times, there is
structure that both minister and congregation recognise.28 In order to analyze what is going
on, Albrecht helpfully breaks down different aspects of the ‘ritual’, that is the worship
service, into different ‘rites’. He uses Grimes’ definition of a ‘rite’, namely, ‘a set of actions
widely recognized by members of a culture’ which are distinct from ‘ordinary behaviour’.29
Three major or foundational rites are identified, namely: Worship and praise, Pastoral
Message, Altar response. In addition, there a number of smaller ‘microrites’ which occur
22 Diane J. Austin-Broos, Jamaica Genesis: Religion and the Politics of Moral Orders (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), p. 1.23 William K. Kay, Pentecostals in Britain (Carlisle: Paternoster Press, 2000), p. 32.24 Mark Sturge, Look What the Lord Has Done!: An Exploration of Black Christian Faith in Britain (Scripture Union Publishing, 2005), p. 53.25 Yong and Alexander, p. 4.26 Daniel E. Albrecht, Rites in the Spirit: a Ritual Approach to Pentecostal/Charismatic Spirituality, Journal of Pentecostal Theology, 17 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1999).27 Albrecht, p. 152.28 John Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism: Its Ministry and Worship (Grove Books Ltd, 1979), p. 18.29 Albrecht, p. 153.
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The authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as theology and cultural expression - Neil J Barker
within these three rites or are used in a ‘transitory’ way in order to move from a major rite to
the next. For example, within the first part of the service there may be a time when someone
is invited to pray, or when people are invited to ‘share a testimony’, or there may be an
invitation for people to pray for healing.30 Root notes that many of these ‘microrites’ are
participatory which give different opportunities for members of the congregation to take a
leading role in the service.31 At other times the sacramental rite of Holy Communion and
Baptism will be included. The number and position in the service of these ‘microrites’ can
vary from service to service, church to church. He also identifies a rich number of ways or
‘modes’ that the ‘ritualists’ (that is, those taking part in the ritual of the worship service) can
respond to what is going on – with celebration, contemplation, intention (Albrecht actually
uses the term ‘transcendental efficacy’ to describe the mode when Pentecostals pray expecting
an answer, for example, in healing prayer ministry), penitence, ecstasy, a sense of ceremony
and improvisation.32 In addition, he uses the concept of the ‘ritual field’ to describe the
categories of where and in what ways ‘ritual’ activity’ takes place.33 One of the key elements
that function as part of this ‘ritual field’, and that have a significant impact worship, are
‘icons’. What does he mean by ‘icon’ here? It is something that provides, a ‘window’, an
‘intersection’ or a ‘pathway’ to an encounter with God.34 Albrecht identifies a number of
things that have an ‘iconic function’: the congregation itself, ritual sounds (for example,
music), ritual sight (for example, the Bible) and kinaesthetic experience (for example, raising
hands in worship).35 We will argue that ‘icons’ are a particular aspect of worship which will
need authentically to reflect theology and culture. As with debates about the use of traditional
Christian icons and symbols there will always be a question of how much a symbol is a help
30 Albrecht, pp. 150–176, 193.31 Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism, p. 18.32 Albrecht, pp. 177–189, 193.33 Albrecht, pp. 121–122.34 Albrecht, p. 143.35 Albrecht, p. 143.
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The authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as theology and cultural expression - Neil J Barker
or a distraction and we will consider this issue as we look at the individual service
components because if ‘icons’ are more of a distraction than help this will affect negatively
the authenticity of worship. Further help to analyze what is happening comes from James
Smith whose approach using other terms seems to echo, in particular, what Albrecht says
about ‘icons’. He argues that the concept of the ‘social imaginary’ can help us see what is
‘embedded in Christian worship’.36 He argues that as human beings we are ‘oriented’ to act in
certain ways not so much because of appeals to the mind and what we think intellectually
about something but by things that ‘grab hold of our hearts’ in a ‘nonconscious’ way.37 We
respond in this way, ‘through our imagination’, to things that we ‘desire’ (often)
unconsciously.38 Charles Taylor developed the concept of a ‘social imaginary’ to describe a
‘common understanding’ (which is not so much expressed as a theory but in ‘images, stories,
and legends’) and which ‘makes possible common practices and a widely shared sense of
legitimacy’.39 Applying this idea to Black Pentecostal worship images might include the
pulpit and the Bible which might ‘speak’ to everyone of God’s immanent presence and, as
music is such an important element, we need to include in this ‘common understanding’
sounds and rhythms because styles of music seem to ‘communicate’ particular authentic
‘cues’ to a Black Pentecostal congregation. Furthermore, in the words of Ogbu Kalu, ‘art,
ritual symbols, and dance elevate and expand spiritual horizons and express what the heart
feels’.40
36 James K. A. Smith, Desiring the Kingdom: Worship, Worldview, and Cultural Formation, Volume 1 of Cultural Liturgies (Grand Rapids, Mich: Baker Academic, 2009), p. 155. 37 Smith, p. 63.38 Smith, p. 63.39 Charles Taylor, Modern Social Imaginaries, Public Planet Books (Durham, N.C: Duke University Press, 2004), p. 23.40 Ogbu Uke Kalu, ‘Holy Praiseco: Negotiating Sacred and Popular Music and Dance in African Pentecostalism’,Pneuma, 32 (2010), 16–40 (p. 20).
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The authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as theology and cultural expression - Neil J Barker
WORSHIP & PRAISE AS THE KEY AUTHENTIC EXPRESSION
Singing and music in Black Pentecostal worship is often described as being rhythmic
and swinging, loud, repetitious but improvisory, participatory and engaging.41 Movement is
associated with the music which can include: foot tapping, hand raising, clapping, dancing
and tambourine shaking and the music can be accompanied by exclamations of praise such as:
hallelujah, ‘praise the Lord!’ and whoops.42
Some writers point to music as the most defining ingredient of Black Pentecostal
worship. Some point to music as being a defining cultural distinctive for African-Americans.
Cone says, ‘When Africans were enslaved in America, they brought with them their culture
as defined by their music.’43 However, others acknowledge the influence of the ‘white man’s
church’ and his hymns on Blacks when they attended ‘religious services of the whites.’44 The
spirituals were born out of an interaction of their inherent African style with the religious
music of the whites but this resulting music was distinctive and clearly their own45. Others
highlight that it is particularly the Black sense of rhythm that sets the music apart.46 So in
considering the distinctive and authentic nature of Black Pentecostal worship we could argue
that, a major aspect of this flows from the assertion that Black music, which includes
spirituals, articulates ‘the separateness of the black community’47. Root identifies how
significant he views the whole hearted singing of a full congregation giving a defining
‘weight’ to worship. 48 Stanley Steward sees music with a high level of congregational
engagement as being emphasized in early Black Pentecostal worship in Las Vegas.49 This,
41 MacRobert, p. 93.42 Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism, p. 20.43 Cone, p. 30 (emphasis mine).44 John Duncan, p. 80.45 John Duncan, p. 81.46 John Duncan, p. 95.47 Cone, p. 5,6.48 Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism, p. 20.49 Steward, p. 28.
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The authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as theology and cultural expression - Neil J Barker
also, reflects the African traditional worship setting where music was instrumental in bringing
everyone into the ritual as participants not as bystanders.50 When authentic Black worship
music captivates everyone in a congregation it has the capacity to fuse that assembly together.
In his book on developing a multiracial church Gerardo Marti maintains that ‘gospel music is
generally understood to be the music required to successfully bring African Americans into a
congregation’ and ‘even though there is widespread appreciation for gospel music, gospel is
believed to be most enjoyed by blacks.’51 It is noteworthy that many non-blacks will
acknowledge that black people have a natural propensity to worship which includes an
emotional freedom and freedom.52 Martin also maintains, for example, that African
Americans aware that they have a special ‘connection’ to worship and this gives rise to
worship that is “strong” and “deep”.53 Albrecht records in his studies of
pentecostal/charismatic churches that many reported ‘the reality of close communion with the
divine heightened during the singing’.54 Why is it that music acts as a vehicle for authentic
worship? Albrecht suggests an iconic function of worship music where the overall effect of
the sounds ‘symbolize an entrance into the felt presence of God’.55 The music acts as a signal
and encouragement for the worshipper. Don Saliers suggests that as worshippers sing then
what they are singing about, particularly sentiments, like joy, trust, and thankfulness become
‘knit into their bodies’.56 The Black Pentecostal perspective on worship could be summarised
by the exclamation; ‘”I’m glad I’ve got a God I can feel!”’57 Black Pentecostal worship is
unashamedly emotional and they are open about using music intentionally to ‘shape’ the
50 George Ofori-Atta-Thomas, ‘The African Inheritance in the Black Church Worship.’, Journal of the Interdenominational Theological Center, 14 (1987), 43–74 (p. 58).51 Marti, pp. 52,53.52 Marti, p. 51.53 Marti, pp. 51,52.54 Albrecht, p. 143.55 Albrecht, p. 143.56 Don Saliers quoted in Smith, p. 171.57 Carlton Pearson, a Black American preacher quoted in Joel Edwards, ‘The Pentecostal Distinctives’, in Let’s Praise Him Again! (Eastbourne: Kingsway Publications, 1992), pp. 67–95 (p. 92).
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The authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as theology and cultural expression - Neil J Barker
atmosphere so that the congregation is guided to respond emotionally and authentically to
God.58
In African culture dance predominates in rites and celebrations,59 and furthermore,
bodies are used ‘as instruments through which every conceivable emotion or event is
projected’60. With regard to dance Craig Scandett-Letherman highlights its significance,
particularly for men, when he submits ‘that Afro-Pentecostal dance was (and is) an expression
of life that resists the dehumanizing effects of effects of violence’.61 He contends this is why
Charles Harrison Mason (1866-1961) the black founding minister of the largest Afro-
Pentecostal church, the Church of God in Christ, defended dance in his congregation along
with resistance to military conscription. 62 It was as though these became new rites of black
manhood that replaced those initiation ceremonies where ‘boys became men’ that were left
behind in Africa.63 This would explain why dance and movement is such an authentic part of
Black Pentecostal worship. In some denominations we would not expect to see a church
minister dance in the pulpit, in fact, the congregation would probably be suspicious of them
but, in Black Pentecostal worship dancing and movement is the norm. It also highlights why
there is no problem drawing approval for dance and movement in worship from the Bible.
Wright examines and provides a translation of a key Biblical example of David moving in
worship where he ‘pranced with exuberance before Yaweh’ and explained that he ‘will revel
before Yaweh’. 64 Here we see that theologically dance is associated with ‘wholeheartedness’
58 Stuart Pattico from comment in his lecture at King’s College, London [25 October 2012]59 Ofori-Atta-Thomas, p. 62.60 Pearl Primus, ‘African Dance’, in African Dance: An Artistic, Historical, and Philosophical Inquiry, ed. by Kariamu Welsh Asante, illustrated edition (Lawrenceville, New Jersey: Africa World Press, Inc, 1998), pp. 3–12(p. 6).61 Craig Scandrett-Leatherman, ‘Rites of Lynching and Rights of Dance - Historic, Anthropological, and Afro-Pentecostal Perspectives on Black Manhood After 1865’, in Afro-Pentecostalism: Black Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in history and culture, ed. by Amos Yong and Estrelda Alexander, Religion, Race, and Ethnicity Series (New York; London: New York University Press, 2011), pp. 95–115 (p. 95,96).62 Scandrett-Leatherman, p. 95,96.63 Scandrett-Leatherman, p. 95,96.64 David P. Wright, ‘Music and Dance in 2 Samuel 6’, Journal of Biblical Literature, 121 (2002), 201–225 (p. 209).
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in worship and this indicates why dance can be seen as a particularly helpful authentic form of
worship because it is associated with a high level of devotional commitment. Evidence for
dance in worship from the New Testament is not found by many explicit references in the
New Testament and although Adams suggests that for the early church ‘rejoicing’ would have
been synonymous with dancing he bases this on the assumption that dancing was pervasive in
the worship of the second temple period and continued on through the long ‘inter-testament’
period to the time of the early church. 65 A possibly slightly more convincing case for dancing
in the early church could be made though from Black’s contention that an Aramaic term for
“rejoice” also means “dance” and so allows us to assume the possibility dancing when the
New Testament talks of rejoicing. 66 Both these arguments seem to need more evidence for
them to be useful in building a theology of dance from the New Testament. Hence, Black
Pentecostalism really depends on the Old Testament for its authentic theology of dance.
However, Len Anglin raises a question over whether it is valid or necessary to
consider cultural influences with regard to certain elements of worship. He asks the question
‘Does the black church recognise that certain aspects of worship – hand-clapping, dancing,
the use of musical instruments, vocal expression of rejoicing – are not cultural?’67 Although,
this is not questioning the importance of music within Black Pentecostal worship the
underlying premise for this question seems to be that as these elements are seen as ‘biblical’
and, therefore, they have legitimate theological warrant they are not there due to cultural
influence. However, while we would want to agree that there are biblical examples for these
aspects of worship, we have seen above a powerful cultural reason for why it is the norm, for
example, for preachers to ‘dance’ during worship times whereas this could be rather shocking,
for instance, for a traditional Anglican congregation. In addition, we must go on to say that, 65 Doug Adams, ‘Moving Beyond Words for Dance: A Bibliographical Essay on “Dance and Religion” Studies Using Form Criticism.’, ARTS, 2 (1990), 23–27 (p. 24).66 Adams, p. 24.67 Ken Anglin, ‘The Interaction Between Culture and Worship’, in Let’s Praise Him Again! (Eastbourne: Kingsway Publications, 1992), pp. 96–115 (p. 111).
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although there may be biblical examples of certain activities employed in worship, the way
these were carried out, that is, the actual ‘style’ cannot be ascertained. We would argue then
that ‘style’ is related to cultural influence and that the authentic sense of feeling ‘at home’ is
felt because things are somehow carried out in the ‘right’ way.
PASTORAL MESSAGE AS THE KEY AUTHENTIC EXPRESSION
In African culture the ‘medicine man’ served in the manner of ‘doctors and pastors’ in
their communities and Ofori-Atta-Thomas argues that this holistic legacy of leadership can be
found in the Black pastor and that as ‘priest-shepherd’ he presides over a therapeutic worship
ritual.68 Leadership in the church can have an aura surrounding it and the pulpit has an iconic
function, often being regarded as ‘holy ground’69 because it ‘equates to the supremacy of the
Word’.70 The pastor or preacher can be seen as ‘God’s man’ or ‘a man of God’ and, because
of the association of this phrase with some of the prophets in the Old Testament, can have an
elevated status. 71 If the preacher effectively engages with the congregation then the preacher
himself can have an authentic iconic function as ‘a symbol of God’.72
Joel Edwards points to the pastoral message as being the climax of Black Pentecostal
worship when he explains that ‘everything builds up to the sermon’ in Afro-Caribbean Black
churches in the United Kingdom and that this importance is seen in the significant proportion
of time given to these messages ‘between forty and sixty minutes long’. He maintains that the
messages are meant not so much to be the presentation of a reasoned argument but rather that
the preacher ‘worships’ in giving the message so that his ‘worship’ is ‘caught’ by the
68 Ofori-Atta-Thomas, p. 65.69 Ofori-Atta-Thomas, p. 57.70 Edwards, 'The Pentecostal Distinctives', p. 89.71 Harold Dean Trulear, ‘The Lord Will Make a Way Somehow: Black Worship and the Afro-American Story.’, Journal of the Interdenominational Theological Center, 13 (1985), 87–104 (p. 100).72 Trulear, p. 100.
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congregation.73 Trulear concurs and describes that ‘in the ecstasy of the preaching event the
goodness of God is reaffirmed’.74
What is the authentic style in delivering the pastoral message? There is usually a high
level of verbal interaction in the bringing of the pastoral message which has been described in
terms of a dance between the preacher and the congregation.75 76 The expectation is that there
will be a verbal worship response from the congregation affirming that they agree and are
rejoicing with what the preacher is communicating. Preachers will often expect responses to
particular ‘calls’: ‘Can I have a witness?’, ‘Is anyone there?’, ‘Hello?’, ‘Are you with me?’ or
‘Say praise the Lord somebody!’ and can be responded to with shouts of ‘Amen!’’, ‘Preach
it!’ or ‘Bless him, Lord!’77 In addition, sometimes a preacher and congregation’s ‘mutual
awareness’ of a Bible text will create a ‘poignant’ connection.78 The preacher can also be an
interpreter for what has happened ‘spiritually’ in the service or what is happening during the
sermon or ‘what the Lord want to do’ by the end of the service and acts ‘as the catalyst of the
praising event’.79 The preacher will want there to be a real response to his message and for the
Lord ‘to move’, for example, the preaching of Black American Bishop Cox in Las Vegas is
described as ‘jubilistic, [...] impassioned, rhythmic, eliciting congregational response’80 and
not so much concerned with a reasoned argument about what the text might have meant to the
original hearers but with ‘its existential relevance to the lives of his parishioners’81 He also
sought to help with practical needs of the congregation and his ‘acts of kindness and
community concern contributed to an enduring legacy’ 82 and played his part in campaigning
73 Joel Edwards, ‘The Pulpit Response to Worship’, in Let’s Praise Him Again! (Eastbourne: Kingsway Publications, 1992), pp. 46–66 (p. 61).74 Trulear, p. 89.75 Edwards, ‘The Pulpit Response to Worship’, p. 53.76 Ofori-Atta-Thomas, p. 58.77 Sturge, p. 123.78 Edwards, ‘The Pulpit Response to Worship’, p. 54.79 Edwards, ‘The Pulpit Response to Worship’, p. 46.80 Steward, p. 59.81 Steward, p. 59.82 Steward, p. 55.
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for the abolition of local segregation laws.83 Indeed the dialogue with the congregation often
derives from an existing relationship between the congregation and minister which can flow
from a very practical pastoral ministry of the minister to the congregation outside of the
services and Root remarks on the ‘striking empathetic awareness’ of a minister to his
‘Westindian’ congregation in the United Kingdom.84 He suggests this reflects what he calls
‘the greater “human-ness” and emotional freedom’ of black culture but also the ‘absence of a
culture gap between minister and congregation’.85 In Jamaica, an ordained pastor is not
someone who has been trained but someone who has proven themselves as an ‘exhorter’, that
is someone who moves people to faith through preaching with prayer.86 Although the
congregations will normally have confidence in the truth of the exhorter’s message the
exhorter’s ‘performance’ in giving the message is important. 87 Here again there is the ‘ready
deployment of the call-and-response style of Afro-Carribean performance’.88 We have here a
reference to the fact the ‘call-and-response’ is found elsewhere in Afro-Carribean
performance culture pointing to its authenticity as an expression.
What are the distinctive authentic elements of the pastoral message that make it such a
key part of Black Pentecostal worship? Key things include: firstly, an acknowledgement of
the reality of “trouble”, difficulties and suffering in daily life; secondly, an affirmation of the
identity of the congregation, that is, they are made in the image of God and are His people;
and thirdly; a reminder of God’s immanence by the Holy Spirit to help overcome any
difficulties. 89 90 The exhortations can be so attuned to everyday lives that they are ‘as a
running commentary’ on those lives.91 In some churches there is a tendency ‘to be reticent
83 Steward, p. 65.84 Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism, p. 9.85 Root, Encountering West Indian Pentecostalism, p. 9 (emphasis mine).86 Austin-Broos, p. 158.87 Austin-Broos, p. 159.88 Austin-Broos, p. 161.89 Trulear, p. 89.90 Austin-Broos, p. 142.91 Austin-Broos, p. 161.
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about the expression of beliefs in ordinary conversation’.92 But Black Pentecostals tend to be
sure about what they believe and what they have to do, partly because of the interaction which
gives permission for the congregation ‘to approve or disapprove of what is said’93 and,
secondly, this can be because the leaders are more in touch with their congregations as their
knowledge is not ‘largely limited to college life’ but rather is built on practical experience
serving in a congregation?94
ALTAR RESPONSE AS BEING THE KEY AUTHENTIC EXPRESSION
The concept of a symbolic altar to which a preacher invites the congregation to come
forward to in order to ‘offer oneself to God’ has had a comparatively recent history. The altar
is a space in church ‘at the front’, sometimes in front of an ‘altar rail’ which will be in front of
the pulpit and can be represented by a ‘crude cushion on the floor’.95 This altar is not related
to the ‘table’ used in communion services, rather it is a conceptual place but one of response,
faith and commitment. 96 Finney is normally credited with, in the early nineteenth century,
beginning the practice of what became the ‘altar call’ when those wanting to receive the ‘new
birth’ would be invited to walk up to the front to the ‘penitent bench’ at the end of a revival
meeting.97 This practice was adopted by Pentecostals and extended to where, for example, it is
also used for believers who want to come as an act of consecration to offer their lives afresh
to God and to receive a new ‘infilling’ of the Holy Spirit and for its theological precedent they
have pointed to Old Testament narratives where an offering on an altar was presented at key
92 Martin D. Stringer, On the Perception of Worship: The Ethnography of Worship in Four Christian Congregations in Manchester (Birmingham: University of Birmingham Press, 1999), p. 173.93 Trulear, p. 96.94 Root, Encountering Westindian Pentecostalism, p. 10.95 Edwards, ‘The Pentecostal Distinctives’, p. 90.96 Edwards, ‘The Pentecostal Distinctives’, p. 90.97 Melvin E. Dieter, ‘Wesleyan-Holiness Aspects of Pentecostal Origins: A Mediated Through the Nineteenth-Century Holiness Revival’, in Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins, ed. by Vinson Synan (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1975), pp. 55–80 (p. 60).
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The authenticity of Black Pentecostal Worship as theology and cultural expression - Neil J Barker
points on life’s journey .98 Therefore, an ‘altar-call’ usually happens at the end of the service
and people go to the ‘altar’ ‘for prayer for conversion, healing, baptism in the Sprit, or some
other ‘blessing’’99. These times, when music can be played and songs sung, can be times of
‘considerable emotional intensity with dancing in the Spirit, groaning, going into paroxsyms
and trances’. 100 For Tomberlin, a white Pentecostal, ‘the altar’ should be the centre of
Pentecostal worship.101 From the description above this can be arguably the most significant
time spiritually for a member of the congregation who goes to the ‘altar’ and, also, perhaps
for other members as they are involved in the prayer for those at the ‘altar’. Albrecht notes in
his study that the ‘altar rite’ has an ‘empowering effect’ with the sense of anticipation rising
from the time when the pastoral message has ended. 102 This sense of anticipation points to a
climax being reached in the service with the ‘altar response’. However, the description of the
altar responses of the churches in Albrecht’s study seems less dramatic than those that have
been described in Black Pentecostal worship. In Jamaica a Black Pentecostal kneeling at the
altar rail for a filling of the Sprit could be accompanied by involuntary twitchings which
would be sign to the everyone that the Spirit was at work, and which could lead to
convulsions sometimes which have been seen to ‘throw a person to the ground’.103 These
outward manifestations, then, are understood to be authentic signs that the ‘Spirit of God’ is at
work.
What is authentic about the altar response? The altar response is about the immanence
of God which is reflected both in the Pentecostal theology of God coming into lives by his
Spirit and also in a ‘deep sense of the pervasive reality of the spirit world’ of the Black
religious community.104 The religion of the ‘spirituals’ was also concerned directly with daily
98 Tomberlin, pp.1-30.99 Root, Encountering Westindian Pentecostalism, p. 21.100 Root, Encountering Westindian Pentecostalism, p. 21.101 Tomberlin, p. 2.102 Albrecht, p. 168.103 Austin-Broos, pp. 143-144.104 Wilmore quoted in MacRobert, p. 29.
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life and this focus has it authentic roots in African music which was ‘not an artistic creation
for its own sake; it was directly related to daily life, work and play.’105 Cone argues that
‘white religion taught blacks to look for their reward in heaven […] (while) black slaves were
in fact carving out a new style of earthly freedom’106 and that ’the spirituals […] show us the
essence of black religion, that is, the experience of trying to be free in the midst of a
“powerful lot of tribulation”’.107 We will argue that the ‘altar’ is an authentic place where
Black Pentecostals find God empowering them to find a way through their everyday
‘troubles’ which reflects one key aspect of the religion of the ‘spirituals’.
The altar is also the place where the ‘solidarity’ of the community is expressed as it
prays for one other.108 Sometimes the congregation will be invited to stretch out a hand to
those who are at the ‘altar’ as a symbolic request for God to bless them and meet their needs
and Albrecht maintains that ‘the presence of and interaction with fellow worshippers helps to
intensify the rites and their effect on the ritualists’.109 He explains that it ‘is as though they see
through their fellow worshippers as through windows. They recognised in each other their
object of worship’.110 We see here an authentic ‘icon’ being appropriated in this part of the
service.
Len Anglin raises the question of whether ‘the black church is guilty of equating
emotionalism with Spirit-filled worship?’111 In particular is that which is experienced at the
‘altar’ authentic? Black Pentecostals would see the involuntary movements at the altar, even
where there may be an emotionally-charged atmosphere, as ‘objective’ evidence that the
Spirit is at work. In fact, as we have noted, in traditional Pentecostalism the ecstatic speaking
105 Cone, p. 30.106 Cone, p. 28.107 Cone, p. 29.108 Albrecht, p. 169.109 Albrecht, p. 149.110 Albrecht, p. 147.111 Anglin, p. 111.
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in tongues is seen rather as one of the objective signs that a person has the Spirit of God
authentically living within them.
AUTHENTICITY AND WORSHIP
We have sought to show why each part of Black Pentecostal worship; Worship and
Praise including dance and movement, the Pastoral Message and the Altar Response can be
seen as vitally authentic, both theologically and with regard to culture expression and to give
possible reasons for considering each of them as the key authentic expression in Black
Pentecostal worship. It is interesting to note that these three ‘rites’ can be linked with DuBois’
three characteristics of the ‘religion of the slave’ specifically, the Music, the Preacher, and the
Frenzy.112 We could identify ‘the Music’ with the Worship and Praise, ‘the Preacher’ with the
Pastoral Message, and ‘the Frenzy’ with the Altar Response. Now, of course, there are
overlaps and although music will mainly feature in the first part it will sometimes feature
during the message or in the altar response. And although there will be an expectation for
there to be ecstatic emotions, shaking and groanings during the altar response these can, for
example, occur towards the climactic end of a sermon. But it does point to the fact that all
three parts of the service are needed to display these characteristics. Furthermore, Wimberly
identifies ‘three impulses that lie at the base of Black Christian worship’ which are; the need
for wholeness, the need for a positive self-image and the need to respond the immanence of
God and, once again, we want to argue that the whole service functions to fulfil these needs.113
Worship and Praise is the time when wholeness and wellbeing can be experienced, the
Pastoral Message the time when the pastor affirms to the congregation that they are God’s
children and that He is with them, and the Altar Response is a specific time to respond to the
felt presence of God. Furthermore, Leonard Lovett maintains that in authentic Black
112 Trulear, p. 88.113 Wimberly, pp. 196–7.
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Pentecostalism ‘religious experience is given primacy’114 which ultimately comes by being
touched by the Holy Spirit and we have seen in each of three main ‘rites’ that ‘experience’ is
a key feature. So we argue that all three parts of the worship are needed to provide a rich
authentic Black Pentecostal liturgy which expresses all its distinctive dimensions.
We have seen that Black Pentecostalism has been successful and powerful in the midst
of very difficult times because of its authenticity. So we can see the value in worship being
authentic. But there are critics of the strong authenticity of Black Pentecostal worship. This
has been concerning the propensity towards separatism that a strongly defined authenticity
implicitly tends to produce. Even the term ‘black church’ has given rise to ‘resistance and
repulsion because of its separatist and discriminatory overtones against other races.115 Here we
can understand Joel Edwards when he cautions against preachers (leaders and ministers)
being indifferent to other cultures.116 In fact Edwards go as far as to say that Black
Pentecostals need to reassess both its cultural influences and its understanding of
spirituality.117 However, Edwards’ grand project seems to be looking for a ‘universal
spirituality’ which will ‘embrace all cultures’.118 For this he will have to ask all churches to do
what he is asking Black Pentecostals to do. This seems to be ending up as a call for
uniformity rather than ‘unity in diversity’ which could have a negative effect on authentic
cultural expression and on a congregation making vital faith connections with the worship.
However, one ‘dilemma’ facing the whole Black Community is what to do about the
generational divide and, in particular, the Hop Hop culture?119 Osagyefo Uhuru Sekou argues
114 Leonard Lovett, ‘Ethics in Prophetic Mode - Reflections of an Afro-Pentecostal Radical’, in Afro-Pentecostalism: Black Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in history and culture, ed. by Amos Yong and Estrelda Alexander, Religion, Race, and Ethnicity Series (New York; London: New York University Press, 2011), pp. 153–165 (p. 162).115 Arlington Trotman, ‘Black, Black-led or What?’, in Let’s Praise Him Again! (Eastbourne: Kingsway Publications, 1992), pp. 12–35 (p. 21).116 Edwards, 'The Pulpit Response to Worship', p. 50,51.117 Edwards, ‘The Pentecostal Distinctives’, p. 86.118 Edwards, ‘The Pentecostal Distinctives’, p. 87.119 The Black Church and Hip-Hop Culture: Toward Bridging the Generational Divide, ed. by Emmett G. Price (Scarecrow Press, 2011), p. xii.
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that ‘if the Black Church is to remain relevant to the twenty-first century, it must ponder its
relationship to Hip Hop, youth activism, and young people.’120 If, Christian worship should be
authentic, in theological and cultural expression, what does that look like when, within a
particular congregation, there are young people who are influenced by a different culture to
their parents and older members in a congregation? Should Black Pentecostal worship adapt
to include elements of this cultural expression, for example, instead of a choir have some
Christian rappers? Edwards also seems to be concerned about carrying on using particular
cultural styles that have been inherited when he writes that, ‘The responsible minister must
therefore at least attempt to separate culture from true worship’.121 It follows from this that
there must be an awareness of when something is an inherited cultural style. Nevertheless, it
is not clear what styles Edwards is suggesting should be separated out as every church will
have its own traditions. However, it is necessary to be aware of cultural developments that are
going to influence and impact congregations if churches are going to avoid the danger of
‘fossilisation’ where a church becomes irrelevant and ‘out of touch’ without realising it.122
CONCLUSION
We have identified that Black Pentecostal Worship is distinctive and has had a huge
impact because of its theological and cultural authenticity, in particular, being true and being
formed by the African-American experience as well as being shaped by interaction with
different theological movements. It has a distinctive and significant but, due to its strong
authenticity, a limited ‘appeal’ although outside of the Black Pentecostal community it is
widely appreciated as being something clearly authentic and as ‘strong’ worship. We have
seen that, even though to the visitor the services may seem chaotic, there is in fact, a clear
120 Price, p. 156.121 Edwards, ‘The Pulpit Response to Worship’, p. 50. 122 Graham Cray, Mission-shaped Church: Church Planting and Fresh Expressions of Church in a Changing Context (Church House Publishing, 2009), p. 13.
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direct intention and direction to the services. In addition, even though the worship is not
‘liturgical’ we have seen some authentic elements of the service that have an ‘iconic’
function; sights, sounds and movement communicate different meanings to help the
worshippers. Black Pentecostal Worship, therefore, points to the value of authentic
theological and cultural expression in Christian worship, in particular, a high level of
participation and commitment from the congregation and also as something which gives
renewed energy and hope to sustain them in their day-to-day lives.
With have seen the challenges for Black Pentecostal worship, which we have
identified as implicit in the fact that it is a strongly authentic movement, as being how to
‘move things on’ with time, ‘adapting’ to changes in the cultures with which the church is in
contact and how to maintain an appreciation for other worship practices in the wider Christian
community. However, both are important challenges for the development of contemporary
Christian worship in all traditions.
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